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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n The Study of Political Representation in Greece: Towards new patterns following the economic crisis?.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Teperoglou, E.; Andreadis, I.; and Chatzipantelis, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Freire, A.; Barragán, M.; Coller, X.; Lisi, M.; and Tsatsanis, E., editor(s),
Political Representation in Southern Europe and Latin America Crisis or Continuing Transformation following the Great Recession?. Routledge, London, 2020.\n
ECC: No Data (logprob: -222.959)\n\n
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Paper\n \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n \n \n \n\n\n\n
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@incollection{teperoglou_study_2020,\n\taddress = {London},\n\ttitle = {The {Study} of {Political} {Representation} in {Greece}: {Towards} new patterns following the economic crisis?},\n\tisbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},\n\turl = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/study-political-representation-greece-eftichia-teperoglou-ioannis-andreadis-theodore-chadjipadelis/e/10.4324/9780429400414-2?context=ubx&refId=07a928a1-a731-4c68-b747-fcc834edb344},\n\tbooktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},\n\tpublisher = {Routledge},\n\tauthor = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Andreadis, Ioannis and Chatzipantelis, Theodore},\n\teditor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},\n\tyear = {2020},\n\tnote = {ECC: No Data (logprob: -222.959)},\n}\n\n\n\n\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Methodological Challenges in the Study of Political Elites: Some reflections from Southern Europe.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Coller, X.; Andreadis, I.; Jaime, A. M.; Serra da Silva, S.; and Kartsounidou, E.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Freire, A.; Barragán, M.; Coller, X.; Lisi, M.; and Tsatsanis, E., editor(s),
Political Representation in Southern Europe and Latin America Crisis or Continuing Transformation following the Great Recession?. Routledge, London, 2020.\n
ECC: 0000000\n\n
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Paper\n \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n \n \n \n\n\n\n
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@incollection{freire_methodological_2020,\n\taddress = {London},\n\ttitle = {Methodological {Challenges} in the {Study} of {Political} {Elites}: {Some} reflections from {Southern} {Europe}},\n\tisbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},\n\turl = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/methodological-challenges-study-political-elites-andr%C3%A9-freire-xavier-coller-ioannis-andreadis-antonio-jaime-sofia-serra-silva-evangelia-kartsounidou/e/10.4324/9780429400414-7},\n\tbooktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},\n\tpublisher = {Routledge},\n\tauthor = {Freire, André and Coller, Xavier and Andreadis, Ioannis and Jaime, Antonio M. and Serra da Silva, Sofia and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},\n\teditor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},\n\tyear = {2020},\n\tnote = {ECC: 0000000},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n The Impact of Splitting a Long Online Questionnaire on Data Quality.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Kartsounidou, E.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Survey Research Methods, 14(1): 31–42. April 2020.\n
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@article{Andreadis,\n\ttitle = {The {Impact} of {Splitting} a {Long} {Online} {Questionnaire} on {Data} {Quality}},\n\tvolume = {14},\n\tissn = {1864-3361},\n\tdoi = {10.18148/SRM/2020.V14I1.7294},\n\tabstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\turldate = {2020-04-17},\n\tjournal = {Survey Research Methods},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},\n\tmonth = apr,\n\tyear = {2020},\n\tkeywords = {data quality, drop, long questionnaire, out, response rates, web surveys},\n\tpages = {31--42},\n}\n\n\n\n\n
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\n Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Measuring the Impact of Candidates’ Tweets on their Electoral Results.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Papaxanthi, D.; Kartsounidou, E.; and Andreadis, Ι.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In
ECPR General Conference 2020, 2020. ECPR\n
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Paper\n \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n \n \n \n\n\n\n
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@inproceedings{papaxanthi_measuring_2020,\n\ttitle = {Measuring the {Impact} of {Candidates}’ {Tweets} on their {Electoral} {Results}},\n\turl = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54504},\n\tabstract = {As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.},\n\tbooktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2020},\n\tpublisher = {ECPR},\n\tauthor = {Papaxanthi, Dimitra and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Andreadis, Ιoannis},\n\tyear = {2020},\n}\n\n\n\n\n
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\n As candidates are increasingly using Twitter in their political communication, a question about its effectiveness as a political marketing tool is raised. Of course, along Twitter usage, there are more “traditional” political campaigning tools such as door-knocking, visiting businesses and social organizations etc. The aim of this paper is to study the factors that could influence the electoral performance of the candidate MPs and whether Twitter usage is one of them. To this aim we use information about candidates’ previous political activity, electoral campaign tools, money spent on campaign etc acquired through survey data. We combine this dataset with data produced by candidates’ Twitter activity, to study their effectiveness on the 2019 Greek Parliamentary election results. We are studying which are the factors with the greater influence on preferential votes each candidate gets in his constituency. The first data source is the Hellenic Candidate Study 2019. This dataset provides useful information about candidates’ political campaigns such as campaign spending, campaign means etc. The other source is Twitter activity data. We also measure candidates’ popularity using two different approaches: i) Wikipedia (number of hits on each candidate’s Wikipedia page), ii) experts’ evaluation. We are particularly interested in candidates’ Twitter audience. We apply an innovative method of analysis of candidate’s network starting from retweeters for each candidates’ post. We also take into account the followers of each retweeter and the candidate’s followers. In this way we explore whether the size of the Twitter audience of a candidate is related to the electoral success, or in other words, whether larger network sizes are associated with more successful candidates relatively to the party share in each electoral constituency. First indications suggest that the size of candidates’ Twitter audience affect the preferential votes that a candidate receives in his constituency.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n The Activation of Populist Attitudes.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Hawkins, K. A. K.; Rovira Kaltwasser, C.; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Government and Opposition, 55(2): 283–307. September 2020.\n
Publisher: Cambridge University Press\n\n
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@article{Hawkins2018a,\n\ttitle = {The {Activation} of {Populist} {Attitudes}},\n\tvolume = {55},\n\tissn = {0017-257X},\n\turl = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0017257X18000234/type/journal_article},\n\tdoi = {10.1017/gov.2018.23},\n\tabstract = {Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.},\n\tnumber = {2},\n\turldate = {2018-09-16},\n\tjournal = {Government and Opposition},\n\tauthor = {Hawkins, Kirk A. K.A. and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal and Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tmonth = sep,\n\tyear = {2020},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Cambridge University Press},\n\tkeywords = {Chile, Greece, populism, populist attitudes, vote choice},\n\tpages = {283--307},\n}\n\n\n\n\n
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\n Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Exploring Congruence in Greece (2009-2019).\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Kartsounidou, E.; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In
ECPR General Conference, 2020. ECPR\n
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@inproceedings{kartsounidou_exploring_2020,\n\ttitle = {Exploring {Congruence} in {Greece} (2009-2019)},\n\turl = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54503},\n\tbooktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference}},\n\tpublisher = {ECPR},\n\tauthor = {Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2020},\n}\n\n\n\n\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Using web surveys to collect data from candidates: Experience from the 2019 Greek candidate survey.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Tsigkou, M.; Kartsounidou, E.; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In
ECPR General Conference 2020, 2020. ECPR\n
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@inproceedings{tsigkou_using_2020,\n\ttitle = {Using web surveys to collect data from candidates: {Experience} from the 2019 {Greek} candidate survey},\n\turl = {https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/PaperDetails/54500},\n\tabstract = {Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.},\n\tbooktitle = {{ECPR} {General} {Conference} 2020},\n\tpublisher = {ECPR},\n\tauthor = {Tsigkou, M. and Kartsounidou, E. and Andreadis, I.},\n\tyear = {2020},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
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\n Web-surveys are being used more and more often in social sciences, as a fast and low- cost mode of data collection. However, there are some serious drawbacks which are mainly related to the absence of an interviewer such as low response rates. Furthermore, the length of the survey instrument affects considerably the response behavior. There is evidence that lengthy online questionnaires lead to lower response rates and lower quality responses. The aim of this paper is to study whether different web survey designs affect the response rate of a candidates’ survey. Specifically, during data collection for the Greek candidate study of 2019 we conducted three web experiments to test the impact on response behavior of: i) questionnaire length ii) web survey layout and iii) candidates recruitment. In order to test the impact of each factor we have manipulated the conditions of the survey in several ways. First, we divided the questionnaires into two or three parts in order to test whether shorter questionnaires increase response rate (splitting design). Second, we conducted an experiment on whether the layout of the survey affects the response rate. Specifically, there were two different designs of the questionnaire namely single page question and grid. Furthermore, some surveys were optimized for mobile devices to test if this affects the response rate. The final experiment is about the candidates’ recruitment. Most of the Greek candidate MPs have e-mail addresses which are available online especially during the period of electoral campaign. We collected their e-mail addresses using search engines and visiting websites related to the candidates or to the Greek elections in general. We also got in contact with the candidates whose e-mail could not be collected, through their Facebook pages and personal accounts.\n
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