var bibbase_data = {"data":"\"Loading..\"\n\n
\n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n\n \n\n \n \n\n \n\n \n
\n generated by\n \n \"bibbase.org\"\n\n \n
\n \n\n
\n\n \n\n\n
\n\n Excellent! Next you can\n create a new website with this list, or\n embed it in an existing web page by copying & pasting\n any of the following snippets.\n\n
\n JavaScript\n (easiest)\n
\n \n <script src=\"https://bibbase.org/show?bib=https%3A%2F%2Fbibbase.org%2Fzotero-group%2Fjohnandsci%2F5265817&jsonp=1&jsonp=1\"></script>\n \n
\n\n PHP\n
\n \n <?php\n $contents = file_get_contents(\"https://bibbase.org/show?bib=https%3A%2F%2Fbibbase.org%2Fzotero-group%2Fjohnandsci%2F5265817&jsonp=1\");\n print_r($contents);\n ?>\n \n
\n\n iFrame\n (not recommended)\n
\n \n <iframe src=\"https://bibbase.org/show?bib=https%3A%2F%2Fbibbase.org%2Fzotero-group%2Fjohnandsci%2F5265817&jsonp=1\"></iframe>\n \n
\n\n

\n For more details see the documention.\n

\n
\n
\n\n
\n\n This is a preview! To use this list on your own web site\n or create a new web site from it,\n create a free account. The file will be added\n and you will be able to edit it in the File Manager.\n We will show you instructions once you've created your account.\n
\n\n
\n\n

To the site owner:

\n\n

Action required! Mendeley is changing its\n API. In order to keep using Mendeley with BibBase past April\n 14th, you need to:\n

    \n
  1. renew the authorization for BibBase on Mendeley, and
  2. \n
  3. update the BibBase URL\n in your page the same way you did when you initially set up\n this page.\n
  4. \n
\n

\n\n

\n \n \n Fix it now\n

\n
\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n \n
\n
\n  \n 2018\n \n \n (5)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Giebler, H.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Statistics, Politics and Policy, 9(2): 135–160. December 2018.\n Publisher: De Gruyter\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"ValidatingPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Andreadis2018a,\n\ttitle = {Validating and {Improving} {Voting} {Advice} {Applications}: {Estimating} {Party} {Positions} {Using} {Candidate} {Surveys}},\n\tvolume = {9},\n\tissn = {2151-7509},\n\turl = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},\n\tdoi = {10.1515/spp-2018-0012},\n\tabstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},\n\tnumber = {2},\n\turldate = {2019-03-12},\n\tjournal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},\n\tmonth = dec,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tnote = {Publisher: De Gruyter},\n\tpages = {135--160},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Schumacher, G.; and Elmelund-Præstekær, C.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n West European Politics, 41(2): 329–349. March 2018.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{schumacher_party_2018,\n\ttitle = {Party performance explains disagreement between politicians and their parties},\n\tvolume = {41},\n\tissn = {17439655},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/01402382.2017.1359013},\n\tabstract = {Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates.},\n\tnumber = {2},\n\tjournal = {West European Politics},\n\tauthor = {Schumacher, Gijs and Elmelund-Præstekær, Christian},\n\tmonth = mar,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tkeywords = {Party positions, candidates, electoral performance, intra-party politics, intra-party unity},\n\tpages = {329--349},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Are politicians more likely to disagree with their party after an electoral defeat or during a spell in opposition? If so, are they likely to advocate a more moderate or a more radical position than their party? In order to evaluate this, the article analyses the absolute distance between candidates for parliament and their parties on the left–right dimension. The sample used consists of 5614 politicians from 11 countries (Comparative Candidate Survey). Controlling for party system differences and individual characteristics, the results demonstrate that politicians take more moderate positions than their party after an electoral defeat. Also politicians of government parties are surprisingly more likely to disagree than politicians of opposition parties. These results overlap with predictions of party position shifts and inform the discussion on how intra-party dynamics bring about changes in party position. In addition, the article finds evidence of loss aversion, and differences in the responsiveness of elite and non-elite candidates.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Gendered political resources: The case of party office.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Verge, T.; and Claveria, S.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Party Politics, 24(5): 536–548. September 2018.\n Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{verge_gendered_2018,\n\ttitle = {Gendered political resources: {The} case of party office},\n\tvolume = {24},\n\tissn = {14603683},\n\tdoi = {10.1177/1354068816663040},\n\tabstract = {Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.},\n\tnumber = {5},\n\tjournal = {Party Politics},\n\tauthor = {Verge, Tània and Claveria, Sílvia},\n\tmonth = sep,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tnote = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd},\n\tkeywords = {gender power, party patronage, political parties, political recruitment, women’s representation},\n\tpages = {536--548},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Chiru, M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Social Science Quarterly, 99(1): 283–295. March 2018.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"CheapPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{chiru_cheap_2018,\n\ttitle = {Cheap {Talk} or {Proper} {Signaling}? {Styles} of {Campaigning} and {Engagement} in {Constituency} {Service}},\n\tvolume = {99},\n\tissn = {00384941},\n\turl = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},\n\tdoi = {10.1111/ssqu.12404},\n\tabstract = {Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\turldate = {2019-05-04},\n\tjournal = {Social Science Quarterly},\n\tauthor = {Chiru, Mihail},\n\tmonth = mar,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tpages = {283--295},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Italian candidates under the Rosato law.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Pedrazzani, A.; Pinto, L.; and Segatti, P.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Italian Political Science, 13(1): 19–35. 2018.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{pedrazzani_italian_2018,\n\ttitle = {Italian candidates under the {Rosato} law},\n\tvolume = {13},\n\tissn = {2420-8434},\n\tabstract = {Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\tjournal = {Italian Political Science},\n\tauthor = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca and Segatti, Paolo},\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tpages = {19--35},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2017\n \n \n (4)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Political Representation in Times of Bailout.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Lisi, M.; Andreadis, I.; and Leite, J. M.,\n editors.\n \n\n\n \n\n\n\n Routledge, October 2017.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"PoliticalPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{Freire2016,\n\ttitle = {Political {Representation} in {Times} of {Bailout}},\n\tisbn = {978-1-315-67526-8},\n\turl = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781315675268},\n\tabstract = {Since 2008 many European states have experienced significant challenges in adapting to austerity, and political actors within these states have made significant changes in their discourses and practices. This book explores the short-term impact of the sovereign debt crisis on aspects of political representation in Greece and Portugal, two of the countries that have been the most severely affected. It provides the most systematic examination to date of the attitudinal change of voters and elites regarding participation and representation, and of the legitimacy of the political system in two of the bailed-out Eurozone states. By examining the congruence between elites and voters, the shift in the patterns of competition, and the position of both citizens and representatives on the main issues, the studies contribute towards a reassessment of the validity of the responsible party model and of theories about democratic accountability. By relying on original mass and elite surveys conducted both before and after the bailouts, the volume helps us understand how the EU/IMF intervention has affected partisan alignments in Greece and Portugal, as well as the differences and similarities in the way political elites and civil society have adapted to severe austerity. This book was originally published as a special issue of South European Society \\& Politics.},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tpublisher = {Routledge},\n\teditor = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite, José Manuel},\n\tmonth = oct,\n\tyear = {2017},\n\tdoi = {10.4324/9781315675268},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Since 2008 many European states have experienced significant challenges in adapting to austerity, and political actors within these states have made significant changes in their discourses and practices. This book explores the short-term impact of the sovereign debt crisis on aspects of political representation in Greece and Portugal, two of the countries that have been the most severely affected. It provides the most systematic examination to date of the attitudinal change of voters and elites regarding participation and representation, and of the legitimacy of the political system in two of the bailed-out Eurozone states. By examining the congruence between elites and voters, the shift in the patterns of competition, and the position of both citizens and representatives on the main issues, the studies contribute towards a reassessment of the validity of the responsible party model and of theories about democratic accountability. By relying on original mass and elite surveys conducted both before and after the bailouts, the volume helps us understand how the EU/IMF intervention has affected partisan alignments in Greece and Portugal, as well as the differences and similarities in the way political elites and civil society have adapted to severe austerity. This book was originally published as a special issue of South European Society & Politics.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n European Populist Parties in Government: How Well are Voters Represented? Evidence from Greece.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Stavrakakis, Y.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Swiss Political Science Review, 23(4): 485–508. June 2017.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"EuropeanPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 2 downloads\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Andreadis2017a,\n\ttitle = {European {Populist} {Parties} in {Government}: {How} {Well} are {Voters} {Represented}? {Evidence} from {Greece}},\n\tvolume = {23},\n\tissn = {14247755},\n\turl = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},\n\tdoi = {10.1111/spsr.12255},\n\tabstract = {In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2017-06-07},\n\tjournal = {Swiss Political Science Review},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},\n\tmonth = jun,\n\tyear = {2017},\n\tkeywords = {Congruence, Greece, Populism, Representation, Voting behavior},\n\tpages = {485--508},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Gendered policy preferences? Candidates’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Lloren, A.; and Rosset, J.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Comparative European Politics, 15(6): 944–968. 2017.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"GenderedPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{lloren_gendered_2017,\n\ttitle = {Gendered policy preferences? {Candidates}’ views on political issues in a comparative perspective},\n\tvolume = {15},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1057/cep.2015.4},\n\tdoi = {10.1057/cep.2015.4},\n\tabstract = {This article examines whether gender affects candidates’ position on the economic and cultural dimensions of political competition in nine West European countries. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, we find that female candidates hold, on average, more liberal views than their male party colleagues. These gender differences vary according to the nature of issues. Female candidates are more liberal than their party colleagues on the cultural dimension, but we find no systematic differences in policy preferences on economic issues. Moreover, gender differences vary according to parties’ ideological position on the left–right scale with a more pronounced gender gap in right-wing parties. Our findings contribute to the literature on female candidates and on the impact of women in politics more broadly.},\n\tnumber = {6},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {Comparative European Politics},\n\tauthor = {Lloren, Anouk and Rosset, Jan},\n\tyear = {2017},\n\tpages = {944--968},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n This article examines whether gender affects candidates’ position on the economic and cultural dimensions of political competition in nine West European countries. Using data from the Comparative Candidate Survey, we find that female candidates hold, on average, more liberal views than their male party colleagues. These gender differences vary according to the nature of issues. Female candidates are more liberal than their party colleagues on the cultural dimension, but we find no systematic differences in policy preferences on economic issues. Moreover, gender differences vary according to parties’ ideological position on the left–right scale with a more pronounced gender gap in right-wing parties. Our findings contribute to the literature on female candidates and on the impact of women in politics more broadly.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary Greek context.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Stavrakakis, Y.; Andreadis, I.; and Katsambekis, G.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n European Politics and Society, 18(4): 446–464. November 2017.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"APaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 2 downloads\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Stavrakakis2017,\n\ttitle = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary {Greek} context},\n\tvolume = {18},\n\tissn = {2374-5118},\n\turl = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},\n\tabstract = {Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2018-01-16},\n\tjournal = {European Politics and Society},\n\tauthor = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},\n\tmonth = nov,\n\tyear = {2017},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tkeywords = {Candidates, Greece, discourse, populism, surveys},\n\tpages = {446--464},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Interrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2016\n \n \n (4)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n La rappresentanza politica in Italia : candidati ed elettori nelle elezioni politiche del 2013.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Di Virgilio, A.; and Segatti, P.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Il mulino, Bologna, 2016.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"LaPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{di_virgilio_rappresentanza_2016,\n\taddress = {Bologna},\n\ttitle = {La rappresentanza politica in {Italia} : candidati ed elettori nelle elezioni politiche del 2013},\n\tisbn = {978-88-15-25807-6},\n\turl = {https://air.unimi.it/handle/2434/425760#.XNGNVHX7TCJ},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tpublisher = {Il mulino},\n\tauthor = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Segatti, Paolo},\n\tyear = {2016},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Participação e Representação Políticas na Europa em Crise.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A; Lisi, M; and Viegas, J.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Assembleia da República, Coleção Parlamento, Lisboa, 2016.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"ParticipaçãoPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{freire_participacao_2016,\n\taddress = {Lisboa},\n\ttitle = {Participação e {Representação} {Políticas} na {Europa} em {Crise}},\n\turl = {https://scholar.google.gr/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=Participa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+e+Representa%C3%A7%C3%A3o+Pol%C3%ADticas+na+Europa+em+Crise%2C+Lisboa&btnG=#d=gs_cit&u=%252Fscholar%253Fq%253Dinfo%253A1A9Zx59CTRUJ%253Ascholar.google.com%252F%2526output%253Dcite%2526scirp%253D0%252},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tpublisher = {Assembleia da República, Coleção Parlamento},\n\tauthor = {Freire, A and Lisi, M and Viegas, JM},\n\tyear = {2016},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Conducting a Candidate Study as a Web-Survey. Advantages, Challenges and Best Practices.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Kartsounidou, E.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In 1st BCES International Scientific Conference, pages 1–2, University Donja Gorica, Podgorica, 1-2 July 2016, 2016. \n Issue: July\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{andreadis_conducting_2016,\n\taddress = {University Donja Gorica, Podgorica, 1-2 July 2016},\n\ttitle = {Conducting a {Candidate} {Study} as a {Web}-{Survey}. {Advantages}, {Challenges} and {Best} {Practices}.},\n\tbooktitle = {1st {BCES} {International} {Scientific} {Conference}},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},\n\tyear = {2016},\n\tnote = {Issue: July},\n\tkeywords = {candidate study, nonresponse, web survey design, web surveys},\n\tpages = {1--2},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Mapping European parties’ policy positions by using data from the Comparative Candidates Survey.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Giannetti, D.; and Pinto, L.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In X ECPR General Conference, Prague, 2016. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{giannetti_mapping_2016,\n\taddress = {Prague},\n\ttitle = {Mapping {European} parties’ policy positions by using data from the {Comparative} {Candidates} {Survey}.},\n\tbooktitle = {X {ECPR} {General} {Conference}},\n\tauthor = {Giannetti, Daniela and Pinto, Luca.},\n\tyear = {2016},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2015\n \n \n (11)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Choosing your own Boss: Variations of Representation Foci in Mixed Electoral Systems.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Chiru, M.; and Enyedi, Z.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n The Journal of Legislative Studies, 21(4): 495–514. 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"ChoosingPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{chiru_choosing_2015,\n\ttitle = {Choosing your own {Boss}: {Variations} of {Representation} {Foci} in {Mixed} {Electoral} {Systems}},\n\tvolume = {21},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13572334.2015.1077025},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/13572334.2015.1077025},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {The Journal of Legislative Studies},\n\tauthor = {Chiru, Mihail and Enyedi, Zsolt},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tkeywords = {Hungary, Romania, electoral logic, mixed electoral systems, parliamentary logic, representation focus},\n\tpages = {495--514},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Multiple Candidacies and the Role of the Lowest Electoral Tier for Individualized Campaigning.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Chiru, M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n East European Politics and Societies, 29(4): 892–914. 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"MultiplePaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{chiru_multiple_2015,\n\ttitle = {Multiple {Candidacies} and the {Role} of the {Lowest} {Electoral} {Tier} for {Individualized} {Campaigning}},\n\tvolume = {29},\n\turl = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0888325415569761},\n\tdoi = {10.1177/0888325415569761},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {East European Politics and Societies},\n\tauthor = {Chiru, Mihail},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tpages = {892--914},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Estimating the position of political parties: comparison between an expert survey and a candidate survey.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In NECE conference, Thessaloniki, 2015. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{Andreadis2015j,\n\taddress = {Thessaloniki},\n\ttitle = {Estimating the position of political parties: comparison between an expert survey and a candidate survey},\n\tabstract = {Presented at the Workshop on using Expert Judgement, Malta: 7 - 9 October 2015 and at the NECE conference, Thessaloniki 22 - 24 October 2015},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {{NECE} conference},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2015},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Presented at the Workshop on using Expert Judgement, Malta: 7 - 9 October 2015 and at the NECE conference, Thessaloniki 22 - 24 October 2015\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Using Surveys to Measure the Populist Attitudes of Political Elites and Voters: A Greek Pilot Study of Supply and Demand.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; Stavrakakis, Y.; and Katsambekis, G.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Team Populism Conference ‘Solving the Puzzles of Populism’, London, 2015. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"UsingPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{andreadis_using_2015,\n\taddress = {London},\n\ttitle = {Using {Surveys} to {Measure} the {Populist} {Attitudes} of {Political} {Elites} and {Voters}: {A} {Greek} {Pilot} {Study} of {Supply} and {Demand}},\n\turl = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/276263/?ln=en},\n\turldate = {2018-12-13},\n\tbooktitle = {Team {Populism} {Conference} ‘{Solving} the {Puzzles} of {Populism}’},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tkeywords = {Political Science},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Candidate centred campaigning in a party centred context: The case of Belgium.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n De Winter, L; and Baudewyns, P\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Electoral Studies, 39: 295–305. 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"CandidatePaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{de_winter_candidate_2015,\n\ttitle = {Candidate centred campaigning in a party centred context: {The} case of {Belgium}},\n\tvolume = {39},\n\turl = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000468},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {Electoral Studies},\n\tauthor = {De Winter, L and Baudewyns, P},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tpages = {295--305},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Political Representation in Portugal: The Years of the Socialist Majority, 2005-2009.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A; and Viegas, J.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Leya, 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"PoliticalPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{freire_political_2015,\n\ttitle = {Political {Representation} in {Portugal}: {The} {Years} of the {Socialist} {Majority}, 2005-2009},\n\turl = {https://www.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=Zi3_BwAAQBAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PT26&dq=Political+Representation+in+Portugal:+The+Years+of+the+Socialist+Majority,+2005-2009&ots=svnyE5hWzM&sig=Jq_k1MyU2yxb5AV0LqwE7ukwH1w},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tpublisher = {Leya},\n\tauthor = {Freire, A and Viegas, J.M.L.},\n\tyear = {2015},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Lone fighters: Intraparty competition, interparty competition, and candidates' vote seeking efforts in open-ballot PR elections.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Selb, P.; and Lutz, G.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Electoral Studies, 39: 329–337. 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"LonePaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{selb_lone_2015,\n\ttitle = {Lone fighters: {Intraparty} competition, interparty competition, and candidates' vote seeking efforts in open-ballot {PR} elections},\n\tvolume = {39},\n\turl = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000493},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {Electoral Studies},\n\tauthor = {Selb, P. and Lutz, G.},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tpages = {329--337},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Candidates in 2013 Italian general election: evidence from the Italian Candidate Survey.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Di Virgilio, A.; Giannetti, D.; Pedrazzani, A.; and Pinto, L.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica, 45(3): 317–342. November 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"CandidatesPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{DiVirgilio2015,\n\ttitle = {Candidates in 2013 {Italian} general election: evidence from the {Italian} {Candidate} {Survey}},\n\tvolume = {45},\n\tissn = {0048-8402},\n\turl = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0048840215000155/type/journal_article},\n\tdoi = {10.1017/ipo.2015.15},\n\tabstract = {Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.},\n\tnumber = {3},\n\turldate = {2019-05-04},\n\tjournal = {Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica},\n\tauthor = {Di Virgilio, Aldo and Giannetti, Daniela and Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca},\n\tmonth = nov,\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tpages = {317--342},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n Changes in electoral politics in contemporary democracies have contributed to shifting the focus of research from parties to individual candidates. The 2013 Italian Candidate Survey (ICS) has collected original survey data with the aim of gaining new insights into the role of political elites, looking in particular at the candidates running for office in the last Italian general election. Based on interviews with individual candidates, the ICS provides a tool for analysing party members; and for comparing them with voters in several ways. In this paper, we spell out the main features of our research that was conducted within the framework of a larger project that examined political representation in Italy between 2013 and 2015. Moreover, we offer three examples of potential applications of ICS data. First, we present a model of political representation favoured by Italian candidates that matches with a well-known typology of political representation. Second, we utilize our ICS data to estimate candidates’ policy preferences and to assess the level of congruence with their voters. Finally, by comparing the distribution of candidates’ self-placements and their own party mean position on the left-right scale, we show how our data can be used to explore intra-party cohesion.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Crise económica, políticas de austeridade e representação política.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Lisi, M.; and Viegas, J.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Assembleia da República., Lisboa, 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{freire_crise_2015,\n\taddress = {Lisboa},\n\ttitle = {Crise económica, políticas de austeridade e representação política},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tpublisher = {Assembleia da República.},\n\tauthor = {Freire, A. and Lisi, M. and Viegas, J.M.L.},\n\tyear = {2015},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Increasing the response rate of the Comparative Candidate Survey.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Kartsounidou, E; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In DSC22015, Thessaloniki, 2015. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{Kartsounidou2015,\n\taddress = {Thessaloniki},\n\ttitle = {Increasing the response rate of the {Comparative} {Candidate} {Survey}},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {{DSC22015}},\n\tauthor = {Kartsounidou, E and Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2015},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Constituency candidates in comparative perspective–How personalized are constituency campaigns, why, and does it matter?.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Electoral Studies, 39: 286–294. 2015.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"ConstituencyPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{zittel_constituency_2015,\n\ttitle = {Constituency candidates in comparative perspective–{How} personalized are constituency campaigns, why, and does it matter?},\n\tvolume = {39},\n\turl = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0261379414000456},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {Electoral Studies},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, T},\n\tyear = {2015},\n\tpages = {286--294},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2014\n \n \n (5)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Political Representation in Bailed-out Southern Europe: Greece and Portugal Compared.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Lisi, M.; Andreadis, I.; and Leite Viegas, J. J. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n South European Society and Politics, 19(4): 413–433. October 2014.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"PoliticalPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 2 downloads\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Freire2014a,\n\ttitle = {Political {Representation} in {Bailed}-out {Southern} {Europe}: {Greece} and {Portugal} {Compared}},\n\tvolume = {19},\n\tissn = {1360-8746},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},\n\tabstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2017-03-17},\n\tjournal = {South European Society and Politics},\n\tauthor = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},\n\tmonth = oct,\n\tyear = {2014},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tkeywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},\n\tpages = {413--433},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n A Comparative Study of the Effects of Electoral Institutions on Campaigns.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Trumm, S.; and Sudulich, M. L.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Technical Report 2014.\n Publication Title: SSRN\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@techreport{trumm_comparative_2014,\n\ttitle = {A {Comparative} {Study} of the {Effects} of {Electoral} {Institutions} on {Campaigns}},\n\tabstract = {A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.},\n\tauthor = {Trumm, Siim and Sudulich, Maria Laura},\n\tyear = {2014},\n\tdoi = {10.2139/ssrn.2385892},\n\tnote = {Publication Title: SSRN},\n\tkeywords = {campaign means, campaign style, electoral institutions, party-candidate relations},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n A long tradition of studies in political science has unveiled the effects of electoral institutions on party systems and parliamentary representation. Yet their effects on campaign activities remain overlooked. Research in this tradition still lacks a strong comparative element able to explore the nuanced role of electoral institutions in shaping individual-level campaigns during first-order parliamentary elections. This study uses data from a variety of national candidate studies to address this lacuna , and shows that the structure of electoral institutions affects the electoral mobilization efforts put in place by candidates. Candidate-centred electoral systems incentivize more intense and complex mobilization efforts, and shift the campaign focus towards individuals rather than parties. By directly addressing the effects of electoral institutions on campaign behaviour, this study contributes to the wider debate on their role in promoting political engagement and mobilization. These results indicate that electoral institutions affect political competition much more than previously thought.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Awakening the Sleeping Giant in Greece and Portugal? Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards EU Integration in Difficult Economic Times.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Teperoglou, E.; and Moury, C.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n South European Society and Politics, 19(4): 477–499. October 2014.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"AwakeningPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n  \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{freire_awakening_2014,\n\ttitle = {Awakening the {Sleeping} {Giant} in {Greece} and {Portugal}? {Elites}' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {EU} {Integration} in {Difficult} {Economic} {Times}},\n\tvolume = {19},\n\tissn = {1360-8746},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983311},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {South European Society and Politics},\n\tauthor = {Freire, André and Teperoglou, Eftichia and Moury, Catherine},\n\tmonth = oct,\n\tyear = {2014},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tpages = {477--499},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Policy Congruence and Style of Representation: Party Voters and Political Parties.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Önnudóttir, E. H.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n West European Politics, 37(3): 538–563. May 2014.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"PolicyPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Onnudottir2014,\n\ttitle = {Policy {Congruence} and {Style} of {Representation}: {Party} {Voters} and {Political} {Parties}},\n\tvolume = {37},\n\tissn = {17439655},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402382.2013.841057},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/01402382.2013.841057},\n\tabstract = {This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left--right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.},\n\tnumber = {3},\n\turldate = {2017-03-17},\n\tjournal = {West European Politics},\n\tauthor = {Önnudóttir, Eva H.},\n\tmonth = may,\n\tyear = {2014},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tpages = {538--563},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n This article focuses on whether styles of representation influence policy congruence. Style of representation is defined at the party level as the proportion of representatives within parties who are partisans, delegates or trustees. Policy congruence refers to how close on the left–right scale the mean position of a party as placed by its candidates is compared to that of party voters. The article concludes that where there are higher proportions of trustees within parties, there is a greater degree of policy congruence, whereas a higher proportion of partisans results in less policy congruence. The proportion of delegates has no significant impact on congruence after taking account of other party and country measures. This indicates that party constraints on representatives are applied at the cost of congruence with voters, and that when representatives enjoy more flexibility to follow their own opinions, the party displays greater congruence with its own voters.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Teperoglou, E.; Freire, A.; Andreadis, I.; and Leite Viegas, J. J. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n South European Society and Politics, 19(4): 457–476. October 2014.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"Elites'Paper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n  \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n  \n \n 2 downloads\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Teperoglou2014,\n\ttitle = {Elites' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {Austerity} {Policies} and their {Consequences} in {Greece} and {Portugal}},\n\tvolume = {19},\n\tissn = {1360-8746},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},\n\tabstract = {© 2014 Taylor \\& Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2017-03-17},\n\tjournal = {South European Society and Politics},\n\tauthor = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Freire, André and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},\n\tmonth = oct,\n\tyear = {2014},\n\tkeywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},\n\tpages = {457--476},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n
\n © 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.\n
\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2013\n \n \n (1)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nationale Parteien oder lokale Kandidaten? Eine Analyse ihrer elektoralen Orientierungsleistungen bei der Bundestagswahl 2009.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Schmitt, H.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Wahlen und Wähler, pages 514–529. Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, Wiesbaden, 2013.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"NationalePaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{schmitt_nationale_2013,\n\taddress = {Wiesbaden},\n\ttitle = {Nationale {Parteien} oder lokale {Kandidaten}? {Eine} {Analyse} ihrer elektoralen {Orientierungsleistungen} bei der {Bundestagswahl} 2009},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_23},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {Wahlen und {Wähler}},\n\tpublisher = {Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden},\n\tauthor = {Schmitt, Hermann},\n\tyear = {2013},\n\tdoi = {10.1007/978-3-658-01328-8_23},\n\tpages = {514--529},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2012\n \n \n (2)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Investigating consensus versus conflict between the Greek and Portuguese political elites during the economic crisis: a matter of ideology?.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Teperoglou, E; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In nd Plenary Conference of the CCS, MZES, pages 27–29, Mannheim, 2012. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{teperoglou_investigating_2012,\n\taddress = {Mannheim},\n\ttitle = {Investigating consensus versus conflict between the {Greek} and {Portuguese} political elites during the economic crisis: a matter of ideology?},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {nd {Plenary} {Conference} of the {CCS}, {MZES}},\n\tauthor = {Teperoglou, E and Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2012},\n\tpages = {27--29},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Measuring satisfaction with democracy among candidates: What is the effect of the electoral outcome?.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In 2nd Plenary Conference of the CCS, MZES, pages pp. 27–29, Mannheim, 2012. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{andreadis_measuring_2012,\n\taddress = {Mannheim},\n\ttitle = {Measuring satisfaction with democracy among candidates: {What} is the effect of the electoral outcome?},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {2nd {Plenary} {Conference} of the {CCS}, {MZES}},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2012},\n\tpages = {pp. 27--29},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2011\n \n \n (4)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Machen Wahlkreiskandidaten einen Unterschied? Die Persönlichkeitswahl als interaktiver Prozess.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Gschwend, T.; and Zittel, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Wählen in Deutschland, pages 378–399. Nomos, 2011.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"MachenPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{gschwend_machen_2011,\n\ttitle = {Machen {Wahlkreiskandidaten} einen {Unterschied}? {Die} {Persönlichkeitswahl} als interaktiver {Prozess}},\n\turl = {http://www.nomos-elibrary.de/index.php?doi=10.5771/9783845262178_378},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {Wählen in {Deutschland}},\n\tpublisher = {Nomos},\n\tauthor = {Gschwend, Thomas and Zittel, Thomas},\n\tyear = {2011},\n\tdoi = {10.5771/9783845262178_378},\n\tpages = {378--399},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n A Platform for Individualized Campaigning? Social Media and Parliamentary Candidates in the 2009 Norwegian Election Campaign.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Karlsen, R.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Policy & Internet, 3(4): 1–25. 2011.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"APaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{karlsen_platform_2011,\n\ttitle = {A {Platform} for {Individualized} {Campaigning}? {Social} {Media} and {Parliamentary} {Candidates} in the 2009 {Norwegian} {Election} {Campaign}},\n\tvolume = {3},\n\turl = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.2202/1944-2866.1137},\n\tdoi = {10.2202/1944-2866.1137},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tjournal = {Policy \\& Internet},\n\tauthor = {Karlsen, Rune},\n\tyear = {2011},\n\tpages = {1--25},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Candidatos, Eleitores e Campanhas Eleitorais: As Eleições Legislativas de 2009 em Perspectiva.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Meirinho, M.; Freire, A.; Teixeira, C. P.; and Leite Viegas, J. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Revista de Ciências Sociais e Políticas/Journal of Social and Political Sciences, 2: 1–149. 2011.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{meirinho_candidatos_2011,\n\ttitle = {Candidatos, {Eleitores} e {Campanhas} {Eleitorais}: {As} {Eleições} {Legislativas} de 2009 em {Perspectiva}},\n\tvolume = {2},\n\tjournal = {Revista de Ciências Sociais e Políticas/Journal of Social and Political Sciences},\n\tauthor = {Meirinho, Manuel and Freire, André and Teixeira, C. P. and Leite Viegas, J. M.},\n\tyear = {2011},\n\tpages = {1--149},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Individuelle Wahlkämpfe bei der Europawahl 2009: Länderübergreifende und ebenenspezifische Befunde.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Giebler, H.; and Wüst, A. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Superwahljahr 2009, pages 121–152. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2011.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"IndividuellePaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{giebler_individuelle_2011,\n\taddress = {Wiesbaden},\n\ttitle = {Individuelle {Wahlkämpfe} bei der {Europawahl} 2009: {Länderübergreifende} und ebenenspezifische {Befunde}},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-93220-0_5},\n\turldate = {2019-05-07},\n\tbooktitle = {Superwahljahr 2009},\n\tpublisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},\n\tauthor = {Giebler, Heiko and Wüst, Andreas M.},\n\tyear = {2011},\n\tdoi = {10.1007/978-3-531-93220-0_5},\n\tpages = {121--152},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2010\n \n \n (4)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Personal vote seeking and district magnitude in open list PR systems. Evidence from Switzerland.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Lutz, G.; and Selb, P.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective\", 2010. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{lutz_personal_2010,\n\ttitle = {Personal vote seeking and district magnitude in open list {PR} systems. {Evidence} from {Switzerland}},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}"},\n\tauthor = {Lutz, Georg and Selb, Peter},\n\tyear = {2010},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Determinants of non-response to the open-ended question on the meaning of left and right: A comparison of political elites and the mass public in Germany.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Schmitt, H.; Scholz, E.; and Züll, C.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In ISA Conference, Gothenburg, 2010. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{schmitt_determinants_2010,\n\taddress = {Gothenburg},\n\ttitle = {Determinants of non-response to the open-ended question on the meaning of left and right: {A} comparison of political elites and the mass public in {Germany}.},\n\tbooktitle = {{ISA} {Conference}},\n\tauthor = {Schmitt, Hermann and Scholz, Evi and Züll, Conny},\n\tyear = {2010},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Cleavages of Voters and Candidates in the National and the European Dimension: Convergences and Divergences.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Teperoglou, E.; Chadjipadelis, T.; and Andreadis, I.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Science and Society–Journal of Political and Moral Theory, 25: 37–63. 2010.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{teperoglou_cleavages_2010,\n\ttitle = {Cleavages of {Voters} and {Candidates} in the {National} and the {European} {Dimension}: {Convergences} and {Divergences}},\n\tvolume = {25},\n\tjournal = {Science and Society–Journal of Political and Moral Theory},\n\tauthor = {Teperoglou, E. and Chadjipadelis, T. and Andreadis, Ioannis},\n\tyear = {2010},\n\tpages = {37--63},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n National parties or local candidates? An assessment of German voters' choice options in the Bundestag election of 2009.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Schmitt, H.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In German Bundestags election 2009, Lawrence, 2010. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{schmitt_national_2010,\n\taddress = {Lawrence},\n\ttitle = {National parties or local candidates? {An} assessment of {German} voters' choice options in the {Bundestag} election of 2009},\n\tbooktitle = {German {Bundestags} election 2009},\n\tauthor = {Schmitt, Hermann},\n\tyear = {2010},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2009\n \n \n (11)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n When do individual candidates individualise their constituency campaigns? Reflections from the Finnish experience.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Arter, D.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{arter_when_2009,\n\ttitle = {When do individual candidates individualise their constituency campaigns? {Reflections} from the {Finnish} experience},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {Arter, David},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Is there a way forward for the study of constituency campaigning in Britain?.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Denver, D.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{denver_is_2009,\n\ttitle = {Is there a way forward for the study of constituency campaigning in {Britain}?},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {Denver, David},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Constituency Campaigning in Canada.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Cross, W.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{cross_constituency_2009,\n\ttitle = {Constituency {Campaigning} in {Canada}},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {Cross, William},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Belgian candidates in search of a constituency.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n De Winter, L.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{de_winter_belgian_2009,\n\ttitle = {Belgian candidates in search of a constituency},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {De Winter, Lieven},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Party Democracy and Individualized Constituency Campaigning: Candidates Strategies and Behavior in the 2006 Austrian Elections.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Eder, N.; Marcello, J.; and Müller, W. C.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{eder_party_2009,\n\ttitle = {Party {Democracy} and {Individualized} {Constituency} {Campaigning}: {Candidates} {Strategies} and {Behavior} in the 2006 {Austrian} {Elections}},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {Eder, Nikolaus and Marcello, Jenny and Müller, W. C.},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Representação Política. O Caso Português em Perspectiva Comparada.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; and Leite Viegas, J. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Sextante., Lisboa, 2009.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{freire_representacao_2009,\n\taddress = {Lisboa},\n\ttitle = {Representação {Política}. {O} {Caso} {Português} em {Perspectiva} {Comparada}},\n\tpublisher = {Sextante.},\n\tauthor = {Freire, André and Leite Viegas, José Manuel},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Constituency campaigning in Ireland under STV: The candidate's perspective.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Marsh, M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Candidates in Constituency Campaigns from a Comparative Perspective, 2009. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{marsh_constituency_2009,\n\ttitle = {Constituency campaigning in {Ireland} under {STV}: {The} candidate's perspective},\n\tbooktitle = {Candidates in {Constituency} {Campaigns} from a {Comparative} {Perspective}},\n\tauthor = {Marsh, Michael},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Representação Política em Portugal. Inquéritos e Bases de Dados.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Freire, A.; Leite Viegas, J. M.; and Filipa Seiceira\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Sextante, Lisboa, 2009.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@book{freire_representacao_2009,\n\taddress = {Lisboa},\n\ttitle = {Representação {Política} em {Portugal}. {Inquéritos} e {Bases} de {Dados}},\n\tpublisher = {Sextante},\n\tauthor = {Freire, André and Leite Viegas, José Manuel and {Filipa Seiceira}},\n\tyear = {2009},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Bundestagskandidaten und Einwanderungspolitik: Eine Analyse zentraler Policy-Aspekt.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Wüst, A. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 19(1): 77–105. 2009.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"BundestagskandidatenPaper\n  \n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{wust_bundestagskandidaten_2009,\n\ttitle = {Bundestagskandidaten und {Einwanderungspolitik}: {Eine} {Analyse} zentraler {Policy}-{Aspekt}},\n\tvolume = {19},\n\turl = {https://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de/d7/de/publications/journal-article/bundestagskandidaten-und-einwanderungspolitik-eine-analyse-zentraler-policy-aspekte},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft},\n\tauthor = {Wüst, A. M.},\n\tyear = {2009},\n\tpages = {77--105},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Zur Sozialisation von Neuparlamentariern im 15. Deutschen Bundestag.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Wüst, A. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Wahlen und Wähler, pages 328–345. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2009.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"ZurPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{wust_zur_2009,\n\taddress = {Wiesbaden},\n\ttitle = {Zur {Sozialisation} von {Neuparlamentariern} im 15. {Deutschen} {Bundestag}},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-91666-8_13},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tbooktitle = {Wahlen und {Wähler}},\n\tpublisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},\n\tauthor = {Wüst, Andreas M.},\n\tyear = {2009},\n\tdoi = {10.1007/978-3-531-91666-8_13},\n\tpages = {328--345},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Lost in Technology? Political Parties and the Online Campaigns of Constituency Candidates in Germany's Mixed Member Electoral System.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Journal of Information Technology & Politics, 6(3-4): 298–311. July 2009.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"LostPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{zittel_lost_2009,\n\ttitle = {Lost in {Technology}? {Political} {Parties} and the {Online} {Campaigns} of {Constituency} {Candidates} in {Germany}'s {Mixed} {Member} {Electoral} {System}},\n\tvolume = {6},\n\tissn = {1933-1681},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/19331680903048832},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/19331680903048832},\n\tnumber = {3-4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {Journal of Information Technology \\& Politics},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, Thomas},\n\tmonth = jul,\n\tyear = {2009},\n\tpages = {298--311},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2008\n \n \n (2)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Characteristics of Greek Parliament candidates.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Chadjipadelis, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In 58th Political Studies Association Annual Conference \"Democracy, Governance and Conflict: Dilemmas of Theory and Practice\", Swansea, UK, 2008. \n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@inproceedings{Andreadis2008,\n\taddress = {Swansea, UK},\n\ttitle = {Characteristics of {Greek} {Parliament} candidates},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tbooktitle = {58th {Political} {Studies} {Association} {Annual} {Conference} "{Democracy}, {Governance} and {Conflict}: {Dilemmas} of {Theory} and {Practice}"},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Chadjipadelis, Theodore},\n\tyear = {2008},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Individualised Constituency Campaigns in Mixed-Member Electoral Systems: Candidates in the 2005 German Elections.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T.; and Gschwend, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n West European Politics, 31(5): 978–1003. September 2008.\n Publisher: Routledge\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"IndividualisedPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Zittel2008,\n\ttitle = {Individualised {Constituency} {Campaigns} in {Mixed}-{Member} {Electoral} {Systems}: {Candidates} in the 2005 {German} {Elections}},\n\tvolume = {31},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01402380802234656},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/01402380802234656},\n\tnumber = {5},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {West European Politics},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},\n\tmonth = sep,\n\tyear = {2008},\n\tnote = {Publisher: Routledge},\n\tpages = {978--1003},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2007\n \n \n (2)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Individualisierte Wahlkämpfe im Wahlkreis. Eine Analyse am Beispiel des Bundestagswahlkampfes von 2005.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T.; and Gschwend, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 48(2): 293–321. June 2007.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"IndividualisiertePaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n  \n \n 1 download\n \n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{zittel_individualisierte_2007,\n\ttitle = {Individualisierte {Wahlkämpfe} im {Wahlkreis}. {Eine} {Analyse} am {Beispiel} des {Bundestagswahlkampfes} von 2005},\n\tvolume = {48},\n\tissn = {0032-3470},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},\n\tdoi = {10.1007/s11615-007-0048-z},\n\tnumber = {2},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {Politische Vierteljahresschrift},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},\n\tmonth = jun,\n\tyear = {2007},\n\tpages = {293--321},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Der Bundestagswahlkampf von 2005 und Kollektive Repräsentation: Ein kurzer Auftakt zum langen Abschied?.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T.; and Gschwend, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Die Bundestagswahl 2005, pages 119–144. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden, 2007.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"DerPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{zittel_bundestagswahlkampf_2007,\n\taddress = {Wiesbaden},\n\ttitle = {Der {Bundestagswahlkampf} von 2005 und {Kollektive} {Repräsentation}: {Ein} kurzer {Auftakt} zum langen {Abschied}?},\n\turl = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tbooktitle = {Die {Bundestagswahl} 2005},\n\tpublisher = {VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, Thomas and Gschwend, Thomas},\n\tyear = {2007},\n\tdoi = {10.1007/978-3-531-90536-5_6},\n\tpages = {119--144},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n
\n
\n  \n 2006\n \n \n (3)\n \n \n
\n
\n \n \n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Wahlverhalten und politische Repräsentation von Migranten.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Wüst, A. M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n Der Bürger im Staat, 56(4): 228–234. 2006.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{wust_wahlverhalten_2006,\n\ttitle = {Wahlverhalten und politische {Repräsentation} von {Migranten}},\n\tvolume = {56},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {Der Bürger im Staat},\n\tauthor = {Wüst, A. M.},\n\tyear = {2006},\n\tpages = {228--234},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Candidates in the 2005 Bundestag election: Mode of candidacy, campaigning and issues.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Wüst, A. M.; Schmitt, H.; Gschwend, T.; and Zittel, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n German Politics, 15(4): 420–438. December 2006.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n \n \"CandidatesPaper\n  \n \n\n \n \n doi\n  \n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@article{Wust2006,\n\ttitle = {Candidates in the 2005 {Bundestag} election: {Mode} of candidacy, campaigning and issues},\n\tvolume = {15},\n\turl = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09644000601062576},\n\tdoi = {10.1080/09644000601062576},\n\tnumber = {4},\n\turldate = {2019-05-09},\n\tjournal = {German Politics},\n\tauthor = {Wüst, A. M. and Schmitt, H. and Gschwend, T. and Zittel, T.},\n\tmonth = dec,\n\tyear = {2006},\n\tpages = {420--438},\n}\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n
\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n Comparative Legislative Behavior.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Zittel, T.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n In Rod A.W. Rhodes, S. B., editor(s), Oxford Handbook of Political Institutions. Oxford: Oxford University Press., Oxford, 2006.\n \n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n \n\n \n\n \n link\n  \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n  \n \n \n\n\n\n
\n
@incollection{zittel_comparative_2006,\n\taddress = {Oxford},\n\ttitle = {Comparative {Legislative} {Behavior}},\n\tbooktitle = {Oxford {Handbook} of {Political} {Institutions}},\n\tpublisher = {Oxford: Oxford University Press.},\n\tauthor = {Zittel, Thomas},\n\teditor = {Rod A.W. Rhodes, Sara Binder, Bert Rockman},\n\tyear = {2006},\n}\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n\n\n\n
\n
\n\n\n\n\n
\n\n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n\n
\n"}; document.write(bibbase_data.data);