, 34(1): 77–100. April 1997.\n
\n
@article{gulin_morlacchism_1997,\n\ttitle = {Morlacchism between {Enlightenment} and {Romanticism}},\n\tvolume = {34},\n\tissn = {0547-2504, 1848-865X},\n\turl = {https://hrcak.srce.hr/43687},\n\tabstract = {The author uses the accounts on the Morlacchi together with extensive literature and studies on the Morlacchism in order to introduce a new perspective. Broader context of explanation is framed with the notion of the European "other" as a new intellectual attitude towards some parts of the same continent in the eighteenth century. The issues of identification and self-identification are set within that context, and this construct also implies the relations of power. In the case of Morlacchi, both synchronic and diachronic dimensions of the notion of "other" are intriguing and disputable enough to provoke the use and reconsideration of traditional sources in an innovative way},\n\tlanguage = {en},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\turldate = {2025-04-07},\n\tjournal = {Narodna umjetnost : hrvatski časopis za etnologiju i folkloristiku},\n\tauthor = {Gulin, Valentina},\n\tmonth = apr,\n\tyear = {1997},\n\tnote = {Etnologinja i povjesničarka Valentina Gulin daje novu perspektivu na istraživanje Morlaka i fenomena „morlakizma“ šireći interpretacijski okvir na pojam europskog „Drugog“ koji povjesničar Larry Wolff promovira kao novi intelektualni stav prema istočnom dijelu europskog kontinenta u 18. stoljeću. Cilj joj je razmotriti pitanja identifikacije (Alberto Fortis) i samoidentifikacije (Ivan Lovrić i Julije Bajamonti) što uključuje i promjenu odnosa moći tj. civilizacije i barbarstva. Gulin koristi metodologiju kulturne antropologije u kontekstu p.-a. Naglašava da je u to doba „posjedovanje znanja o drugima postalo novi način osvajanja i dominacije u svijetu“. Putopisi su bili medij za ta nova osvajanja. Prosvjetiteljski putopisci otkrivali su na svojim putovanjima druge, ali i sebe uzimajući si za pravo postavljati civilizacijske standarde. Fortis i Lovrić prosuđuju morlačke običaje i karakter, ali u svakoj atribuciji otkrivaju svoj vrijednosni sustav: Fortis je prosvjetiteljski filantrop, a Lovrić lokalni patriot koji govori o svojim sunarodnjacima. Gulin koristi termin „prosvjetiteljski um“ kao odrednicu zapadnoeuropskog kulturnog identiteta koji diskurzivno uspostavlja dominaciju nad svijetom. Rad je iznimno koristan za kulturno-antropološku interpretaciju p.-a. Ograničenje je što ne proširuje izbor već postojećih putopisa. (TSB)},\n\tpages = {77--100},\n\tannote = {BILJEŠKE\n“In the year 1774, Alberto Fortis published his work Put po Dalmaciji [Travelling across Dalmatia], containing a chapter named "Manners of the” (Gulin, 1997, p. 77)\n“The paper was presented at the multidisciplinary conference of the Croatian-French historic workshop "Hrvatska na razmeđu prosvjetiteljstva i romantizma. Mentaliteti, ideologije i protomodernizacija". Zagreb, March 1996.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 77)\n“Fortis was an advocate of the Enlightenment and physiocratic ideas” (Gulin, 1997, p. 78)\n“He was a writer of pre-Romantic sensibility and orientation.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 78)\n“Lovrić belongs to a circle of intellectuals of Enlightenment and Racionalist thought. He appeals to the truth, condemns superstition and prejudice, criticizes traditional institutions — especially the Church and the activities of its subjects — analyzes the causes of misery and the neglected state of the Morlacchi, and suggests radical changes.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 78)\n“Lovrić is also engaged in pre-Romantic issues, which can be primarily seen in approaching and dealing with Morlach poetry. His works initiated a public debate with regard to some issues. He was mostly attacked and criticized by the ecclestiastic (Franciscan) circles, but also by others from domestic and foreign (Italian) public.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 78)\n“Morlacchi".2 Two years later, Ivan Lovrić publishes his Bilješke o putu po Dalmaciji opata Alberta Fortisa [Notes on Travelling across Dalmatia by the Abbot Alberto Fortis], The volume contains a more detailed description of the life of Morlacchi together with a supplement, an outlaw (hajduk)7, biography Život Stanislava Sočivice [The Life of Stanislav Sočivica].4 Julije Bajamonti joined them with his discussion Morlaštvo Homera [Homer's Morlacehism] (1797).5 Those three texts are the basis for this discussion of the eighteenth-century Croatia” (Gulin, 1997, p. 78)\n“When talking about Europe, what one should have in mind are the elite intellectual circles of scientists and authors who contributed in the creation and in the life of the new spiritual environment of the late eighteenth and the early nineteenth centuries.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 79)\n“The re-conceptualization of Europe took place between the Renaissance and the Enlightenment, together with the shift of the centres of power from the south (Italian cities) towards the west, "... the old lands of barbarism and backwardness in the north were correspondingly displaced to the east" (Wolff 1994:5). Wolff calls the connection of geographic discoveries and the introduction of the world with the intellectual perception of the same "mental mapping" and "philosophic geography"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 79)\n“he potential ways of understanding of those texts are numerous, and depend on the question asked, the different context of explanation, and the time we live in. Underneath the layers of ethnographic materials and the microworld of the Morlacchi, a world of the eighteenth century Hurope arises” (Gulin, 1997, p. 79)\n“Old Europe, new barbarians” (Gulin, 1997, p. 79)\n“The principle of defining through binary oppositions us-them, the civilized-the barbarians is a fact of the historical continuity,7 but the perception and the geographic spreading of this definition have changed through time.8 The eighteenth century imago mundi was leaving less space to the Heaven and the God-Man relationship. It was formed by the World and the Man-Man relationship. Numerous people of different skin colours, different cultures and societies and their parallel existence have imposed new questions. The intellectual conceptualization of the world has still preserved the relationship between barbarism and civilization in its” (Gulin, 1997, p. 79)\n“For the Enlighteners, the barbarians were the ones who did not know ratio (mind, science), who did not use it. I am citing one of the possible conceptions of the civilization from the mid eighteenth century simply to give an example: "Mirabeau used the word in both economic and cultural context, associating civilization with the increase of wealth and the refinement of manners" (Wolff 1994:123). The civilization-barbarism duality is the mode of perception and classification, although the eighteenth century conception of the world also included the thought about the principle equality of all people (Stagl 1995:163—164)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“the itinerary/travel literature describes the differences ("rhetorique de I'alterite"). Itineraries are very pliable for analysis, "... it is here that we find the traveller/author describing whatever he and his audience (or readers) conceive as being 'other' when compared to what things are like at home. (...) It is here that other cultures and other societies are set up in contrast to the traveller's own. (...) one can find the boundaries and distinctions between 'here' and 'there', between 'us' and 'them', which make travel accounts such an excellent source for the study of conceptions of space and cultural as well as social identity and diversity"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“very essence” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“the value characterization of barbarism is double-sided: the barbarians are natural, untouched by the civilization and unspoiled (original, old); the barbarians are uneducated and backward. Europe would walk towards them in its stroll from the Enlightenment to the Romanticism, in order to study them, to evaluate them, to civilize (Europeanize) them, and to enjoy them almost in a tourist manner. Wars have been replaced with science.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“Possessing the knowledge about others has become a new way of conquering and dominating the world” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“The travel accounts are the expression of this new way of conquering the world” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“The travel writers tend to be objective, but they do conceptualize everything they see within the framework of their own ideas and the world view of their time.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“A travel writer discovers the others, but at the same time, "he" himself is discovered through the very descriptions and comparations he makes and through the distinctions he points out.11 The author leans on the previously established boundaries of differentiating, which makes the condition for something to be evaluated (Harbsmeier 1995:27)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“The noted differences of the known world made a challenge for the Enlightenment mind to discover and understand the order of the world” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“The mind and nature form a unit, and the adoration of nature as a principle of mind produces interest for "natural" (primitive, wild, barbarian) peoples. The movements of history through the time dimension was re-thought, the civilization versus the mode of "uncivilized" life (as natural and original) was re-thought, the questions of progress and” (Gulin, 1997, p. 80)\n“"The progress of civilization does not increase, but decreases hapiness and virtues of people; in order to make people happy and virtuous we have to go the opposite direction, people should be brought back to nature artificially, through breeding" (Rousseau, cited from Stojkovic 1929:256). Rousseau's thesis was that the human capability of perfection and the development of mind and society had dragged man out of his natural conditions (in which he was happy and virtuous), and that civilization and culture had corrupted him; the original humanity and life harmony were being lost” (Gulin, 1997, p. 81)\n“For the discoverers, people are per excellance peasants; they live close to the nature, they were less influenced by foreigners and they had preserved their original customs longer than the others" (Burke 1991:31).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 81)\n“decadence were raised, and the doubt was added to the scienc” (Gulin, 1997, p. 81)\n“Rousseau created the notion of "noble savage", animated him with physical features, character and moral virtues and released him so that everyone who might have had any interest could have found him. The wilder and closer, the better.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 81)\n“The release of Ossian's mystification's (1760, 1765)13 stirred the interest for the poetry of "natural" peoples as poetic expression of natural life and their histor” (Gulin, 1997, p. 81)\n“Influenced by these ideas, many intellectuals have found natural and original qualities in folk (peasants)15 that were close to them. They found those peasants to be as unenlightened and exotic as non-European peoples. The only difference was that they did not live somewhere on the edge of the known world or in colonies, but in Europe itself, in the body of the Old Continent, the civilized and enlightened continent. The peasant was caught motionless, stopped in his development at a stage indefinite oldness and originality, almost untouched by European civilization changes and storms” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The discovery of "people not well known and not recognized until now” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The newly discovered land called Morlacchia, situated in the hinterlands of the Dalmatian coast, makes a wild homeland for the cattle-breeding population that inhabited it.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The name of Morlacchi was mentioned in documents for the first time in 1352 (Novak 1971:580), and it derived from the Greek compound "maurovlah” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“he name was characteristic for the Dalmatian hinterlands in the eighteenth century, and it existed as a toponym (Fortis calls the mountain of Velebit "Morlach hills" and the channel under Velebit "Morlach channel") as well as the name of the population -- the native, romanized, cattle-breeding population that became slavenized.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The name Morlach [Morlak] is distinctive on several levels: it defines the Christians (being different from the Muslims), the peasants (being different from the citizens), and inhabitants of the hinterlands (being different from the coastal and island population), at the same time preserving the deeper semantic and value component.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The Morlacchi people was discussed during the eighteenth century” (Gulin, 1997, p. 82)\n“The contemporary writings differentiate Morlacchi from their "compatriots Croats". Even in the documents dating from the Middle Ages the Croatian feudalists and the population of Dalmatian cities differentiate the Morlacchi (the cattle-breeding population living in the hinterland) from the "Croatian national element that lives in the same area and deals with agriculture” (Gulin, 1997, p. 83)\n“We are dealing with an area whose both cultural and social building lasted for almost two centuries. It was constituted within "non-European" civilization complex and was politically joined with Europe relatively recently (during the second half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries). This whole area became re-shaped during the eighteenth century.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 83)\n“The several-century-old military system started transforming into the civil, the financial and social stratification of population was intensified, migrations and depopulation were constant in this area, the border highway robbing [hajdučija] was transforming into the alternative type of economy, and the agrarian problems (such as soil improvement and treatment) were enlarged by the new distribution of land and the functioning of new government (lease, indebtedness, usury, bribery) (Stulli 1979)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 83)\n“Europe re-enters an area that used to be closed for a long time. It is an enormous complex of re-defining of that region. The question posed is how did Europe identify that area at that particular moment in relation to itself and how did that area behave in particular discourses.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 83)\n“the materials themselves can be grouped into several units:” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“(1) psychological and physical features of the Morlacchi” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“All of these are typical characteristics that make the imaginary Rousseau's "noble savage"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“(2) language and oral culture of the Morlacchi” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“The barbarian life conditions have created the poetry of nature and life, transmitted orally and characterized by expressionism and imaginar” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“(3) everyday life of the Morlacchi.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 84)\n“(4) highway robbing [hajdučija].” (Gulin, 1997, p. 85)\n“What is actually the Morlacchism? A term containing the European reception of Dalmatian hinterlands of the eighteenth century, that is, of the customs, beliefs, and way of life of this population, and all the reflections that have arisen out of this reception: Morlach exotics, Romantic literary Slavism, interest for Morlach (Croatian, Slavic) oral literature, literary discussions, activating of Dalmatian economic issues, identification and self-identification.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 85)\n“In search of minerals, ores and herbs in the very neighbourhood of his homeland Italy, Fortis has discovered the world of Morlacchi.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 85)\n“The basic weft with which Fortis and Lovrić are weaving is a confrontation of the two worlds: the world of European nations ("cultured", "educated and sophisticated nations", "well-bred souls", who have "subtle taste", "spoiled and soft people") and the world of Morlacchi” (Gulin, 1997, p. 85)\n“Although Fortis likes the Morlacchi, he clearly shows which side he belongs to. For him, a Morlach is "differently moral than we are" (1984:37); he emphasizes it also in different places, for example, when commenting on some Morlach customs "that we would consider to be unproper" (1984:46).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 86)\n“(uneducated, simple, natural, wild, but with enviable virtues, old and innocent customs, common souls and customs, unspoiled, naturally free, following and "understanding the lows of unspoiled nature" and healthy principles)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 86)\n“Both authors tend to be objective as observants, but every attribution already pre-supposes the value judgment that reveals the author's and the time's attitude” (Gulin, 1997, p. 86)\n“There are some basic differences between Fortis's and Lovric's writings. Two features are important for Fortis's itinerary: he is a traveller - a foreigner, writing for European reading audience. He comes from the world of "cultured" nations19 and he is impressed after encountering the "natives". Lovric originates from a world close to the Morlacchi, and he writes about his compatriots” (Gulin, 1997, p. 86)\n“Fortis's motives are philantrophic,20 Lovric's are patriotic.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 86)\n“The Croats are introduced to Europe by Fortis and within the dimension of the Enlightenment tolerance and engagement, as well as the pre-Romantic sensibility.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“Fortis created scientific and literary value out of the Morlacchi, handing them over to Europe as a "Rousseauistic myth” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“Namely, the "ethnographic portrait" of the Morlacchi painted by Fortis and later also by Lovrić offered Europe the materials for the popular Rousseauistic thesis” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“he same repertoire of attributes: wild, simple, natural, irreproachable; when describing the customs, they define them as simple, natural, innocent and plain, having ancient origins, old, original.21 The travellers who are to become itinerary writers travel both through space and through time.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“Fortis "discovered" the Morlacchi, and the scientific, cognitive and experience interests of the times formed the Morlacchism.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“he basis of literary romantic Slavism was achieved in accordance with European pre-romantic atmosphere, and through Fortis's mediation.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“Travelling through Dalmatia" soon became European best-seller. Already during the same decade the book (either the whole book or only the part on the Morlacchi) was translated from Italina into German, French and English” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“The only work from Lovric's opus translated into English was "The Life of Stanislav Sočivica" [Životopis Stanislava Sočivice], but regardless of the fact book was not translated as a whole, the reactions it arose were grea” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“Lovric's Life of Stanislav Socivica was translated into English twice (1779, 1870)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 87)\n“What was offered to Europe was challenging enough: for the Enlighteners to teach, educate and eventually reach new concrete knowledge on the people of the world, in order to create order within their thinking” (Gulin, 1997, p. 88)\n“New poetical European interest for oral poetry as poetical expression of natural life accepted Asanaginica.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 88)\n“Many will try to translate it: Goethe, Nodier, Mérimée, Scott, Tommaseo, Pushkin and others (Boskovié-Stulli 1978a:251). It was published in Herder's collection Volkslieder in 1778.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 88)\n“The second large complex interesting to Europe was the Morlach character” (Gulin, 1997, p. 88)\n“Europe judged them after its own codes and authorized the right of observation” (Gulin, 1997, p. 88)\n“Once again, Europe find it appropriate to react, still vacillating in its decision: to educate them and bring them to reason, or to keep them in the state they found them” (Gulin, 1997, p. 89)\n“The Morlacchi were attractive exactly because of not being civilized.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 89)\n“At the same time, it is the best advertising material for the region, an invitation for the "imaginary travellers of the Romanticism” (Gulin, 1997, p. 89)\n“Highway-robbing [hajdučija] is another exotic feature that this border and poor region of the Dalmatian Hinterlands offered Europe” (Gulin, 1997, p. 89)\n“European literarization of the materials on the Morlacchi is interesting in the aspect of studying the construction of western discourse of the Croats.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 90)\n“The newly discovered European neighbour is as exotic as non-European nations” (Gulin, 1997, p. 90)\n“The English, French, Germans, and Italians find the Scottish, Morlacchi, Bretons, Albanians, the population of Andalusia and Finnish in Europe during the eighteenth century” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“Nations that lived in the centre of cultural events, that created the Renaissance, Classicism and Enlightenment, became fed up with their intellectual and artistic creativity and started to discover nations living in the (geographical and cultural) periphery of Europe to be cultural, social, even physical alternative to Europe.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“The discoverers will be inspired by them. What about the discovered” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“The West European cultural circle creates the dominant scientific, cognitive, ethic, aesthetic and experience codes during the eighteenth century. According to them and within them, it judges the others. According to them, and within them, the others can find themselves (within or outside the circle), they are able to judge themselves within the context of space and time, and thus create the notion about themselves.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“Besides Lovric and Bajamonti, some other Dalmatian intellectuals write about the Morlacchi (Marko Kazotic from Zadar, Ivan Luka Garanjin and Petar Nutrizi Grisogono from Trogir, and others).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“However, their interest for the people in hinterlands, the people they refer to as "our" or "mine",32 disclose the change in the meaning of classical (especially Mediterranean) opposition between a city and its rural hinterlands33 (the opposition that implies the opposition of civilization and barbarism)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 91)\n“the overgrowing of the narrow local idea of belonging into the idea of linking of wider region -- not only because of the common existing economic determination, but also because of their connection established through the belonging to one nation ("the Illyric" or "the Slavic" nation). Although, all of these authors promote themselves intellectually in European circles and write their works in European languages (mostly Italian), the possessive pronouns and adjectives mentioned above show new relationships and illustrate something more than trendy Enlightenment philanthropy and Romantic interest for the exotic.35 They write about their compatriots.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 92)\n“This goal is implicit in their texts through comparisons of the Morlacchi to the ancient Roman and Greek worlds,38 u” (Gulin, 1997, p. 92)\n“using which they try to prove Croatian” (Gulin, 1997, p. 92)\n“Fortis is going to comment on the "barbarian" diversity of Morlach girls' jewellery and connect it with "Tatarian and American customs" (1984:47); on another place he compares the Morlach economy: "in this detail they are similar to the Hottentots"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“Marko Kazotic expresses this idea clearly: "It made me angry: they translate our poetry in Paris, and we are here trying to forget them -- oh, ignorance, oh, shame" (cited after Zoric 1960:405).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“belongingness to European cultural complex” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“Ivan Pederin noted that it was about the real Croatian issues of belonging to Europe that were prevailing during the next centuries (1981:213).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“s Europe discovered this value, the Croats became more aware of it. Many of them went straight among the people, noting the poetical expressions of natural and original life (Lovric, Bajamonti, Feric, Bruerevic, Appendini” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“It was fun and pastime for European discoverers and for the discovered it was a chance for gaining their place within the world order and to become known at least after their poetry within the European cultural circle” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“This time is followed by a period in which everyone would question their identities” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“the evaluation of folk/popular poetry as an expression of folk spirit and poetic history becomes one of possible frameworks within which the search of Croatian identification and self-identification appears” (Gulin, 1997, p. 93)\n“during the nineteenth century, Croatian romantic nationalism would consider Socivica, a brigand and outlaw, to be a heroic ideal of long-lasting fight against slavery, the struggle for family and his own people (Zecevic 1979)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 94)\n“Europe created the myth of "noble sauvage" in order to project it on some other parts of the world” (Gulin, 1997, p. 94)\n“especially the church supported this militant spirit of the Morlacchi, and therefore Lovric asks about the responsibility for the people taken by the church. Fortis condemns the priests who "support and often motivate hatred for the Turks, considering them to be the devil's sons" (1984:37).” (Gulin, 1997, p. 94)\n“Besides all the things about the Morlacchi that reminded of exotics, the smell of poverty and misery was present. Europe did not feel it, but the Dalmatian population were dazed by it. Fortis notices it and according to his Enlightenment attitude tries to do his part in the progress and better lif” (Gulin, 1997, p. 94)\n“Lovric's credit has started that discussion on "religious and enlightenment issues in our parts"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“The Croatian intelligentsia was motivated to grasp the picture of the economic state of Dalmatia without Rousseauistic illusion” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“Lovric was lead by the principle that "enlightened people creates happiness for itself and for its ruler"” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“Fortis's and Lovric's works are rich in ethno-anthropological topics. Having that aspect in mind, they have been re-read numerous times. It is possible to investigate them as studies of mentalities46 -- the Morlach, but also European mentality” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“Fortis reveals completely different approach: he reflects the new sensibility of the time and intellectual preoccupations. He deals with the Morlacchi on an academic, scientific level. Europe has discovered the Morlacchi in its eighteenth century clean up of the world as wild, natural, exotic. Fortis passes on Morlacchi to Europe to judge them. They were offered to the enlighteners to enrich their minds with new concrete knowledge about the world; they were offered to the romantics as outlines of the world. On the other hand, they could safely enter in their imagination.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“Lovric is one of the rare "natives" who reacted on this foreign presentation of his home region” (Gulin, 1997, p. 95)\n“Both authors write in accordance to Rousseau's conceptions of percepting the world: the Morlacchi are a "natural" people, unspoiled by the civilization, having ancient-old customs. The barbarism has no pejorative meaning in the eighteenth century -- just the opposite” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“Two elements are important for re-thinking the eighteenth-century Morlacchism. Fortis's comparisons of the Morlacchi to the Tatars and Indians are not negative, but they are non-European” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“During the eighteenth century, Europe is conceptualized on the line of Western and Eastern Europe as civilized and barbarian” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“This "philosophic geography" is based in travelling through time” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“According to the eighteenth-century ideas, the barbarians live in an indefinite pre-time and they touch the civilized Europe as societies of different levels of progress and of different periods of time. The problem arises during encounters of these societies in the same period of time, when they become contemporaries” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“Those comparations are not negative because the conceptional framework of Rousseau's naturism and interests for life, customs and poetry of "natural" peoples gave them a positive legitimacy. They are non-European in the sense that the Morlacchi are found within parallels with "natural" nations outside Europe, while the space of the Old Continent was preserved for civilized and cultured nation” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“What are opposed, in conflict, in fact, locked in antagonistic struggle, are not the same societies at different stages of development, but different societies facing each other at the same Time" (Fabian 1983:154” (Gulin, 1997, p. 96)\n“The same relationship is created by L. Wolff in the perspective of Western and Eastern Europe: Western, civilized Europe discovers Eastern Europe as its complement part within the same continent: "Europe, but not Europe", "within Europe, but not fully European" (Wolff 1994:9)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“Europe authorizes the right of setting standards and attitudes.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“This way it establishes its domination over the world, perhaps stronger than using weapons” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“Europe is in search of its identity through differentiation” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“During the eighteenth century, it was done through comparison to the cult of the primitive and the natural.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“This way today's European perception of an area was formed by numerous authors, itinerary writers, literary writers and the others who left their trace; it all together makes today's scientific discourse. The very conceptual division of Europe into Western and Eastern was inherited from the eighteenth century” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“On the other hand, the others are searched of and being evaluated according to the dominant standards” (Gulin, 1997, p. 97)\n“Bošković-Stulli, Maja. 1978a. "Od prosvjetiteljskih do narodnopreporodnih vidika usmene književnosti". In Povijest hrvatske književnosti 7. Zagreb, 217—274.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 98)\n“Krleža, Miroslav. 1953. "O nekim problemima Enciklopedije". Republika IX/2-3:109-132.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 99)\n“Stagl, Justin. 1995. A History of Curiosity, The Theory of Travel 1550-1800. Harwood Academic Publishers” (Gulin, 1997, p. 99)\n“tojković, Marijan. 1929. "Morlakizam". Hrvatsko kolo X:254—273” (Gulin, 1997, p. 99)\n“Wolff, Larry. 1994. Inventing Eastern Europe, The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Lovrić ih uspoređuje s antičkim svijetom i implicitno aludira na pripadnost Europi. Istu konotaciju ima i tekst Julija Bajamontija Morlaštvo Homera (1797.)” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“neki od tih imaginarnih putnika u Morlakiju su J. Wynne, Ch. Nodier, P. Mérimée.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Interpretacija građe kreće se u okviru teza o istočnoj Europi i Balkanu kao "europskom Drugom" ili "drugom iznutra".” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Za razumijevanje morlakizma važna je činjenica da Europa u 18. stoljeću ulazi u dugo zatvoreni prostor, koji se tijekom dvaju stoljeća izgrađivao unutar druge (islamske) "neeuropske" civilizacijske cjeline” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Unutar Starog kontinenta pronađeni su barbari, nalik onim izvaneuropskim. Putopisi su novi način zapadnoeuropskog osvajanja svijeta.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Putopisci konstruiraju prizmu gledanja, procjenjivanja i klasifikacije u skladu sa svojim vremenom. Intrigantno je da se ona zadržava i kasnije, kad gubi romantičarski "couleur locale" i filozofski aspekt koji ju je kreirao.” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n“Morlaci (Hrvati) pronalaze se u dominantnim europskim standardima percepcije, te autoidentifikaciju i vlastitu vrijednost traže u europskoj identifikaciji i vrednovanju” (Gulin, 1997, p. 100)\n},\n\tfile = {Gulin_1997_Morlacchism between Enlightenment and Romanticism.pdf:C\\:\\\\Users\\\\marta\\\\Zotero\\\\storage\\\\K2WQDJZI\\\\Gulin_1997_Morlacchism between Enlightenment and Romanticism.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:C\\:\\\\Users\\\\marta\\\\Zotero\\\\storage\\\\B6UUNMWQ\\\\43687.html:text/html},\n}\n\n
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\n The author uses the accounts on the Morlacchi together with extensive literature and studies on the Morlacchism in order to introduce a new perspective. Broader context of explanation is framed with the notion of the European \"other\" as a new intellectual attitude towards some parts of the same continent in the eighteenth century. The issues of identification and self-identification are set within that context, and this construct also implies the relations of power. In the case of Morlacchi, both synchronic and diachronic dimensions of the notion of \"other\" are intriguing and disputable enough to provoke the use and reconsideration of traditional sources in an innovative way\n