@phdthesis{dayton_grammatical_1996,
	title = {Grammatical categories of the verb in {African}-{American} {Vernacular} {English}},
	url = {http://repository.upenn.edu/dissertations/AAI9712915},
	school = {University of Pennsylvania},
	author = {Dayton, Elizabeth},
	month = jan,
	year = {1996},
	keywords = {Perfective done},
}

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.

@book{green_african_2002,
	address = {Cambridge},
	title = {African {American} {English}: {A} linguistic introduction},
	isbn = {978-0-521-81449-2 978-0-521-89138-7},
	shorttitle = {African {American} {English}},
	abstract = {"This authoritative introduction to African American English (AAE) is the first textbook to look at the grammar as a whole. Clearly organized, it describes patterns in the sentence structure, sound system, word formation and word use in AAE. The book uses linguistic description and data from conversation to explain that AAE is not a compilation of random deviations from mainstream English but that it is a rule-governed system. The textbook examines topics such as education, speech events in the secular and religious world, and the use of language in literature and the media to create black images. This much-needed book includes exercises to accompany each chapter and will be essential reading for students in linguistics, education, anthropology, African American studies and literature."--BOOK JACKET},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	author = {Green, Lisa J.},
	year = {2002},
	keywords = {African Americans, Bare got, Black English, Dialects, English language, Finna, Languages, Negative concord, Negative inversion, Split subjects, Stressed BIN, United States, Variation},
}

"This authoritative introduction to African American English (AAE) is the first textbook to look at the grammar as a whole. Clearly organized, it describes patterns in the sentence structure, sound system, word formation and word use in AAE. The book uses linguistic description and data from conversation to explain that AAE is not a compilation of random deviations from mainstream English but that it is a rule-governed system. The textbook examines topics such as education, speech events in the secular and religious world, and the use of language in literature and the media to create black images. This much-needed book includes exercises to accompany each chapter and will be essential reading for students in linguistics, education, anthropology, African American studies and literature."–BOOK JACKET

@article{green_aspectual_2000,
	title = {Aspectual be-type constructions and coercion in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {8},
	issn = {0925-854X},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/23748550},
	abstract = {This paper examines aspectual be—type constructions in African American English. These constructions receive a habitual interpretation, but they are distinguished from simple tense generics in that they are not ambiguous between generic/habitual and capacity readings. The analysis proposed to account for these constructions is one in which aspectual be neutralizes the distinction between stage- and individual-level predicates. Following Kratzer (1995), I assume that stage-level predicates have a separate event argument associated with them, but individual-level predicates do not. Aspectual be forces individual-level predicates to take an eventuality argument which coerces them into stage-level predicates. The logical representations of these constructions are given a tripartite structure in which a habitual operator binds variables ranging over eventualities. The analysis can be extended to account for constructions in which permanently stable entities indicated by bare plural subjects occur with be—type predicates. The solution proposed here accounts for some well-known properties of aspectual be that have not been discussed in the literature.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2017-04-06},
	journal = {Natural Language Semantics},
	author = {Green, Lisa},
	year = {2000},
	keywords = {Stressed BIN},
	pages = {1--25},
}

This paper examines aspectual be—type constructions in African American English. These constructions receive a habitual interpretation, but they are distinguished from simple tense generics in that they are not ambiguous between generic/habitual and capacity readings. The analysis proposed to account for these constructions is one in which aspectual be neutralizes the distinction between stage- and individual-level predicates. Following Kratzer (1995), I assume that stage-level predicates have a separate event argument associated with them, but individual-level predicates do not. Aspectual be forces individual-level predicates to take an eventuality argument which coerces them into stage-level predicates. The logical representations of these constructions are given a tripartite structure in which a habitual operator binds variables ranging over eventualities. The analysis can be extended to account for constructions in which permanently stable entities indicated by bare plural subjects occur with be—type predicates. The solution proposed here accounts for some well-known properties of aspectual be that have not been discussed in the literature.

@article{green_study_1995,
	title = {Study of verb classes in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {7},
	issn = {0898-5898},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0898589895900209},
	doi = {10.1016/0898-5898(95)90020-9},
	abstract = {This article presents a description of two classes of verbs, auxiliaries and aspectual markers, in African American English. The auxiliaries be, do, and have can bear negation, move to the front of the sentence in yes/no questions, and delete in yes/no questions. The aspectual markers be, BIN, done, and be done do not undergo such processes, but they assign aspectual meaning to the sentences in which they occur. The discussion of the verb classes in this article focuses on patterns of the auxiliary system as a whole, and highlights the generalization that speakers of the dialect make when they use this system. The description shows that the language system is rule governed, and it also presents some meaning differences between forms in African American English and Standard American English.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2017-04-06},
	journal = {Linguistics and Education},
	author = {Green, Lisa},
	month = jan,
	year = {1995},
	keywords = {Stressed BIN},
	pages = {65--81},
}

This article presents a description of two classes of verbs, auxiliaries and aspectual markers, in African American English. The auxiliaries be, do, and have can bear negation, move to the front of the sentence in yes/no questions, and delete in yes/no questions. The aspectual markers be, BIN, done, and be done do not undergo such processes, but they assign aspectual meaning to the sentences in which they occur. The discussion of the verb classes in this article focuses on patterns of the auxiliary system as a whole, and highlights the generalization that speakers of the dialect make when they use this system. The description shows that the language system is rule governed, and it also presents some meaning differences between forms in African American English and Standard American English.

@article{green_remote_1998,
	title = {Remote past and states in {African}-{American} {English}},
	volume = {73},
	issn = {0003-1283},
	url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/455736},
	doi = {10.2307/455736},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2017-04-06},
	journal = {American Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa},
	year = {1998},
	keywords = {Stressed BIN},
	pages = {115--138},
}

@book{green_african_2002-1,
	address = {Cambridge},
	title = {African {American} {English}: {A} linguistic introduction},
	isbn = {978-0-521-81449-2 978-0-521-89138-7},
	shorttitle = {African {American} {English}},
	abstract = {"This authoritative introduction to African American English (AAE) is the first textbook to look at the grammar as a whole. Clearly organized, it describes patterns in the sentence structure, sound system, word formation and word use in AAE. The book uses linguistic description and data from conversation to explain that AAE is not a compilation of random deviations from mainstream English but that it is a rule-governed system. The textbook examines topics such as education, speech events in the secular and religious world, and the use of language in literature and the media to create black images. This much-needed book includes exercises to accompany each chapter and will be essential reading for students in linguistics, education, anthropology, African American studies and literature."--BOOK JACKET},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	author = {Green, Lisa J.},
	year = {2002},
	keywords = {African Americans, Bare got, Black English, Dialects, English language, Finna, Languages, Negative concord, Negative inversion, Split subjects, Stressed BIN, United States, Variation},
}

"This authoritative introduction to African American English (AAE) is the first textbook to look at the grammar as a whole. Clearly organized, it describes patterns in the sentence structure, sound system, word formation and word use in AAE. The book uses linguistic description and data from conversation to explain that AAE is not a compilation of random deviations from mainstream English but that it is a rule-governed system. The textbook examines topics such as education, speech events in the secular and religious world, and the use of language in literature and the media to create black images. This much-needed book includes exercises to accompany each chapter and will be essential reading for students in linguistics, education, anthropology, African American studies and literature."–BOOK JACKET

@unpublished{harris_stressed_2013,
	address = {New Haven, CT: Yale University},
	type = {Qualifying paper},
	title = {Stressed {BIN} {BIN} causing stress: {A} formal semantic and pragmatic account of the focused remote perfect marker in {AAE}},
	author = {Harris, Alysia Nicole},
	year = {2013},
	keywords = {Stressed BIN},
}

@article{jones_toward_2015,
	title = {Toward a {Description} of {African} {American} {Vernacular} {English} {Dialect} {Regions} {Using} “{Black} {Twitter}”},
	volume = {90},
	issn = {0003-1283},
	url = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/american-speech/article/90/4/403/5470/Toward-a-Description-of-African-American},
	doi = {10.1215/00031283-3442117},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-10-19},
	journal = {American Speech},
	author = {Jones, Taylor},
	month = nov,
	year = {2015},
	pages = {403--440},
}

@incollection{labov_coexistent_1998,
	address = {London},
	title = {Coexistent systems in {African}-{American} vernacular {English}},
	isbn = {978-0-415-11732-6 978-0-415-11733-3},
	booktitle = {African-{American} {English}: {Structure}, history, and use},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Labov, William},
	editor = {Mufwene, Salikoko S. and Rickford, John R. and Bailey, Guy and Baugh, John},
	year = {1998},
	keywords = {African Americans, Americanisms, Black English, English language, Language, Social aspects, Stressed BIN, United States},
	pages = {110--153},
}

@book{labov_language_1972,
	address = {Philadelphia},
	series = {University of {Pennsylvania} publications in conduct and communication},
	title = {Language in the inner city: studies in the {Black} {English} {Vernacular}},
	isbn = {978-0-8122-7658-9},
	number = {3},
	publisher = {University of Pennsylvania Press},
	author = {Labov, William},
	year = {1972},
	keywords = {African Americans, Black English, Dialects, English language, Language, Multicultural education, Perfective done, Sociolinguistics, United States},
}

@article{mayeux_syntax_2024,
	title = {The syntax of {African} {American} {English} borrowings in the {Louisiana} {Creole} tense-mood-aspect system},
	copyright = {De Gruyter expressly reserves the right to use all content for commercial text and data mining within the meaning of Section 44b of the German Copyright Act.},
	issn = {2199-174X},
	url = {https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/lingvan-2023-0148/html},
	doi = {10.1515/lingvan-2023-0148},
	abstract = {This paper presents the typologically unusual case of borrowed tense-mood-aspect morphemes. Data are taken from Louisiana Creole, a critically endangered French-lexifier creole. Over the course of its history, Louisiana Creole has been in contact with local varieties of both French and English, including African American English. It will be shown that points of structural congruity between Louisiana Creole and African American English have facilitated the borrowing of two aspect markers for speakers competent in both varieties. African American English stressed BIN has been borrowed and marks remote past habitual, stative, and completive. The adverb still has been borrowed and subsequently has grammaticalized as a continuative marker via spec-to-head reanalysis. These borrowings are integrated into the inflectional domain as functional heads marking aspect. Their ordering constraints are evaluated relative to a previous hierarchy proposed by Rottet. Discussion of contact-induced change in creole languages has typically been confined to examination of interactions with the lexifier, the language which contributes the majority of a creole’s vocabulary (in this case, French). Fewer studies have presented detailed accounts of how creoles behave when in contact with other languages, meaning that this particular contact context remains undertheorized.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Linguistics Vanguard},
	author = {Mayeux, Oliver},
	month = jun,
	year = {2024},
	keywords = {borrowing, creole languages, grammaticalization, language contact, syntactic change},
}

This paper presents the typologically unusual case of borrowed tense-mood-aspect morphemes. Data are taken from Louisiana Creole, a critically endangered French-lexifier creole. Over the course of its history, Louisiana Creole has been in contact with local varieties of both French and English, including African American English. It will be shown that points of structural congruity between Louisiana Creole and African American English have facilitated the borrowing of two aspect markers for speakers competent in both varieties. African American English stressed BIN has been borrowed and marks remote past habitual, stative, and completive. The adverb still has been borrowed and subsequently has grammaticalized as a continuative marker via spec-to-head reanalysis. These borrowings are integrated into the inflectional domain as functional heads marking aspect. Their ordering constraints are evaluated relative to a previous hierarchy proposed by Rottet. Discussion of contact-induced change in creole languages has typically been confined to examination of interactions with the lexifier, the language which contributes the majority of a creole’s vocabulary (in this case, French). Fewer studies have presented detailed accounts of how creoles behave when in contact with other languages, meaning that this particular contact context remains undertheorized.

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.

@incollection{rickford_carrying_1975,
	address = {Washington, DC},
	title = {Carrying the new wave into syntax: {The} case of {Black} {English} {BÍN}},
	isbn = {978-0-87840-207-6},
	booktitle = {Analyzing variation in language: {Papers} from the second {Colloquium} on {New} {Ways} of {Analyzing} {Variation}},
	publisher = {Georgetown University Press},
	author = {Rickford, John R.},
	editor = {Fasold, Ralph W. and Shuy, Roger W.},
	year = {1975},
	keywords = {Language and languages, Languages in contact, Sign language, Stressed BIN, Variation},
	pages = {162--183},
}

@article{sobin_lexical_2024,
	title = {The lexical source of \textit{{BIN}} and habitual \textit{be} in {\textless}span style="font-variant:small-caps;"{\textgreater}{African} {American} {English}{\textless}/span{\textgreater}},
	issn = {1368-0005, 1467-9612},
	shorttitle = {The lexical source of \textit{{BIN}} and habitual \textit{be} in {\textless}span style="font-variant},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/synt.12269},
	doi = {10.1111/synt.12269},
	abstract = {Abstract 
             
              Although various works on African American English (AAE) offer significant and insightful analyses of the semantic interpretation of its aspectual elements, including in particular stressed remote past 
              BIN 
              and habitual 
              be 
              ( 
              be 
              hab 
              ), the syntactic analysis of these elements is problematic. 
              BIN 
              and 
              be 
              hab 
              are claimed to be invariant lexical elements with fixed semantic values, and to not interact with INFL (Tense) as auxiliaries do, thus not displaying subject–verb agreement or undergoing any operations typical of finite auxiliaries. However, considerations including syntactic positioning, accompanying auxiliaries, patterns of verb affixation, and the formation of active and passive sentences point instead to 
              BIN 
              and 
              be 
              hab 
              being in most instances phonetic manifestations of any of the various ordinary auxiliary verbs 
              be 
              (progressive, passive, and copular), elements of the system of auxiliaries common to both AAE and Mainstream American English (MAE). The surface forms 
              BIN 
              and 
              be 
              are sufficient to trigger their special meanings in logical representation. Semantically dedicated lexical elements are unnecessary. The various interpretations of sentences containing these forms are due to constructional semantic interpretation of various combinations of surface elements. This analysis further reveals the existence of another AAE innovation, a fourth auxiliary verb 
              be 
              unique to AAE indicating simple past.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Syntax},
	author = {Sobin, Nicholas},
	month = feb,
	year = {2024},
	pages = {synt.12269},
}

Abstract Although various works on African American English (AAE) offer significant and insightful analyses of the semantic interpretation of its aspectual elements, including in particular stressed remote past BIN and habitual be ( be hab ), the syntactic analysis of these elements is problematic. BIN and be hab are claimed to be invariant lexical elements with fixed semantic values, and to not interact with INFL (Tense) as auxiliaries do, thus not displaying subject–verb agreement or undergoing any operations typical of finite auxiliaries. However, considerations including syntactic positioning, accompanying auxiliaries, patterns of verb affixation, and the formation of active and passive sentences point instead to BIN and be hab being in most instances phonetic manifestations of any of the various ordinary auxiliary verbs be (progressive, passive, and copular), elements of the system of auxiliaries common to both AAE and Mainstream American English (MAE). The surface forms BIN and be are sufficient to trigger their special meanings in logical representation. Semantically dedicated lexical elements are unnecessary. The various interpretations of sentences containing these forms are due to constructional semantic interpretation of various combinations of surface elements. This analysis further reveals the existence of another AAE innovation, a fourth auxiliary verb be unique to AAE indicating simple past.

@article{whitmal_deriving_2022,
	title = {Deriving a complex {BIN} through adverbial {BIN} complexes},
	volume = {7},
	copyright = {http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0},
	issn = {2473-8689},
	url = {https://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/PLSA/article/view/5288},
	doi = {10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5288},
	abstract = {Work by Green (1998) discusses 3 sub-types of stressed BIN in African American English (AAE): stative, habitual, and completive. BIN constructions that co-occur with temporal adverbials exhibit limited grammaticality, with each sub-type differing in how they interact with these adverbials. Non-BIN constructions that involve multiple instances in the same clause of adverbials of the same class exhibit restrictions that resemble BIN + adverbial data. Drawing on works that analyze BIN as a remote past marker (Rickford 1975, Green 1998) and on works connecting adverbial position to interpretation (Ernst 2020), I argue that BIN is an adverbial itself that situates the initiation of an eventuality in the remote past. This adverbial BIN, in concert with certain combinations of tense and aspect, forms a complex that makes up the canonical BIN construction.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America},
	author = {Whitmal, Ayana},
	month = may,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {5288},
}

Work by Green (1998) discusses 3 sub-types of stressed BIN in African American English (AAE): stative, habitual, and completive. BIN constructions that co-occur with temporal adverbials exhibit limited grammaticality, with each sub-type differing in how they interact with these adverbials. Non-BIN constructions that involve multiple instances in the same clause of adverbials of the same class exhibit restrictions that resemble BIN + adverbial data. Drawing on works that analyze BIN as a remote past marker (Rickford 1975, Green 1998) and on works connecting adverbial position to interpretation (Ernst 2020), I argue that BIN is an adverbial itself that situates the initiation of an eventuality in the remote past. This adverbial BIN, in concert with certain combinations of tense and aspect, forms a complex that makes up the canonical BIN construction.

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.

@article{green_range_2022,
	title = {Range in the {Use} and {Realization} of \textit{{BIN}} in {African} {American} {English}},
	volume = {65},
	issn = {0023-8309, 1756-6053},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00238309221111201},
	doi = {10.1177/00238309221111201},
	abstract = {This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-07-19},
	journal = {Language and Speech},
	author = {Green, Lisa and Yu, Kristine M. and Neal, Anissa and Whitmal, Ayana and Powe, Tamira and Özyıldız, Deniz},
	month = dec,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {958--1006},
}

This paper jointly considers syntactic, semantic, and phonological/phonetic factors in approaching an understanding of BIN, a remote past marker in African American English that has been described as “stressed.” It brings together data from the Corpus of Regional African American Language (CORAAL) and a production study in a small African American English-speaking community in southwest Louisiana to investigate the use and phonetic realization of BIN constructions. Only 20 instances of BIN constructions were found in CORAAL. This sparsity was not simply due to a dearth of semantic contexts for BIN in the interviews, since 122 instances of semantically equivalent been + temporal adverbial variants were also found. These results raise questions about the extent to which BIN constructions and been + temporal adverbial variants are used in different pragmatic and discourse contexts as well as in different speech styles. The production study elicited BIN and past participle been constructions in controlled syntactic and semantic environments. The phonetic realization of BIN was found to be distributed over the entire utterance rather than localized to BIN. BIN utterances were distinguished from past participle been utterances by having higher ratios of fundamental frequency (F0), intensity, and duration in BIN/ been relative to preceding and following material in the utterance. In both studies, BIN utterances were generally realized with a high F0 peak on BIN and a reduced F0 range in the post- BIN region, with variability in the presence and kinds of F0 movements utterance-initially and utterance-finally, as well as in F0 downtrends in the post- BIN region.