Sali A. Tagliamonte.
“So cool, right?”: Canadian English Entering the 21st Century.
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique, 51(2-3): 309–331. November 2006.
![“So cool, right?”: Canadian English Entering the 21st Century [link]](//bibbase.org/img/filetypes/link.svg "Paper")
Paper
doi
link
bibtex
abstract
2 downloads
@article{tagliamonte_so_2006,
title = {“{So} cool, right?”: {Canadian} {English} {Entering} the 21st {Century}},
volume = {51},
issn = {0008-4131, 1710-1115},
shorttitle = {“{So} cool, right?},
url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/canadian-journal-of-linguistics-revue-canadienne-de-linguistique/article/so-cool-right-canadian-english-entering-the-21st-century/A0D74929DF3E8C8DD6D9108D7E64D190},
doi = {10.1017/S0008413100004126},
abstract = {A socially stratified sample—the Toronto English Corpus—together with the construct of apparent time (with speakers aged 10–90 years) reveal that certain features are declining, including future will, deontic have got to, possessive have got, intensifier very, and the sentence tag you know. On the other hand, some features are on the rise, including future going to, deontic have to, possessive have, intensifiers really and so, and sentences tags such as whatever, so, and stuff like that. The younger generation is pushing these changes forward more rapidly. While some developments date back hundreds of years in the history of English, they are not particular to Canada, and are consistent with research on other English corpora. Other changes appear to be progressing in a unique way in Canada, including deontic and possessive have. I argue that the broader socio-historical context is a critical factor: geographic and economic mobility as well as changes in communication technology may explain the rapid acceleration of certain types of linguistic change.
,
Résumé
Un échantillon avec stratification sociale—le Toronto English Corpus—en combinaison avec la notion de temps apparent (avec des locuteurs âgés entre 10 et 90 ans) révèlent que certains traits sont en déclin, dont le futur will, le have got to déontique, le have got possessif, l’intensifieur very et l’expression phrastique you know. Par contre, d’autre traits sont en croissance, dont le futur going to, le déontique have to, le possessif have, les intensifieurs really et so et les expressions phrastiques whatever, so et stuff like that. La generation plus jeune pousse ces changements de l’avant plus rapidement. Alors que certains de ces développements datent de plusieurs centaines d’années dans l’histoire de l’anglais, ils ne sont pas spécifique au Canada et apparaissent dans d’autres corpus de l’anglais. D’autres changements semblent progresser de façon unique au Canada, dont le have déontique et possessif. J’argumente ici que le contexte socio-historique est un facteur décisif: une mobilité géographique et économique ainsi que des changements dans la technologie de la communication peuvent expliquer l’accélération rapide de certains types de changements linguistiques.},
language = {en},
number = {2-3},
urldate = {2020-05-22},
journal = {Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique},
author = {Tagliamonte, Sali A.},
month = nov,
year = {2006},
pages = {309--331},
}
A socially stratified sample—the Toronto English Corpus—together with the construct of apparent time (with speakers aged 10–90 years) reveal that certain features are declining, including future will, deontic have got to, possessive have got, intensifier very, and the sentence tag you know. On the other hand, some features are on the rise, including future going to, deontic have to, possessive have, intensifiers really and so, and sentences tags such as whatever, so, and stuff like that. The younger generation is pushing these changes forward more rapidly. While some developments date back hundreds of years in the history of English, they are not particular to Canada, and are consistent with research on other English corpora. Other changes appear to be progressing in a unique way in Canada, including deontic and possessive have. I argue that the broader socio-historical context is a critical factor: geographic and economic mobility as well as changes in communication technology may explain the rapid acceleration of certain types of linguistic change. , Résumé Un échantillon avec stratification sociale—le Toronto English Corpus—en combinaison avec la notion de temps apparent (avec des locuteurs âgés entre 10 et 90 ans) révèlent que certains traits sont en déclin, dont le futur will, le have got to déontique, le have got possessif, l’intensifieur very et l’expression phrastique you know. Par contre, d’autre traits sont en croissance, dont le futur going to, le déontique have to, le possessif have, les intensifieurs really et so et les expressions phrastiques whatever, so et stuff like that. La generation plus jeune pousse ces changements de l’avant plus rapidement. Alors que certains de ces développements datent de plusieurs centaines d’années dans l’histoire de l’anglais, ils ne sont pas spécifique au Canada et apparaissent dans d’autres corpus de l’anglais. D’autres changements semblent progresser de façon unique au Canada, dont le have déontique et possessif. J’argumente ici que le contexte socio-historique est un facteur décisif: une mobilité géographique et économique ainsi que des changements dans la technologie de la communication peuvent expliquer l’accélération rapide de certains types de changements linguistiques.
Sali A. Tagliamonte; and Alexandra D'Arcy.
The modals of obligation/necessity in Canadian perspective.
English World-Wide, 28(1): 47–87. January 2007.
doi
link
bibtex
abstract
@article{tagliamonte_modals_2007,
title = {The modals of obligation/necessity in {Canadian} perspective},
volume = {28},
doi = {10.1075/eww.28.1.04tag},
abstract = {The modal verbs of English have been undergoing change since the Late Old English and Early Middle English periods. Recent research suggests dramatic recent developments, particularly in American English. In this paper, we focus on the encoding of obligation/necessity, which involves the layering of must, have (got) to, got to, and need to. Building on a longitudinal research program on (spoken) English dialect corpora, the present investigation examines data from a 1.5 million word corpus of the indigenous population of Toronto, Canada, the country’s largest urban centre. Variation analysis reveals that the system of obligation/necessity in this community has undergone nearly complete specialization to have to. Moreover, a comparison of these results with earlier studies suggests that the underlying system is organized differently than elsewhere. We argue that while change is sensitive to the social evaluation of forms, internal (grammatical) constraints may differ across major varieties. Canadian English appears to be on the forefront of change.},
number = {1},
journal = {English World-Wide},
author = {Tagliamonte, Sali A. and D'Arcy, Alexandra},
month = jan,
year = {2007},
keywords = {Bare got, Canadian English, Deontic Modality, Epistemic Modality, Grammaticalization, Obligation/Necessity},
pages = {47--87},
}
The modal verbs of English have been undergoing change since the Late Old English and Early Middle English periods. Recent research suggests dramatic recent developments, particularly in American English. In this paper, we focus on the encoding of obligation/necessity, which involves the layering of must, have (got) to, got to, and need to. Building on a longitudinal research program on (spoken) English dialect corpora, the present investigation examines data from a 1.5 million word corpus of the indigenous population of Toronto, Canada, the country’s largest urban centre. Variation analysis reveals that the system of obligation/necessity in this community has undergone nearly complete specialization to have to. Moreover, a comparison of these results with earlier studies suggests that the underlying system is organized differently than elsewhere. We argue that while change is sensitive to the social evaluation of forms, internal (grammatical) constraints may differ across major varieties. Canadian English appears to be on the forefront of change.
Sali A. Tagliamonte; Alexandra D'Arcy; and Bridget Jankowski.
Social work and linguistic systems: Marking possession in Canadian English.
Language Variation and Change, 22(01): 149–173. March 2010.
Paper
doi
link
bibtex
abstract
1 download
@article{tagliamonte_social_2010,
title = {Social work and linguistic systems: {Marking} possession in {Canadian} {English}},
volume = {22},
issn = {1469-8021},
shorttitle = {Social work and linguistic systems},
url = {http://journals.cambridge.org/article_S0954394510000050},
doi = {10.1017/S0954394510000050},
abstract = {The system of stative possession has been subject to variation and change since at least the Early Modern period, with have got rising in frequency in British and Antipodean varieties of English. In Canadian English, as represented by data from the largest city, Toronto, have predominates. Nonetheless, the full set of constraints previously reported for this variable are operative, corroborating the longitudinal maintenance of linguistic factors across time and space (Kroch, 1989). At the same time, variation among possessive forms is conditioned by robust sociolinguistic patterns. Have is correlated with education and with female speakers, whereas less-educated men favor have got and got. Such findings demonstrate that the domination of one form or another in a variable system can be the result of historical accident, in this case a founder effect at a particular point in history, and that the social value of forms is a product of local circumstances at the time of change.},
number = {01},
urldate = {2016-08-22},
journal = {Language Variation and Change},
author = {Tagliamonte, Sali A. and D'Arcy, Alexandra and Jankowski, Bridget},
month = mar,
year = {2010},
keywords = {Bare got},
pages = {149--173},
}
The system of stative possession has been subject to variation and change since at least the Early Modern period, with have got rising in frequency in British and Antipodean varieties of English. In Canadian English, as represented by data from the largest city, Toronto, have predominates. Nonetheless, the full set of constraints previously reported for this variable are operative, corroborating the longitudinal maintenance of linguistic factors across time and space (Kroch, 1989). At the same time, variation among possessive forms is conditioned by robust sociolinguistic patterns. Have is correlated with education and with female speakers, whereas less-educated men favor have got and got. Such findings demonstrate that the domination of one form or another in a variable system can be the result of historical accident, in this case a founder effect at a particular point in history, and that the social value of forms is a product of local circumstances at the time of change.
![Have got, a pattern preserver [link]](http://bibbase.org/img/filetypes/link.svg "Paper")