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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Andreadis, I.; and Giebler, H.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Statistics, Politics and Policy, 9(2): 135–160. December 2018.\n
Publisher: De Gruyter\n\n
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Paper\n \n \n\n \n \n doi\n \n \n\n \n link\n \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n \n \n \n\n\n\n
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@article{Andreadis2018a,\n\ttitle = {Validating and {Improving} {Voting} {Advice} {Applications}: {Estimating} {Party} {Positions} {Using} {Candidate} {Surveys}},\n\tvolume = {9},\n\tissn = {2151-7509},\n\turl = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},\n\tdoi = {10.1515/spp-2018-0012},\n\tabstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},\n\tnumber = {2},\n\turldate = {2019-03-12},\n\tjournal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},\n\tauthor = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},\n\tmonth = dec,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tnote = {Publisher: De Gruyter},\n\tpages = {135--160},\n}\n\n\n\n
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\n Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n Gendered political resources: The case of party office.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Verge, T.; and Claveria, S.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Party Politics, 24(5): 536–548. September 2018.\n
Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd\n\n
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@article{verge_gendered_2018,\n\ttitle = {Gendered political resources: {The} case of party office},\n\tvolume = {24},\n\tissn = {14603683},\n\tdoi = {10.1177/1354068816663040},\n\tabstract = {Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.},\n\tnumber = {5},\n\tjournal = {Party Politics},\n\tauthor = {Verge, Tània and Claveria, Sílvia},\n\tmonth = sep,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tnote = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd},\n\tkeywords = {gender power, party patronage, political parties, political recruitment, women’s representation},\n\tpages = {536--548},\n}\n\n\n\n
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\n Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our cross-national analysis of advanced industrial democracies shows that men are much more likely than women to benefit from holding party office in their ascendant political careers, even when controlling for other political resources, sociodemographic factors and country-level variables. This suggests that party office is a gendered political resource and that gender power dynamics are deeply entrenched in political parties.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service.\n \n \n \n \n\n\n \n Chiru, M.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Social Science Quarterly, 99(1): 283–295. March 2018.\n
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Paper\n \n \n\n \n \n doi\n \n \n\n \n link\n \n \n\n bibtex\n \n\n \n \n \n abstract \n \n\n \n\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n \n \n \n\n\n\n
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@article{chiru_cheap_2018,\n\ttitle = {Cheap {Talk} or {Proper} {Signaling}? {Styles} of {Campaigning} and {Engagement} in {Constituency} {Service}},\n\tvolume = {99},\n\tissn = {00384941},\n\turl = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/ssqu.12404},\n\tdoi = {10.1111/ssqu.12404},\n\tabstract = {Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\turldate = {2019-05-04},\n\tjournal = {Social Science Quarterly},\n\tauthor = {Chiru, Mihail},\n\tmonth = mar,\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tpages = {283--295},\n}\n\n\n\n
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\n Objectives Although a salient component of parliamentary delegation and accountability chains, the connection between individual campaigning and parliamentary behavior has not been measured systematically by empirical research. This study assesses the importance of campaign strategies and activities for constituency service. Methods We draw on an original data set combining the responses of 234 members of Parliament (MPs) participating at the 2010 Hungarian Candidate Study with their subsequent parliamentary questions. We content analyzed the questions and ran negative binomial regressions to evaluate if and how campaign activities influenced the MPs to introduce locally‐oriented questions. Results Our analyses show that a form of campaign socialization, the time devoted to meet local activists during campaigns, is a key predictor for the likelihood of introducing constituency questions, whereas campaign norms and messages matter less. Conclusions Ultimately, even though campaigns matter for constituency service, the MPs’ shadowing behavior, their socialization in local politics, and their partisan affiliation is likely to matter more.\n
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\n\n \n \n \n \n \n Italian candidates under the Rosato law.\n \n \n \n\n\n \n Pedrazzani, A.; Pinto, L.; and Segatti, P.\n\n\n \n\n\n\n
Italian Political Science, 13(1): 19–35. 2018.\n
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@article{pedrazzani_italian_2018,\n\ttitle = {Italian candidates under the {Rosato} law},\n\tvolume = {13},\n\tissn = {2420-8434},\n\tabstract = {Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.},\n\tnumber = {1},\n\tjournal = {Italian Political Science},\n\tauthor = {Pedrazzani, Andrea and Pinto, Luca and Segatti, Paolo},\n\tyear = {2018},\n\tpages = {19--35},\n}\n\n\n\n
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\n Candidates for public office are part of the politically 'active minority' that serve as a fundamental link between voters and the ruling class. The selection of candidates can also define the traits of political personnel in the major political institutions and, more in general, the very nature of democratic representation. The study of candidates is particularly interesting in the case of the 2018 Italian elections as it allows us to understand the extent to which Italian citizens are willing to run for office despite a negative climate towards politics, and despite parties' choices under the new mixed electoral system-the so-called 'Rosato law'. This article investigates a number of key characteristics of the Italian candidates running for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 2018 and compares them with those who stood for office in the past elections from 1976 onwards. In particular, we focus on the following aspects: the overall number of candidacies and party lists, the use of multiple candidacies by different parties, and some relevant traits of candidates such as their age, gender and past experience as candidates. Results highlight the impact of the new electoral institutions, as in 2018 the overall number of Italian candidates and lists has decreased if compared to the 2013 elections. However, the new rules have not substantially reduced the number of those who run for office without any reasonable possibility of obtaining a parliamentary seat. In addition, the population of Italian would-be deputies has become more balanced in terms of gender-though not any younger-and the turnover rate among Italian candidates seems to be somewhat lower than in 2013. Furthermore, moving from 2013 to 2018, the leaders of Italian parties have made more moderate use of multiple candidacies as a tool for controlling party members. In the last elections, multiple candidacies were employed mostly for safeguarding the election of some prominent politicians.\n
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