@book{rock_elite_2024,
	address = {London ;},
	series = {Democratization and {Autocratization} {Studies}},
	title = {Elite origins of democracy and development in the {Muslim} world},
	isbn = {978-1-03-244867-1},
	abstract = {Using an elite consensus/conflict analytical frame, this book examines why some majority Muslim countries perform so much better at democracy and/or development than others, questioning received wisdoms that Islam, authoritarianism, and underdevelopment go together. Identifying four distinct democracy and development outcomes in the Muslim world, four case studies are interrogated to show that there is more variability in democracy and development outcomes in Muslim majority countries than macro-historical studies and aggregate data have shown. By demonstrating that democracy and development outcomes in Muslim countries are the consequence of elite conflict and elite consensus, rather than the precepts or institutions of Islam, the book places the competition for power among contending elites, rather than Islam, at the center of the story of democracy and development in the Muslim world. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political development/development studies, democratization and autocratization studies, democracy promotion, and more broadly comparative politics.},
	language = {eng},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Rock, Michael T.},
	collaborator = {Özel, Soli},
	year = {2024},
	keywords = {Democracy, Economic development, Islamic countries, Politics and government, Social change},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{bynner_facilitators_2023,
	title = {Facilitators as culture change workers: advancing public participation and deliberation in local governance},
	volume = {49},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-85152469579&doi=10.1080%2f03003930.2023.2190586&partnerID=40&md5=9cab7085eaf9f29e7e31f36fd3856a25},
	doi = {10.1080/03003930.2023.2190586},
	abstract = {Practitioners who facilitate public participation in governance operate at the interface of three policy agendas: public service reform, social justice and democratic innovation. Scotland offers a paradigmatic site for studying this interface through the role of officials who work as facilitators of public participation. Reforms in the last two decades have generated new spaces for engaging citizens and communities while challenging official facilitators to reconcile grassroots community action with institutional engagement. This article draws on empirical research from the What Works Scotland dataset (2014–2019), which is the first to examine the nature of this role across Scotland. Our analysis unpacks the tensions of interactive modes of governance and explores facilitators’ agency in responding to cultural practices that are resistant to change. The paper argues that official facilitators are more than process designers and discursive stewards; their work involves challenging and changing the cultural practices of the state at the frontlines of democratic upheaval and renewal. © 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor \& Francis Group.},
	number = {4},
	journal = {Local Government Studies},
	author = {Bynner, C. and Escobar, O. and Weakley, S.},
	year = {2023},
	keywords = {Scotland, United Kingdom, civil society, cultural change, democracy, governance approach, local government, local participation, participatory approach},
	pages = {738--758},
}

@article{hickman_housing_2023,
	title = {Housing and the politics of {Nationally} {Strategic} {Infrastructure} {Planning} in {England}},
	volume = {124},
	issn = {0264-8377},
	doi = {10.1016/j.landusepol.2022.106429},
	abstract = {The 2008 Planning Act introduced a new approach for determining large (‘nationally significant’) infrastructure projects in a new national process that would unify consent regimes and speed up decisions within fixed timescales outside of local planning. Major housing schemes have been excluded from this process, despite repeated attempts by recent UK governments to allocate more land for housebuilding through parallel reforms to the English planning system. This paper explores why Nationally Significant Infrastructure Planning (NSIP) has not been used for housing schemes, using the example of housing to reflect on debates about potential democratic deficits in the NSIP process and the selective politicisation of infrastructure planning in England. In doing so, the paper makes a distinctive contribution to practice and research by linking together debates about the politics of planning for housing in England and international literature on democratic process in the delivery of critical infrastructure. © 2022 The Authors},
	language = {English},
	journal = {Land Use Policy},
	author = {Hickman, H. and While, A.},
	year = {2023},
	keywords = {Democracy, Housing, Infrastructure planning, New settlements, Politics},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@misc{waltman_how_2022,
	title = {How to improve scientific peer review: {Four} schools of thought},
	shorttitle = {How to improve scientific peer review},
	url = {https://osf.io/preprints/socarxiv/v8ghj/},
	doi = {10.31235/osf.io/v8ghj},
	abstract = {Peer review plays an essential role as one of the cornerstones of the scholarly publishing system. There are many initiatives that aim to improve the way in which peer review is organized, resulting in a highly complex landscape of innovation in peer review. Different initiatives are based on different views on the most urgent challenges faced by the peer review system, leading to a diversity of perspectives on how the system can be improved. To provide a more systematic understanding of the landscape of innovation in peer review, we suggest that the landscape is shaped by four schools of thought: The Quality \& Reproducibility school, the Democracy \& Transparency school, the Equity \& Inclusion school, and the Efficiency \& Incentives school. Each school has a different view on the key problems of the peer review system and the innovations necessary to address these problems. The schools partly complement each other, but we argue that there are also important tensions between them. We hope that the four schools of thought offer a useful framework to facilitate conversations about the future development of the peer review system.},
	language = {en-us},
	urldate = {2022-12-07},
	publisher = {SocArXiv},
	author = {Waltman, Ludo and Kaltenbrunner, Wolfgang and Pinfield, Stephen and Woods, Helen Buckley},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	keywords = {Library and Information Science, Scholarly Publishing, Social and Behavioral Sciences, democracy, efficiency, equity, incentive, inclusion, innovation, peer review, quality, reproducibility, school of thought, transparency},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{brito_measuring_2022,
	title = {Measuring the performances of politicians on social media and the correlation with major {Latin} {American} election results},
	issn = {0740-624X},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0740624X22000818},
	doi = {10.1016/j.giq.2022.101745},
	abstract = {Contemporary social media (SM) has strongly impacted democratic practices. The success of presidential campaigns is frequently attributed to being highly correlated with the candidates' social media performance, but there is no well-established method to measure this performance. Thus, this study aims to improve the understanding of a politician's performance on SM and its correlation with electoral results. Applying a new, recently-defined set of metrics, based on Zajonc's exposition theory and considering the interactions of users on politicians' profiles in multiple SM platforms, this research identifies statistical correlations between SM performance and the votes received in multiple elections. As case studies, this paper focuses on the most recent presidential elections in the four most populous countries in Latin America: Argentina (2019), Brazil (2018), Colombia (2018), and Mexico (2018). Data from more than 65,000 posts were collected from the SM profiles of the main candidates on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, starting from 300 days before the election days, and correlations with electoral results were calculated. The results demonstrated strong correlations between the defined metrics and the votes received, particularly the engagement per post, although there were differences among countries. On the other hand, we observed that there is zero or negative correlation between the number of posts and the electoral results.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-31},
	journal = {Government Information Quarterly},
	author = {Brito, Kellyton and Adeodato, Paulo Jorge Leitão},
	month = jul,
	year = {2022},
	keywords = {Democracy, Elections, Latin America, Social media, Social networks},
	pages = {101745},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{frahm_fixing_2022,
	title = {Fixing {Technology} with {Society}: {The} {Coproduction} of {Democratic} {Deficits} and {Responsible} {Innovation} at the {OECD} and the {European} {Commission}},
	volume = {47},
	issn = {0162-2439},
	shorttitle = {Fixing {Technology} with {Society}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0162243921999100},
	doi = {10.1177/0162243921999100},
	abstract = {Long presented as a universal policy-recipe for social prosperity and economic growth, the promise of innovation seems to be increasingly in question, giving way to a new vision of progress in which society is advanced as a central enabler of technoeconomic development. Frameworks such as “Responsible” or “Mission-oriented” Innovation, for example, have become commonplace parlance and practice in the governance of the innovation–society nexus. In this paper, we study the dynamics by which this “social fix” to technoscience has gained legitimacy in institutions of global governance by investigating recent projects at two international organizations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the European Commission, to mainstream “Responsible Innovation” frameworks and instruments across countries. Our analysis shows how the turn to societal participation in both organizations relies on a new deficit logic—a democratic deficit of innovation—that frames a lack of societal engagement in innovation governance as a major barrier to the uptake and dissemination of new technologies. These deficit politics enable global governance institutions to present “Responsible Innovation” frameworks as the solution and to claim authority over the coproduction of particular forms of democracy and innovation as intertwined pillars of a market-liberal international order.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2021-12-10},
	journal = {Science, Technology, \& Human Values},
	author = {Frahm, Nina and Doezema, Tess and Pfotenhauer, Sebastian},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc},
	keywords = {Responsible Research and Innovation, deficits, democracy, expertise, global governance, innovation},
	pages = {174--216},
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@book{barbera_digital_2021,
	address = {Cham},
	series = {Studies in {Digital} {Politics} and {Governance}},
	title = {Digital {Parties}: {The} {Challenges} of {Online} {Organisation} and {Participation}},
	isbn = {978-3-030-78667-0 978-3-030-78668-7},
	shorttitle = {Digital {Parties}},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-030-78668-7},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2023-02-04},
	publisher = {Springer International Publishing},
	editor = {Barberà, Oscar and Sandri, Giulia and Correa, Patricia and Rodríguez-Teruel, Juan},
	year = {2021},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-78668-7},
	keywords = {Democracy, Digital democracy, Digital party platforms, Digital party politics, Digital platform regulation, Digitalization, Electoral campaigns, Five Stars Movement, German Greens, Internet and politics, Intra-party democracy, La France Insoumise, Mainstream political parties, Online decision-making systems, Party campaigning, Pirate Party, Podemos},
}

@article{finneman_our_2021,
	title = {“{Our} {Company} is in {Survival} {Mode}”: {Metajournalistic} {Discourse} on {COVID}-19’s {Impact} on {U}.{S}. {Community} {Newspapers}},
	volume = {16},
	issn = {1751-2786 1751-2794},
	doi = {10.1080/17512786.2021.1888149},
	abstract = {This study explores how U.S. reporters, columnists, editors, and state newspaper associations explained to their audiences the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on journalism. Our examination of news articles and columns found an emphasis on explaining the industry's financial struggles in the 2000s, the strain of the pandemic on journalistic routines, the historical legacies of newspapers, and journalism's role in democracy. We also found that state newspaper associations served as morale boosters for member newspapers to remind them of their essential community role, provided advice on innovation, played an advocacy and lobbying role in support of newspapers. The findings of this study illustrate the discursive strategies that journalists use as they appeal to readers to keep journalism alive.},
	language = {English},
	number = {10},
	journal = {Journalism Practice},
	author = {Finneman, Teri and Thomas, Ryan J.},
	month = nov,
	year = {2021},
	note = {Section: 1965},
	keywords = {COVID-19, Communication, coronavirus, democracy, discourse, journalism, metajournalistic, newspapers},
	pages = {1965--1983},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@book{young_strategies_2021,
	address = {Singapore},
	series = {Palgrave {Series} in {Asia} and {Pacific} {Studies}},
	title = {Strategies of {Authoritarian} {Survival} and {Dissensus} in {Southeast} {Asia}: {Weak} {Men} {Versus} {Strongmen}},
	isbn = {978-981-336-111-9 978-981-336-112-6},
	shorttitle = {Strategies of {Authoritarian} {Survival} and {Dissensus} in {Southeast} {Asia}},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-981-33-6112-6},
	abstract = {This book analyses how authoritarian rulers of Southeast Asian countries maintain their durability in office, and, in this context, explains why some movements of civil society organizations succeed while others fail to achieve their demands. It discusses the relationship between the state-society-business in the political survival context. As the first comparative analysis of strategies of regime survival across Southeast Asia, this book also provides an in-depth insight into the various opposition movements, and the behaviour of antagonistic civic and political actors in the region.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-10-05},
	publisher = {Springer},
	author = {Young, Sokphea},
	year = {2021},
	doi = {10.1007/978-981-33-6112-6},
	keywords = {asia, protest, government, democracy},
	file = {Submitted Version:/Users/italo/Library/CloudStorage/GoogleDrive-italoalves93@gmail.com/Meine Ablage/OUTROS /ZOTERO/Profiles/t0t82kum.default/zotero/storage/9P78BJQT/Young - 2021 - Strategies of Authoritarian Survival and Dissensus.pdf:application/pdf},
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{davis_higher_2021,
	title = {Higher education’s duty to defend democracy},
	issn = {1573-174X},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-021-00775-8},
	doi = {10.1007/s10734-021-00775-8},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2021-10-15},
	journal = {Higher Education},
	author = {Davis, Avery M. D.},
	month = oct,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {Democracy, higher education},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{laebens_what_2021,
	title = {What halts democratic erosion? {The} changing role of accountability},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {1351-0347},
	shorttitle = {What halts democratic erosion?},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1897109},
	doi = {10.1080/13510347.2021.1897109},
	abstract = {Worldwide, democratic erosion is on the rise, with incumbents slowly undermining the pillars of democratic competition such as political freedoms, clean elections, and a free press. While such gradual erosion frequently culminates in democratic breakdown, this is not always the case. How can accountability mechanisms contribute to halting democratic erosion before breakdown, even if they could not prevent the onset of erosion? To study this question, we use the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index to systematically identify three recent cases – Benin (2007–2012), Ecuador (2008–2010), and South Korea (2008–2016) – where substantial democratic erosion happened but democracy did not break down. Studying these cases in depth we find that accountability mechanism – parliamentary and judicial oversight (horizontal accountability), pressures from civil society and the media (diagonal accountability), or electoral competition between parties and within parties (vertical accountability) – played a part in halting democratic erosion in all of them. They effectively halted erosion when institutional constraints – such as presidential term limits or judicial independence – and contextual factors – in particular economic downturns and public outrage about corruption scandals – worked together to create simultaneous pressures on the incumbents from civil society and from vertical or horizontal accountability actors.},
	number = {5},
	urldate = {2022-08-05},
	journal = {Democratization},
	author = {Laebens, Melis G. and Lührmann, Anna},
	month = jul,
	year = {2021},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1897109},
	keywords = {Benin, Democracy, Ecuador, South Korea, accountability, autocratization, backsliding, democratization},
	pages = {908--928},
}

@article{zahay_labor_2020,
	title = {The {Labor} of {Building} {Trust}: {Traditional} and {Engagement} {Discourses} for {Practicing} {Journalism} in a {Digital} {Age}},
	volume = {98},
	issn = {1077-6990 2161-430X},
	doi = {10.1177/1077699020954854},
	abstract = {This work of rhetorical analysis interrogates the understanding of journalism as a deliberative instrument in democracy. With 42 in-depth interviews and hundreds of pages of text from websites, social media, and trade press articles, we find a major shift occurring in the United States between more traditional reporters and a growing class often calling themselves "engagement specialists." These engagement-oriented journalists assert a responsibility to relationally engage with citizens in person and online, making space for them in the news production process. These emerging routines of trust-building are informing a new rhetoric around what it means to "do journalism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
Copyright of Journalism \& Mass Communication Quarterly is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)},
	number = {4},
	journal = {Journalism \& Mass Communication Quarterly},
	author = {Zahay, Megan L. and Jensen, Kelly and Xia, Yiping and Robinson, Sue},
	year = {2020},
	note = {Section: 1041},
	keywords = {Accuracy in journalism, Democracy, Journalism, Mass media \& democracy, Online journalism, Rhetorical analysis, Social media, Trust, deliberation, engagement, journalism, labor, rhetoric, social media, trust},
	pages = {1041--1058},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{maerz_state_2020,
	title = {State of the world 2019: autocratization surges – resistance grows},
	volume = {27},
	issn = {1351-0347},
	shorttitle = {State of the world 2019},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2020.1758670},
	doi = {10.1080/13510347.2020.1758670},
	abstract = {This article analyses the state of democracy in the world in 2019. We demonstrate that the “third wave of autocratization” is accelerating and deepening. The dramatic loss of eight democracies in the last year sets a new record in the rate of breakdowns. Exemplifying this crisis is Hungary, now the EU’s first ever authoritarian member state. Governmental assaults on civil society, freedom of expression, and the media are proliferating and becoming more severe. A new and disturbing trend is that the quality of elections is now also deteriorating in many countries. Nevertheless, there are also positive signs: pro-democracy protests reached an all-time high in 2019. People are taking to the streets to protest the erosion of democracies and challenge dictators. Popular protests have contributed to substantial democratization in 22 countries over the last ten years – including Armenia, Tunisia, and Ecuador. This was before the Covid-19 pandemic. Responses to the crisis, including many states of emergencies, risk further accelerating autocratization.},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2022-08-08},
	journal = {Democratization},
	author = {Maerz, Seraphine F. and Lührmann, Anna and Hellmeier, Sebastian and Grahn, Sandra and Lindberg, Staffan I.},
	month = aug,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2020.1758670},
	keywords = {autocratization, democracy, democratization, polarization, protests},
	pages = {909--927},
}

@book{hayes_inclusion_2019,
	address = {New York, NY},
	title = {Inclusion, {Epistemic} {Democracy} and {International} {Students}},
	isbn = {978-3-030-11400-8},
	publisher = {Springer Berlin Heidelberg},
	author = {Hayes, Aneta},
	year = {2019},
	keywords = {colonialismo, democracia epistémica, democracy, epistemic democracy, etext1, inclusión, pdf1},
}

@incollection{aidtBreakingBrexitImpasse2019,
  title = {Breaking the {{Brexit}} Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome},
  booktitle = {{{VOX}} - {{CEPR}} Policy Portal},
  author = {Aidt, Toke and Chadha, Jagjit and Sabourian, Hamid},
  year = {2019},
  month = jan,
  pages = {63748+},
  publisher = {{Centre for Economic Policy Research}},
  address = {{London, United Kingdom}},
  abstract = {Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives.

[Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements]

For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A.

[] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it. 

[] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...] 

[] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected.

[] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...].

[] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...].

[] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...]

[] [...]},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14680156,conflicts,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14680156}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@book{Hawkins2018,
	title = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}},
	isbn = {978-1-315-19692-3},
	url = {https://www.routledge.com/The-Ideational-Approach-to-Populism-Concept-Theory-and-Analysis/Hawkins-Carlin-Littvay-Kaltwasser/p/book/9781138716537},
	abstract = {Populist parties and movements are on the rise in Europe and the Americas. New scholarly work suggests that these parties and movements can best be understood in terms of their ideas or discourse, as political organizations that envision a Manichaean…},
	urldate = {2018-03-28},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk A. and Carlin, Ryan E. and Littvay, Levente and Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira},
	month = oct,
	year = {2019},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315196923},
	keywords = {1-13-871653-7, 1138716537, 1st edition, 978-1-13-871653-7, 9781138716537, americas, analysis, andreadis, anduiza, approach, aristotle, attitudes, automated, autonoma, azevedo, b, barcelona, berto, blanusa, brigham, bruno, castanho, catholic, central, christian, cologne, concept, conservatism, contemporary, contest, corti, countries, cristobal, croatia, cross, de, democracy, diego, edinburgh, elite, elites, europe, european, eva, evaluation, far, fascism \& nazism, flavio, gesis, gess, grading, grbesa, guillem, hauwaert, hawkins, head, holistic, i, ideas, ideational, ideology, institute, introduction, ioannis, kaltwasser, kirk, leibniz, level, levi, littvay, louvain, luke, m, mannheim, march, marijana, measure, measuring, mexico, modern political theory, morlet, nacional, nationally, nebojsa, nina, paperback, party, pauline, political, political communication, political leaders, political lobbying \& interest groups, political parties, populism, populist, portales, presenting, protest movements, psychometric, public opinion, radical, rico, right, rovira, ruth, salaj, saskia, scale, schimpf, sciences, section, silva, social, social movements, stavrakakis, steven, surveys, swansea, system, techniques, testing, theory, thessaloniki, traditional, two, uk, universidad, universitat, university, using, utility, validated, van, versus, voter, wiesehomeier, yannis, yazmin, young, zagreb, zurich},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{svaljek_citizens_2019,
	title = {Citizens and the city: the case for participatory budgeting in the {City} of {Zagreb}},
	volume = {43},
	copyright = {© 2019. This work is published under NOCC (the “License”). Notwithstanding the ProQuest Terms and Conditions, you may use this content in accordance with the terms of the License.},
	shorttitle = {Citizens and the city},
	url = {http://search.proquest.com/docview/2198417266/abstract/7CDB070C9FCE461DPQ/1},
	doi = {10.3326/pse.43.1.4},
	abstract = {Since there is constant concern that local government heads allocate budget resources in favour of various pressure groups, the paper investigates whether local participatory budgeting can be implemented in order to better align budget allocation with citizens' needs in the Croatian context. The paper analyses the results of the citizen survey intended to question whether the citizens of Zagreb could embrace the participatory budgeting, based on their interest in the way the money of Zagreb's taxpayers is spent and willingness to participate in the budget preparation process. The main determinants of the interest, awareness and participation of citizens in local budget processes are explored as well. The results of this study indicate a moderate level of citizen awareness and interest in local budget processes, but an extremely low level of participation. Since citizen participation is crucial for democratic decision-making and ensuring transparency and accountability, the identified factors should be addressed in a planned manner Citizens' willingness and capacity can be increased through raising awareness and implementing measures intended to encourage spontaneous participation.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-04-05},
	journal = {Public Sector Economics; Zagreb},
	author = {Švaljek, Sandra and Bakarić, Ivana Rašić and Sumpor, Marijana},
	year = {2019},
	note = {Num Pages: 21-48
Place: Zagreb, Croatia, Zagreb
Publisher: Institute of Public Finance},
	keywords = {Accountability, Budgeting, Budgets, Business And Economics--Banking And Finance, Business And Economics--Macroeconomics, Cities, Citizen participation, Citizenship, Decision making, Democracy, Fiscal policy, Interest groups, Local government, Money, Public administration, Public services, Resource allocation, Transparency, Willingness},
	pages = {21--48},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{de_vreese_populism_2018,
	title = {Populism as an {Expression} of {Political} {Communication} {Content} and {Style}: {A} {New} {Perspective}},
	volume = {23},
	issn = {1940-1612 (Print) 1940-1620 (Electronic) 1940-1612 (Linking)},
	url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/30886670},
	doi = {10.1177/1940161218790035},
	abstract = {In this article, the introduction to a special International Journal of Press/Politics (IJPP) issue on populism, we articulate and define populism as a communication phenomenon. We provide an overview of populist political communication research and its current foci. We offer a framework for ongoing research and set the boundary conditions for a new generation of research on populist political communication, with an aim to push the research agendas and design toward a more interactive, systematic, and in particular, comparative approach to the study of populist political communication.},
	number = {4},
	journal = {Int J Press Polit},
	author = {de Vreese, C. H. and Esser, F. and Aalberg, T. and Reinemann, C. and Stanyer, J.},
	month = oct,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Edition: 20180802},
	keywords = {comparative research, democracy, editors, journalism},
	pages = {423--438},
}

@article{mccoy_polarization_2018,
	title = {Polarization and the {Global} {Crisis} of {Democracy}: {Common} {Patterns}, {Dynamics}, and {Pernicious} {Consequences} for {Democratic} {Polities}},
	volume = {62},
	issn = {0002-7642},
	doi = {10.1177/0002764218759576},
	abstract = {This article argues that a common pattern and set of dynamics characterizes severe political and societal polarization in different contexts around the world, with pernicious consequences for democracy. Moving beyond the conventional conceptualization of polarization as ideological distance between political parties and candidates, we offer a conceptualization of polarization highlighting its inherently relational nature and its instrumental political use. Polarization is a process whereby the normal multiplicity of differences in a society increasingly align along a single dimension and people increasingly perceive and describe politics and society in terms of “Us” versus “Them.” The politics and discourse of opposition and the social–psychological intergroup conflict dynamics produced by this alignment are a main source of the risks polarization generates for democracy, although we recognize that it can also produce opportunities for democracy. We argue that contemporary examples of polarization follow a frequent pattern whereby polarization is activated when major groups in society mobilize politically to achieve fundamental changes in structures, institutions, and power relations. Hence, newly constructed cleavages are appearing that underlie polarization and are not easily measured with the conventional Left–Right ideological scale. We identify three possible negative outcomes for democracy—“gridlock and careening,” “democratic erosion or collapse under new elites and dominant groups,” and “democratic erosion or collapse with old elites and dominant groups,” and one possible positive outcome—“reformed democracy.” Drawing on literature in psychology and political science, the article posits a set of causal mechanisms linking polarization to harm to democracy and illustrates the common patterns and pernicious consequences for democracy in four country cases: varying warning signs of democratic erosion in Hungary and the United States, and growing authoritarianism in Turkey and Venezuela.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-06-02},
	journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
	author = {McCoy, Jennifer and Rahman, Tahmina and Somer, Murat},
	month = jan,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc.},
	keywords = {authoritarianism, democracy, democratic erosion, polarization, populism},
	pages = {16--42},
}

@article{ornesScienceCultureMath2018,
  title = {Science and {{Culture}}: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board},
  author = {Ornes, Stephen},
  year = {2018},
  month = jun,
  volume = {115},
  pages = {6515--6517},
  issn = {1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
  abstract = {[UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases -- one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland -- were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases -- in Texas and North Carolina -- that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps.

[Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering -- the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.},
  journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14608074,~to-add-doi-URL,antipattern,cherry-picking,crisp-vs-fuzzy,democracy,gerrymandering,indicator-driven-bias,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,spatial-pattern,technology-mediated-communication,trade-offs},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14608074},
  number = {26}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Pérdidas de energía eléctrica y regímenes políticos en América Latina},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Democracy,Economic cycles,Electricity losses,Latin America,Social policy},
 pages = {109-119},
 volume = {12},
 id = {daeff247-6620-3851-8a0f-b712115c87d3},
 created = {2018-07-05T02:46:18.213Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {ef966f01-29d1-37e4-9261-f7afa30849ba},
 last_modified = {2019-03-09T03:42:43.201Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {true},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Lopez-Cariboni2018c},
 folder_uuids = {57a10843-3a4f-474b-972a-0f3a17a8ead9,986123df-3ae1-44a4-914e-f7273496efda,071b848f-b3f4-434a-b215-9452ae902eb3,74ca13e5-e1a5-4074-a74b-67a38f1e6837},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {© Universia. All rights reserved. Here I discuss the idea that irregular access to electricity can be understood as a program of informal social transfers to provide insurance in volatile, developing countries. I analyze the expected consequences of democratization for the provision of irregular electricity. In democracies from developing countries, incumbents are challenged with the need to provide insurance given the highly volatile contexts in which they rule, and the absence of consumption-smoothing mechanisms to protect the population against recurrent negative shocks. I show descriptive evidence that transmissions and distribution (T & D) losses of electricity are counter-cyclical in democratic countries but are not in autocracies.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {López-Cariboni, Santiago},
 journal = {Journal Globalization, Competitiveness and Governability},
 number = {1}
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{diazbarriga_trumps_2017,
	title = {Trump's {Wall} and the {Dictator} {Aesthetic}},
	volume = {58},
	copyright = {© 2017 by the American Anthropological Association.},
	issn = {1556-3502},
	url = {http://anthrosource.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/AN.546},
	doi = {10.1111/AN.546},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-03-31},
	journal = {Anthropology News},
	author = {Díaz‐Barriga, Miguel and Dorsey, Margaret},
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {ALLA, Association of Latina and Latino Anthropologists, Boundaries, Citizenship, Democracy, Donald Trump, Fredrik Barth, Latina/o, Migration, Mobility, Populism, Racism, SUNTA, Sovereignty, The Sections Edition, Trump, Trumped Up Words, United States, World on the Move, anthropological theory, applied anthropology, border, civil society, ethnography, fieldwork, film, gender, linguistic anthropology, mexico, race, refugees, research, state},
	pages = {e83--e86},
}

Paper  bibtex   

@article{sloterdijk_pseudonymous_2017,
	title = {On pseudonymous politics: {Regarding} implicit and explicit misconceptions of democracy},
	volume = {25},
	shorttitle = {On pseudonymous politics},
	url = {http://perspectives.iir.cz/download/on-pseudonymous-politics-regarding-implicit-and-explicit-misconceptions-of-democracy/},
	number = {2},
	journal = {New Perspectives},
	author = {Sloterdijk, P.},
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Authenticity, Democracy, Europe, Pseudonism, United States of America, populism, post-truth},
	pages = {49--68}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{balderacchi_participatory_2017,
	title = {Participatory {Mechanisms} in {Bolivia}, {Ecuador} and {Venezuela}: {Deepening} or {Undermining} {Democracy}?},
	volume = {52},
	issn = {0017-257X, 1477-7053},
	shorttitle = {Participatory {Mechanisms} in {Bolivia}, {Ecuador} and {Venezuela}},
	url = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/government-and-opposition/article/participatory-mechanisms-in-bolivia-ecuador-and-venezuela-deepening-or-undermining-democracy/40C4A18529DBFEE240960ECD3FD0CF37},
	doi = {10.1017/gov.2015.26},
	abstract = {Through the comparative analysis of the participatory mechanisms established in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, this study explores under which conditions such mechanisms are more likely to deepen or undermine democracy. While the informal participatory mechanisms established in Bolivia have produced, though imperfectly, significant democratic benefits, in Ecuador and Venezuela crucial participatory mechanisms have appeared to favour the concentration of power in the executive, contributing to the strangulation of representative institutions, the erosion of the separation of powers and the development of government-dominated social groups. By shedding light on the undemocratic manipulation of participatory mechanisms, an area still largely unexplored, this study contributes to a better understanding of the risks and opportunities associated with the deepening of democracy.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-04-30},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	author = {Balderacchi, Claudio},
	month = jan,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Cambridge University Press},
	keywords = {Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, democracy, participatory mechanisms},
	pages = {131--161},
}

@article{kou_one_2017,
	title = {One {Social} {Movement}, {Two} {Social} {Media} {Sites}: {A} {Comparative} {Study} of {Public} {Discourses}},
	volume = {26},
	issn = {0925-9724},
	shorttitle = {One {Social} {Movement}, {Two} {Social} {Media} {Sites}},
	doi = {10.1007/s10606-017-9284-y},
	abstract = {Social media have become central places where public discourses are generated, sustained, and circulated around public events. So far, much research has examined large-scale dissemination patterns of prominent statements, opinions, and slogans circulated on social media, such as the analysis of keywords and hashtags on Twitter regarding a political event. However, little attention has been paid to understanding how local socio-cultural-political conditions influence the formation and development of public discourses on social media. To explore this question, we analyzed public discourses about Hong Kong's Umbrella Movement on two distinct social media sites, Facebook and Weibo, the largest micro-blogging service in China. Facebook topped Hong Kong citizens' usage of social media sites, while Weibo's primary user base is mainland Chinese. The social movement and these two social media sites provide a unique opportunity to explore the commonalities and differences between social media discourses generated by two different cultures. Using grounded theory and discourse analysis, we reveal how people on two sites reasoned about the many incidents of the movement and developed sometimes similar but other times strikingly different discourses. We trace the links between different discourses and the socio-cultural-political conditions of Hong Kong and mainland China. We discuss how this study may contribute deeper understandings of public discourses on social media to the CSCW literature.},
	language = {English},
	number = {4-6},
	journal = {Computer Supported Cooperative Work-the Journal of Collaborative Computing},
	author = {Kou, Yubo and Kow, Yong Ming and Gui, Xinning and Cheng, Waikuen},
	month = dec,
	year = {2017},
	note = {WOS:000407564300014},
	keywords = {China, Discourse analysis, Facebook, Hong Kong, Localness of social   media discourse, Public discourse, Social media, Synchronicity, Umbrella   movement, Weibo, culture, democracy},
	pages = {807--836},
}

@book{de_gruchy_end_2017,
	address = {Minneapolis, MN},
	series = {Dispatches: turning points in theology and global crisis},
	title = {The end is not yet: standing firm in apocalyptic times},
	isbn = {978-1-5064-3157-4},
	shorttitle = {The end is not yet},
	abstract = {The title of this book comes from Matthew's Gospel: "You will hear of wars and rumors of wars; see that you are not alarmed; for this must take place, but the end is not yet. . . . There will be famines and earthquakes in various places: all this is but the beginning of the birth pangs." (24:6-8). This locates The End Is Not Yet within popular religious rhetoric about the "end time" and more sophisticated theological discourse on eschatology or Christian hope for a better world premised on faith in God. But is such faith still justified? And if so, how are we to describe and embody it in the life of the world? The framework of the book is the current global historical context with a particular focus on the West, and especially the political and social issues that have been highlighted by the election of Donald Trump. Among these are totalitarianism and democracy, right-wing nationalism, apocalypticism and patriotism, globalization and economic injustice, terrorism and warmongering, and political and prophetic leadership.},
	language = {eng},
	publisher = {Fortress Press},
	author = {De Gruchy, John W.},
	collaborator = {Moyse, Ashley John and Kirkland, Scott},
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Christianity, Current events, Democracy, End of the world, Leadership, Nationalism, Religious aspects, Theodicy, Trump, Donald, 1946-},
}

Paper  bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_lecture_2016-3,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Lecture in a {Convent}, {London} 1935 [{Man}'s {Place} in {Creation}]},
	isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2016},
	keywords = {cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, individual development, materialism, new humanity, Political, senstive periods},
	pages = {93--97}
}

Paper  bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_protection_2016,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Protection {Against} the {Exploitation} of {Children} [{Extract} from a {Lecture}, {University} of {Madras} 1940]},
	isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2016},
	keywords = {communist, Democracy, forgotten citizen, freedom, Ministry of childen, social efficiency},
	pages = {79--82}
}

@article{cresseyBrexitWatchScientists2016,
  title = {Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout},
  author = {Cressey, Daniel},
  year = {2016},
  month = jul,
  issn = {1476-4687},
  doi = {10.1038/nature.2016.20226},
  abstract = {Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on.

[Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news.

[\textbackslash n] [...]},
  journal = {Nature},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14094741,~to-add-doi-URL,democracy,europe,geopolitics,research-funding,science-society-interface,uncertainty,united-kingdom,unknown},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14094741}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_communism_2016,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Communism and {Peace} [{Notes}, {Late} 1930s]},
	isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
	abstract = {Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2016},
	keywords = {cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, individual development, materialism, new humanity, Political, senstive periods},
	pages = {97--99}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{wullert_democracy_2016,
	title = {Democracy, hybrid regimes, and infant mortality: {A} cross‐national analysis of {Sub}‐{Saharan} {African} nations},
	volume = {97},
	issn = {0038-4941},
	url = {http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=psyh&AN=2016-58501-004&site=ehost-live},
	doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12240},
	abstract = {Objective: There is an extensive literature analyzing the relationship between democracy and infant mortality; however, findings are mixed. Some studies find a significant inverse relationship, while others conclude that no such relationship exists. We seek to take the debate in a new direction, overlooked in prior research, by providing a theoretical rational for and empirical evidence of a quadratic relationship, in which countries with components of both autocracy and democracy have higher infant mortality. Methods: We test lagged, cross‐sectional models on a sample of 47 Sub‐Saharan African nations. Results: We find that a quadratic model better explains cross‐national variation in infant mortality than the linear alternative. Infant mortality tends to be higher in hybrid regimes, relative to both autocracies and democracies. Hybrids appear to be politically unstable, which may in part account for their greater infant mortality. Conclusion: Hybrid regimes exist in precarious positions with detrimental consequences for population health. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved)},
	number = {5},
	journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
	author = {Wullert, Katherine E. and Williamson, John B.},
	month = nov,
	year = {2016},
	note = {Publisher: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
	keywords = {Democracy, Environmental Effects, Mortality Rate, Public Health, democracy, environmental effects, mortality, public health},
	pages = {1058--1069},
}

@book{gurza_lavalle_o_2015,
	address = {São Paulo},
	edition = {1},
	title = {O papel da teoria política contemporânea. {Justiça}, constituição, democracia e representação},
	isbn = {978-85-7939-345-7},
	shorttitle = {O papel da teoria política contemporânea},
	language = {Português},
	publisher = {Alameda Editorial},
	editor = {Gurza Lavalle, Adrian and Vita, Alvaro de and Araujo, Cicero},
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Brazil, Constitutional law, Constitutional law, Democracy, Democracy, Representative government and representation, Representative government and representation, brazil, sucupira}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{font_participation_2015,
	title = {Participation, {Representation} and {Expertise}: {Citizen} {Preferences} for {Political} {Decision}-{Making} {Processes}},
	copyright = {© 2015 The Authors. Political Studies © 2015 Political Studies Association},
	issn = {1467-9248},
	shorttitle = {Participation, {Representation} and {Expertise}},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.12191/abstract},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12191},
	abstract = {In this article, it is shown that citizen process preferences are complex and include several dimensions. The argument relies on data from a representative sample of Spanish citizens (N = 2,450) to assess these dimensions. Using confirmatory factor analysis as well as Mokken analysis, it is shown that citizen process preferences capture support for three different models: participatory, representative and expert-based. The relationships between these dimensions (where the opposition between representation and participation stands as the clearest result) and the substantive and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2015-02-17},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	author = {Font, Joan and Wojcieszak, Magdalena and Navarro, Clemente J.},
	month = mar,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Democracy, expert governance, participation, process preferences, stealth democracy},
	pages = {n/a--n/a},
	file = {Font_et_al-2015-Political_Studies.pdf:files/50868/Font_et_al-2015-Political_Studies.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/50867/abstract.html:text/html}
}

@article{chavez-solca_chantal_2015,
	title = {Chantal {Mouffe} and {Luis} {Tapia}: {Some} notes to think about democracy in {Latin} {America}},
	volume = {22},
	issn = {0718-5049},
	shorttitle = {Chantal {Mouffe} y {Luis} {Tapia}: {Algunas} notas para pensar la democracia en {América} {Latina}},
	abstract = {This paper analyzes from a poststructuralist point of view the contributions of Chantal Mouffe and Luis Tapia to think democracy in Latin America.First, it is briefly reviewed what it is said by the canonical readings on democracy, emphasizing its institutional and procedural dimensions.Secondly, it adds to the debate four often-marginalizedcore ideas in these analyzes. Taking as reference the work of Mouffe and Tapia,the paper will highlight the relevanceof conflict as an inherent component of the democratic dynamics;the importance of participation to the expansion of the public sphere;the significance of equality as a permanent concern for democracy and the predominance of the role of the state in the construction of the process of democratization.},
	language = {Spanish},
	journal = {Izquierdas},
	author = {Chávez-Solca, F.},
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {ChMouffe, Democracy, Equality, L. Tapia, State, conflict, democracy},
	pages = {133--157},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{stoker_fast_2015,
	title = {Fast thinking: {Implications} for democratic politics},
	copyright = {© 2015 European Consortium for Political Research},
	issn = {1475-6765},
	shorttitle = {Fast thinking},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12113/abstract},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12113},
	abstract = {A major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time-poor position of many citizens suggests that ‘fast’, intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of demographic profiles, fast thinking about how politics works is stimulated and followed by a more reflective and collectively deliberative form of slow thinking among the same participants. A strong trajectory emerges consistently in all groups in that in fast thinking mode participants are noticeably more negative and dismissive about the workings of politics than when in slow thinking mode. A fast thinking focus among citizens may be good enough to underwrite mainstream political exchange, but at the cost of supporting a general negativity about politics and the way it works. Yet breaking the cycle of fast thinking – as advocated by deliberation theorists – might not be straightforward because of the grip of fast thinking. The fast/slow thinking distinction, if carefully used, offers valuable new insight into political science.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2015-09-30},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	author = {Stoker, Gerry and Hay, Colin and Barr, Matthew},
	month = sep,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Anti-Politics, cognitive science, Deliberation, Democracy},
	pages = {n/a--n/a},
	file = {Full Text PDF:files/52395/Stoker et al. - 2015 - Fast thinking Implications for democratic politic.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/52396/abstract.html:text/html}
}

@article{dannreuther_russia_2015,
	title = {Russia and the {Arab} {Spring}: {Supporting} the {Counter}-{Revolution}},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {0703-6337},
	shorttitle = {Russia and the {Arab} {Spring}},
	doi = {10.1080/07036337.2014.975990},
	abstract = {Russia’s response to the Arab Spring ranged from apprehension to deep anxiety and diverged significantly from the US and the EU responses. While initially welcoming the popular demands for political reform in North Africa, the Russian reaction rapidly became more critical as a result of Western military intervention into Libya and the threat of the spread of Islamist extremism. It was these twin fears which prompted the Russian leadership to adopt an uncompromizing stance towards Syria. While geopolitical factors certainly played a role in driving Russian strategy, domestic political factors were also more significant. As the Russian leadership felt internally threatened by the growing opposition within the country, conflict in the Middle East highlighted the perceived flaws of the imposition of Western liberal democracy and the virtues of Russia’s own model of state-managed political order. There was, as such, a significant ideational and ideological dimension to the Russian response to the Arab Spring. © 2014, Taylor \& Francis.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Journal of European Integration},
	author = {Dannreuther, R.},
	year = {2015},
	note = {PENDIENTE - Solicitar acceso con el servicio de obtención de documentos},
	keywords = {Arab Spring, Democracy, Russia, Syrian conflict, democracy, intervention},
	pages = {77--94},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{kalla_editorial_2015,
	title = {Editorial {Bias} in {Crowd}-{Sourced} {Political} {Information}},
	volume = {10},
	issn = {1932-6203},
	url = {http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0136327},
	doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0136327},
	abstract = {The Internet has dramatically expanded citizens’ access to and ability to engage with political information. On many websites, any user can contribute and edit “crowd-sourced” information about important political figures. One of the most prominent examples of crowd-sourced information on the Internet is Wikipedia, a free and open encyclopedia created and edited entirely by users, and one of the world’s most accessed websites. While previous studies of crowd-sourced information platforms have found them to be accurate, few have considered biases in what kinds of information are included. We report the results of four randomized field experiments that sought to explore what biases exist in the political articles of this collaborative website. By randomly assigning factually true but either positive or negative and cited or uncited information to the Wikipedia pages of U.S. senators, we uncover substantial evidence of an editorial bias toward positivity on Wikipedia: Negative facts are 36\% more likely to be removed by Wikipedia editors than positive facts within 12 hours and 29\% more likely within 3 days. Although citations substantially increase an edit’s survival time, the editorial bias toward positivity is not eliminated by inclusion of a citation. We replicate this study on the Wikipedia pages of deceased as well as recently retired but living senators and find no evidence of an editorial bias in either. Our results demonstrate that crowd-sourced information is subject to an editorial bias that favors the politically active.},
	language = {en},
	number = {9},
	urldate = {2018-03-13},
	journal = {PLOS ONE},
	author = {Kalla, Joshua L. and Aronow, Peter M.},
	month = sep,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Democracy, Elections, Encyclopedias, Internet, Online encyclopedias, Surveys, Undergraduates, United States},
	pages = {e0136327}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{lievens_government_2015,
	title = {From {Government} to {Governance}: {A} {Symbolic} {Mutation} and {Its} {Repercussions} for {Democracy}},
	volume = {63},
	copyright = {© 2014 The Author. Political Studies © 2014 Political Studies Association},
	issn = {1467-9248},
	shorttitle = {From {Government} to {Governance}},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.12171/abstract},
	doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12171},
	abstract = {This article develops an assessment of the shift from government to governance from the perspective of the concept of democratic representation developed by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. It is argued that this shift does not primarily entail a change of actors, norms or decision-making processes, but that it should rather be understood more fundamentally as a symbolic mutation. In governance regimes, a novel representation of power and society comes into being which transforms the basic symbolic configuration of society. Focusing especially on forms of global governance, the article investigates how this mutation provides society with a new image of itself, and how it affects the democratic nature of current society.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2015-03-31},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	author = {Lievens, Matthias},
	month = apr,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Claude Lefort, Democracy, governance, government, representation},
	pages = {2--17},
	file = {Snapshot:files/38172/abstract.html:text/html}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@electronic{citeulike:13075038,
    abstract = {List of indexed keywords within the transdisciplinary set of domains which relate to the Integrated Natural Resources Modelling and Management ({INRMM}). In particular, the list of keywords maps the semantic tags in the {INRMM} Meta-information Database ({INRMM}-{MiD}). [\n] The {INRMM}-{MiD} records providing this list are accessible by the special tag: inrmm-list-of-tags ( {http://mfkp.org/INRMM}/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags ).},
    author = {{M.R.I.}},
    citeulike-article-id = {13075038},
    citeulike-linkout-0 = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
    citeulike-linkout-1 = {http://www.citeulike.org/group/15400/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
    keywords = {database, dataset, dating, dddas, de-facto-standard, dead-wood, debris, debris-floods, debris-flows, deciduous, deciduous-forest, decision-making, decision-making-procedure, decision-support-system, decline, decline-effect, decline-symptomology, deep-reproducible-research, deep-uncertainty, definition, deforestation, degenerated-soil, deglaciation, degradation, degradation-velocity, dehesas, delonix-regia, democracy, dendrochronology, dendroctonus, dendroctonus-frontalis, dendroctonus-micans, dendroctonus-ponderosae, dendroctonus-pseudotsugae, dendroecology, dendrology, denmark, density-related-behaviour, deposition, derived-data, desalinisation, description, desertification, deserts, design-diversity, devil-in-details, diabetes, diabetes-mellitus, diagram-data, diameter-differentiation, dictionary, die-off, dieback, diesel, differentiation, digital-preservation, digital-society, dimensional-analysis, dimensionality-reduction, dimensionless, dioryctria-splendidella, diospyros-kaki, diospyros-spp, diospyros-virginiana, diplodia-pinea, diprion-pini, dipteryx-panamensis, direct-reciprocity, disaster-recovery, disaster-response, disasters, discharge, disciplinary-barrier, disconcerting-learning, discount-rate, disease, diseases, disjunction, dispersal, dispersal-limitation, dispersal-models, dissent, distance-analysis, distance-correlation, distilled-gin, distribution, distribution-limit, disturbance-ecology, disturbance-interactions, disturbances, diversity, django, dna, dna-fingerprinting, dobrogea, dodonaea-viscosa, dormancy, dormouse, inrmm-list-of-tags},
    month = feb,
    posted-at = {2014-02-28 14:09:03},
    priority = {2},
    title = {List of keywords of the {INRMM} meta-information database - part 10},
    url = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
    year = {2014}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{rhue_digital_2014,
	title = {Digital access, political networks and the diffusion of democracy},
	volume = {36},
	issn = {0378-8733},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0378873312000524},
	doi = {10.1016/j.socnet.2012.06.007},
	abstract = {We examine the effects of digital access on the prevalence of democracy and its diffusion via trade, geographical and migration networks across 189 countries between 2000 and 2010. We find that different digital technologies may have varying impacts on freedom while affecting its diffusion via different political networks, and that related changes in civil liberties can be affected by both media freedom and internal political institutions. Our analysis suggests three key mechanisms linking information technology with democratic change and highlights the importance of a country's “susceptibility” to political influence that is triggered by greater digitally induced visibility.},
	urldate = {2013-11-22},
	journal = {Social Networks},
	author = {Rhue, Lauren and Sundararajan, Arun},
	month = jan,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Democracy, Dynamic panel, influence, Internet, Selection, Social media},
	pages = {40--53},
	file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47754/Rhue and Sundararajan - 2014 - Digital access, political networks and the diffusi.pdf:application/pdf}
}

@book{dalton_citizen_2014,
	address = {Los Angeles},
	edition = {Sixth edition},
	title = {Citizen politics: public opinion and political parties in advanced industrial democracies},
	isbn = {978-1-4522-0300-3},
	shorttitle = {Citizen politics},
	publisher = {SAGE, CQ Press},
	author = {Dalton, Russell J.},
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Comparative government, Democracy, Political participation, Political parties, Public opinion},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{2014-06-HepJafMac,
	Abstract = {There is a large gap between attitude and action when it comes to consumer purchases of ethical food. Amongst the various aspects of this gap, this paper focuses on the difficulty in knowing enough about the various dimensions of food production, distribution and consumption to make an ethical food purchasing decision. There is neither one universal definition of ethical food. We suggest that it is possible to support consumers in operationalizing their own ethics of food with the use of appropriate information and communication technology. We consider eggs as an example because locally produced options are available to many people on every continent. We consider the dimensions upon which food ethics may be constructed, then discuss the information required to assess it and the tools that can support it. We then present an overview of opportunities for design of a new software tool. Finally, we offer some points for discussion and future work.},
	Author = {Hepting, Daryl H. and Jaffe, JoAnn and Maciag, Timothy},
	Date-Added = {2016-10-19 20:00:16 +0000},
	Date-Modified = {2018-09-27 14:55:15 -0600},
	Doi = {10.1007/s10806-013-9473-8},
	Journal = {Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics},
	Keywords = {food, ethics, ICT, spime, citizen consumer, democracy},
	Month = {June},
	Number = {3},
	Pages = {453--469},
	Title = {Operationalizing Ethics in Food Choice Decisions},
	Url = {http://www2.cs.uregina.ca/~hepting/assets/works/pdf/2014-06-HepJafMac.pdf},
	Volume = {27},
	W-Projects = {food, enviromatics},
	W-Type = {journal},
	Year = {2014},
	Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10806-013-9473-8}}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{karim_impact_2014,
	title = {Impact of caste system on voting behavior: a comparative study of punjab (pakistan) and bihar (india) affecting process of democratization of a political society},
	volume = {8},
	copyright = {Copyright AsiaNet Pakistan (Pvt) Ltd. Jul 2014},
	issn = {19924399},
	shorttitle = {Impact of {Caste} {System} on {Voting} {Behavior}},
	url = {http://search.proquest.com/docview/1558356166/abstract/5A6B6B7A8D834905PQ/1},
	abstract = {Examining the impact of caste system on voting behavior this study deals with a comparative analysis of the two provinces, Punjab of Pakistan and Bihar of India. The two provinces have been picked up representing the study of caste system in Muslim society on the one hand and the caste behavior in the Hindu society on the other hand. This study is based on the many factors analysis such as understanding democracy, voting behavior, impact of culture, and political culture of these two societies. It is a descriptive study based on research which shows that the authority of the people is continuously affected because of caste influence which delays the democratic process in both societies.},
	language = {English},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2018-12-11},
	journal = {New Horizons; Karachi},
	author = {Karim, Arshad Syed},
	month = jul,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Caste, Democracy, Muslims, Politics, Social Sciences: Comprehensive Works, Society, Voting},
	pages = {95--98},
}

@book{graeber_democracy_2013,
	address = {New York},
	edition = {1st ed},
	title = {The {Democracy} {Project}: a history, a crisis, a movement},
	isbn = {978-0-8129-9356-1 978-0-679-64600-6},
	shorttitle = {The {Democracy} {Project}},
	publisher = {Spiegel \& Grau},
	author = {Graeber, David},
	year = {2013},
	keywords = {Democracy, History},
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{fredriksson_democracy_2013,
	title = {Democracy and climate change policies: {Is} history important?},
	volume = {95},
	issn = {0921-8009},
	shorttitle = {Democracy and climate change policies},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800913002590},
	doi = {10.1016/j.ecolecon.2013.08.002},
	abstract = {Abstract
This paper argues that it is countries' historical experience with democracy, the democratic capital stock, rather than current levels of democracy that determines current climate change policies. Empirical evidence using data starting as far back as year 1800 for 87 countries, which together are responsible for 93.7\% of global carbon emissions, suggests that the democratic capital stock has an important and robust effect on climate change policies. A history of executive constraints is particularly important. The current level of democracy does not play a role once democratic capital has been accounted for.},
	urldate = {2013-09-06},
	journal = {Ecological Economics},
	author = {Fredriksson, Per G. and Neumayer, Eric},
	month = nov,
	year = {2013},
	keywords = {climate change, Democracy, Democratic capital, environmental policy, Executive constraints, International public goods},
	pages = {11--19},
	file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47328/Fredriksson and Neumayer - 2013 - Democracy and climate change policies Is history .pdf:application/pdf;ScienceDirect Snapshot:files/47327/Fredriksson and Neumayer - 2013 - Democracy and climate change policies Is history .html:text/html}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{schmidt_democracy_2012,
	title = {Democracy and {Legitimacy} in the {European} {Union} {Revisited}: {Input}, {Output} and ‘{Throughput}’},
	copyright = {© 2012 The Author. Political Studies © 2012 Political Studies Association},
	issn = {1467-9248},
	shorttitle = {Democracy and {Legitimacy} in the {European} {Union} {Revisited}},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00962.x/abstract},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00962.x},
	abstract = {Scholars of the European Union have analyzed the EU's legitimacy mainly in terms of two normative criteria: output effectiveness for the people and input participation by the people. This article argues that missing from this theorization is what goes on in the ‘black box’ of governance between input and output, or ‘throughput’. Throughput consists of governance processes with the people, analyzed in terms of their efficacy, accountability, transparency, inclusiveness and openness to interest consultation. This article defines and discusses this third normative criterion as well as the interaction effects of all three normative criteria. It does so by considering EU scholars' institutional and constructivist analyses of EU legitimacy as well as empirical cases of and proposed solutions to the EU's democracy problems. The article also suggests that unlike input and output, which affect public perceptions of legitimacy both when they are increased or decreased, throughput tends to be most salient when negative, because oppressive, incompetent, corrupt or biased practices throw not just throughput but also input and output into question.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2012-08-06},
	journal = {Political Studies},
	author = {Schmidt, Vivien A.},
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {Democracy, European Union, input legitimacy, output legitimacy, throughput legitimacy},
	pages = {no--no}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{pickering_scale_2012,
	title = {Scale and public participation: {Issues} in metropolitan regional planning},
	volume = {27},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-84860145415&doi=10.1080%2f02697459.2012.661670&partnerID=40&md5=352ffefc706545bbbf9ff74e74465da8},
	doi = {10.1080/02697459.2012.661670},
	abstract = {Public participation is as important at the metropolitan regional scale as it is at the neighborhood scale, yet most of the approaches to participation are grounded in experience or theory appropriate to the smaller scale. At the metropolitan regional scale, three issues-the magnitude of the spatial extent and population; inequalities of power; and the resources needed-demand that approaches to metropolitan regional participation are given special consideration. This paper explores these three issues through two case studies: one in South East Queensland and the other in Metro Vancouver. The examples help identify the difficulties of metropolitan regional public participation and draw attention to issues about effectiveness and capacity that dog debates about participation and democracy. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Planning Practice and Research},
	author = {Pickering, T. and Minnery, J.},
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {Australia, British Columbia, Canada, Canis familiaris, Queensland, Vancouver, capacity building, democracy, local participation, metropolitan area, neighborhood, regional planning},
	pages = {249--262},
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{sandlin_erosion_2012,
	title = {Erosion and {Experience}: {Education} for {Democracy} in a {Consumer} {Society}},
	volume = {36},
	issn = {0091-732X, 1935-1038},
	shorttitle = {Erosion and {Experience}},
	url = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.3102/0091732X11422027},
	doi = {10.3102/0091732X11422027},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-08-19},
	journal = {Review of Research in Education},
	author = {Sandlin, Jennifer A. and Burdick, Jake and Norris, Trevor},
	month = mar,
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {commodification, consumerism, democracy},
	pages = {139--168},
}

Paper  Website  bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Athens in the Mediterranean 'movement of the piazzas' Spontaneity in material and virtual public spaces},
 type = {article},
 year = {2012},
 keywords = {agora,arab,democracy,gramsci,hegemony,social movements,spontaneity},
 pages = {299-312},
 volume = {16},
 websites = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13604813.2012.687870},
 id = {ccbcb8f0-16b6-391b-844e-0878b69fee37},
 created = {2012-11-26T13:44:35.000Z},
 accessed = {2012-08-30},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {d2b19cc2-5f9e-346d-98ca-ac4a81945a51},
 group_id = {e0d11030-73c5-30b2-adf6-dbd5130d1a7e},
 last_modified = {2014-07-08T19:10:17.000Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Leontidou, Lila},
 journal = {City},
 number = {3}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{gainer_critical_2012,
	title = {Critical {Thinking}: {Foundational} for {Digital} {Literacies} and {Democracy}},
	volume = {56},
	issn = {1936-2706},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/JAAL.00096},
	doi = {10/f39vzn},
	abstract = {This column addresses the importance of developing critical thinking to meet the demands of 21st-century literacies and participatory democracy. The author argues for a critical approach to digital literacies that explores the sociological nature of literacy practices. Students examine examples of new literacies and analyze how ideologies are represented in multimodal texts. Then students use critical understandings of how these texts work in the world to create their own multimodal texts that can act as counter narratives pushing back against mainstream ideologies that exclude diverse perspectives.},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Journal of Adolescent \& Adult Literacy},
	author = {Gainer, Jesse},
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {Adolescence, Behavioral, Cognitive, Constructionism, Constructivism, Critical Thinking, Critical analysis, Critical literacy, Critical pedagogy, Critical theory, Democracy, Developmental, Digital/media literacies, Distance education, distance learning, Early adolescence, Feminist, Gender issues, sexual orientation, Information and communication technologies, Information literacy, Learner Engagement, Libraries, Linguistics, Literacy, Literacy Education, Literary theory, Media Literacy, Neuropsychological, New literacies, Popular culture, Postmodernism, Poststructuralism, Psycholinguistic, Schema theory, Semiotics, Sociocognitive, Sociocultural, Socioeconomic, Sociolinguistic, Specific media (hypertext, Internet, film, music, etc.), Teachers, Theoretical perspectives, To learners in which of the following categories does your work apply?, Transactional, Transformative, Visual literacy, Vygotskian},
	pages = {14--17},
}

@article{hupe_accountability_2012,
	title = {The {Accountability} of {Power}: {Democracy} and {Governance} in {Modern} {Times}},
	volume = {4},
	shorttitle = {The {Accountability} of {Power}},
	doi = {10.1017/S1755773911000154},
	abstract = {In modern governing, a variety of actors in the public domain daily make decisions with consequences for the common good, but how these actors are held accountable to political representatives is not always clear. While representative democracy in most societies still functions as the traditional standard, deficits in democratic control are perceived. There is an exercise of power-without-corresponding-representation. At the same time modern citizens appear hard to engage in politics. Representation-without-corresponding-participation also appears. We address this dual problem, one of accountability and one of legitimacy, in terms of political theory. Various strategies are explored, indicating that some of them contribute to bringing democracy up to date more than others. In particular, it seems fundamental to rethink contemporary democracy by connecting it with the multi-dimensional character of governance. Functional participation by modern citizens can enhance the legitimacy of the exercise of power by making the latter accountable in a multi-local way.},
	number = {02},
	journal = {European Political Science Review},
	author = {Hupe, Peter and Edwards, Arthur},
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {Accountability, Democracy, governance, Politics, postmodernity, power},
	pages = {177--194}
}

@article{hoppe_institutional_2011,
	title = {Institutional constraints and practical problems in deliberative and participatory policy making},
	volume = {39},
	doi = {10.1332/030557310X519650},
	abstract = {'Participation' has become a mantra and is common practice in governance. Yet only preliminary efforts have been made to examine how participatory and deliberative designs may be constrained in their effectiveness by the impacts of governance context. At the institutional level, this article examines alternative forms of political participation and the persistent barriers to participatory and deliberative approaches that are inherent in representative democracy and network governance. At the level of policy making, it highlights the practical perplexities that arise time and again in the input, throughput and output/outcome phases of running such participatory and deliberative policy projects.},
	journal = {Policy \& Politics},
	author = {Hoppe, Robert},
	month = apr,
	year = {2011},
	keywords = {Deliberation, Democracy, governance, participation, Policy analysis},
	pages = {163--186},
	file = {60199441.pdf:files/49395/60199441.pdf:application/pdf;ingentaconnect Institutional constraints and practical problems in deliberative ...:files/32657/art00002.html:text/html}
}

Website  abstract   bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Scaling Up Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution in Healthcare Reform: A Work in Progress},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Alliances D740,Bargaining,Conflict,Conflict Resolution,Democracy,Dispute Resolution,Disputes,Geographic Descriptors: U.S.,Geographic Region: Northern America,Health Care,Health: Government Policy,Healthcare,Policy,Political,Political Processes: Rent-seeking, Lobbying, Elect,Public Health I180,Regulation,Voting},
 pages = {1-30},
 volume = {74},
 websites = {http://login.ezproxy.library.ualberta.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=eoh&AN=1250566&site=eds-live&scope=site,http://www.law.duke.edu/journals/lcp/},
 city = {U CA, Irvine and Georgetown U Law Center},
 id = {75168176-668e-39a0-80d8-fc688c837fd1},
 created = {2016-08-21T22:19:21.000Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {217ced55-4c79-38dc-838b-4b5ea8df5597},
 group_id = {408d37d9-5f1b-3398-a9f5-5c1a487116d4},
 last_modified = {2017-03-14T09:54:45.334Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 source_type = {JOUR},
 notes = {ID: 66069; Update Code: 201108},
 folder_uuids = {05e3d7a6-bac9-45dc-8ccc-7ecb0ddfd5ce},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The author explores the extent to which experience with ADR processes could have informed the failed attempt at deliberative democracy around healthcare reform in the United States. She draws on theories of deliberative democracy and consensus-building processes in analyzing the failure of the many different town-hall meetings that were held throughout the country to generate a civilized, rich, and thoughtful debate on the reform of the U.S. healthcare system. Her vivid description of these disastrous attempts at engaging the public casts doubts on the prospects of such endeavors, or, at the 2. Carrie Menkel-Meadow, Scaling Up Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution in Healthcare Reform: very least, the adequacy of the theories underlying and The author uncovers the ways in which the Obama town-hall meetings were reduced to a political procedure that required binary decisions, failing "to explore basic principles of complex voting issues . . . , and multiple-issue trading, a staple of consensus-building procedures. . . making] it virtually impossible for the town-hall meetings to affect policy outcomes." Indeed, by overlooking the lessons generated by the ADR field in terms of the need for "process pluralism" that would address the "principled-rational," "bargaining," and "affective" modes of human discourse, the town-hall meetings could not give rise to true deliberation. The author finds that principles of individually tailored ADR processes cannot be simply "scaled-up" to accommodate large numbers of participants for purposes of deliberative democracy if we are to seriously address deeply held values and strong emotions (or in her terminology, the "affective dimensions") on the one hand, and the need for a firm factual basis and some substantive expertise on the other hand, when addressing "highly conflictual disputes at the societal, not individual, level." Instead, the author calls for the development of more sophisticated theories and practices that would weave together the three levels of discourse "into large-scale and complex political issues," while providing insightful guidance on what such theories and practices might require in terms of system design.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Menkel-Meadow, Carrie},
 journal = {Law and contemporary problems},
 number = {3}
}

@article{witsoe_rethinking_2011,
	title = {Rethinking postcolonial democracy: {An} examination of the politics of lower-caste empowerment in {North} {India}},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1548-1433.2011.01374.x},
	abstract = {ABSTRACT  With this article, I seek to contribute to an anthropological understanding of democracy through an examination of the politics of lower-caste empowerment in Bihar, a populous state in north India. I argue that democracy has to be examined within the context of historical processes that have shaped the larger political economy within which democratic practice unfolds, revealing the specificities of India's postcolonial democracy. Caste as political identity extends democratic practice into the relations of everyday life, challenging routine forms of violence and inequality and collapsing any pretense to a separate “political sphere.” An explicitly lower-caste politics generated political subjectivities based on a notion of popular sovereignty as rule by the lower-caste majority, and I show the ways in which this disruptive politics transformed village life. This underscores that Bihar represents an “alternate democracy” but also that we need alternate frameworks for understanding the multifarious experience of democracy today.},
	journal = {American Anthropologist},
	author = {Witsoe, Jeffrey},
	year = {2011},
	keywords = {Caste, Democracy, India, Postcolonial},
}

Paper  Website  abstract   bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Political Science Between Vision and Reality: Lessons in Times of Crises},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {crises,democracy,epistemological foundations,great depression},
 pages = {259-271},
 volume = {10},
 websites = {http://www.palgrave-journals.com/doifinder/10.1057/eps.2010.48},
 month = {6},
 publisher = {Nature Publishing Group},
 day = {17},
 id = {0a7e0a39-5faf-3b58-8614-ea14edc5afa0},
 created = {2015-12-09T10:44:51.000Z},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {c89d9c75-55b3-301d-96fe-d436b9dd286b},
 group_id = {18e3817b-59f2-318c-b479-ea74d6048d74},
 last_modified = {2017-03-14T15:02:07.570Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Political science with its rich history, but varying national traditions and contexts, deals with a multi-dimensional and ever-changing subject matter of which we are, inevitably, a part. This poses specific epistemological prob- lems, but also offers the opportunity to contribute to the shaping of political reality by insights and actions. This lecture gives a brief outline of this pro- blematique and then presents, by way of illustration, the findings of a major international research project on the political effects of the Great Depres- sion in Europe in the interwar period. Based on this experience, some (tentative and personal) lessons will be drawn for the state of political science and its potential contributions facing the present world economic crisis.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Berg-Schlosser, Dirk},
 journal = {European Political Science},
 number = {2}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ deth_introduction:_2010,
  title = {Introduction: {Civicness}, {Equality}, and {Democracy}—{A} “{Dark} {Side}” of {Social} {Capital}?},
  volume = {53},
  issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
  shorttitle = {Introduction},
  url = {http://abs.sagepub.com.libproxy.usc.edu/content/53/5/631},
  doi = {10.1177/0002764209350827},
  abstract = {Debates about social capital usually focus on its presumed positive consequences. Although this expectation has been corroborated empirically, in many instances some less benign consequences of social capital have also been uncovered. Several explanations for the emergence and consequences of these “dark sides” of social capital are briefly presented here and, subsequently, put to empirical testing. The contributors to this issue of American Behavioral Scientist have a common understanding of these dark sides of social capital. Conceptualizing them as negative consequences or outcomes, the authors use various research strategies to scrutinize the nature of the effects of social capital in various situations. In each analysis, however, particular focus is placed on the importance of the contextual setting. Special attention is paid to the degree of democratization, the postcommunist legacy, different welfare state regimes, the saliency of political cleavages, and types and interconnectedness of voluntary associations. The findings suggest that the specific consequences of social capital largely depend on political and social conditions.},
  language = {en},
  number = {5},
  urldate = {2014-09-03TZ},
  journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  author = {Deth, Jan W. van and Zmerli, Sonja},
  month = {January},
  year = {2010},
  keywords = {democracy, social capital, voluntary associations},
  pages = {631--639}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ rosteutscher_social_2010,
  title = {Social {Capital} {Worldwide}: {Potential} for {Democratization} or {Stabilizer} of {Authoritarian} {Rule}?},
  volume = {53},
  issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
  shorttitle = {Social {Capital} {Worldwide}},
  url = {http://abs.sagepub.com.libproxy.usc.edu/content/53/5/737},
  doi = {10.1177/0002764209350835},
  abstract = {The notion of social capital has gained enthusiastic support from nongovernmental organizations, intergovernmental confederations, and supranational bodies such as the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations. They all believe that social capital might be a potent aid for democratization, for repairing defective democracies, and for undermining authoritarian regimes. This article examines whether social capital has such positive effects in countries where democracy is not yet established. Does social capital help in a country’s move toward democratization, or is the link between democracy and social capital more dubious? Does social capital even contribute to the stabilization of nondemocratic regimes? This article analyzes 70 countries that participated in the third wave of the World Values Survey. The results are clear: Social capital functions as a stabilizer of authoritarian rule. Its effects are mainly negative. Social trust, in particular, might be a “key resource for the market economy and democratic politics” (Stolle, 2003, p. 19). In nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Social participation and trust, specifically, increase the stability of nondemocratic leadership by generating popular support, by suppressing regime-threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals of governance.},
  language = {en},
  number = {5},
  urldate = {2014-09-03TZ},
  journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
  author = {Roßteutscher, Sigrid},
  month = {January},
  year = {2010},
  keywords = {authoritarian regime, autocracy, cross-national comparison, defective democracy, democracy, democratic citizenship, social capital, social participation, social trust},
  pages = {737--757}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{shirky_political_2010,
	title = {The {Political} {Power} of {Social} {Media}},
	issn = {0015-7120},
	url = {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2010-12-20/political-power-social-media},
	abstract = {Discussion of the political impact of social media has focused on the power of mass protests to topple governments. In fact, social media's real potential lies in supporting civil society and the public sphere -- which will produce change over years and decades, not weeks or months.},
	language = {en-US},
	number = {January/February 2011},
	urldate = {2019-03-10},
	journal = {Foreign Affairs},
	author = {Shirky, Clay},
	month = dec,
	year = {2010},
	keywords = {Science \& Technology, activist, democracy, government, political power, protest, social media}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{arac_imperial_2010,
	title = {Imperial {Eclecticism} in {Moby}-{Dick} and {Invisible} {Man}: {Literature} in a {Postcolonial} {Empire}},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {0190-3659 1527-2141 (electronic)},
	url = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/boundary-2/article/37/3/151/6408/Imperial-Eclecticism-in-Moby-Dick-and-Invisible},
	abstract = {Drawing on Edward Said's method of “contrapuntal” criticism relating culture and empire, and also on Frank Kermode's understanding of the “classic” in relation to empire, this essay addresses two major American works a century apart to suggest a pattern that joins important American works with works from more recent postcolonial nations. Imperial eclecticism names the technique by which writers in a new national culture freely manipulate the materials of the larger “world” cultural heritage as a resource for innovation, as Melville does with Shakespeare and Ellison does with Dante, Eliot, and Melville. This, in turn, is related to the narrative mobility that makes so striking a feature of both works.},
	number = {3},
	journal = {Boundary 2: An International Journal of Literature and Culture BoundaryII},
	author = {Arac, Jonathan},
	year = {2010},
	keywords = {1800-1899, American literature, Ellison, Ralph (1914-1994), Invisible Man, Melville, Herman (1819-1891), Moby-Dick (1851), democracy, imperialism, novel},
	pages = {151--165},
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{munck_origenes_2010,
	title = {Los orígenes y la durabilidad de la democracia en {América} {Latina}: {Avances} y retos de una agenda de investigación},
	volume = {30},
	issn = {0716-1417, 0718-090X},
	shorttitle = {Los orígenes y la durabilidad de la democracia en {América} {Latina}},
	url = {https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=32416606001},
	abstract = {Este artículo of rece una visión general de la literatura sobre la lucha por la democracia en América Latina. Después de introducir la agenda de investigación sobre regímenes políticos y democracia en América Latina, se enfoca en los debates teóricos acerca del origen y la durabilidad de la democracia, y discute las principales ideas y críticas teóricas así como los hallazgos de la investigación empírica. La discusión está organizada en torno a cinco líneas de investigación, sobre la modernización económica, la cultura, el desarrollo capitalista y las clases sociales, las coyunturas críticas, y lo político-institucional. Las fronteras de la investigación sobre democracia en América Latina son también abordadas.},
	language = {Español},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-08-04},
	journal = {Revista de Ciencia Política},
	author = {Munck, Gerardo L.},
	year = {2010},
	note = {Publisher: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile},
	keywords = {América Latina, Democracia, Democracy, Latin America, political regimes, regímenes políticos},
	pages = {573--597},
}

@article{bagMultistageVotingSequential2009,
  title = {Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and {{Condorcet}} Consistency},
  author = {Bag, Parimal K. and Sabourian, Hamid and Winter, Eyal},
  year = {2009},
  month = may,
  volume = {144},
  pages = {1278--1299},
  issn = {0022-0531},
  doi = {10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
  abstract = {A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.},
  journal = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-4368976,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,mathematical-reasoning,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-4368976},
  number = {3}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{schneider_what_2009-1,
	title = {What {Is} {Next} for {Policy} {Design} and {Social} {Construction} {Theory}?1},
	volume = {37},
	copyright = {© 2009 Policy Studies Organization},
	issn = {1541-0072},
	shorttitle = {What {Is} {Next} for {Policy} {Design} and {Social} {Construction} {Theory}?},
	url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2008.00298.x/abstract},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2008.00298.x},
	abstract = {The study of policy design has made great progress over the past decade in leading scholars to understand why the American political system produces certain kinds of designs rather than others, and the consequences that policy designs have for democracy. This article outlines the distinctive and important elements of policy design theory—the centrality of policy design, the attention to social constructions, the attention to policy consequences (or feed-forward effects), and the integration of normative and empirical research and theory. It then suggests how policy design theory can complement other policy theories in guiding research and evaluating the conditions of U.S. democracy, and how in its own right it can be further developed and used to guide important inquiry about public policy's politics and social impacts.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2012-08-07},
	journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
	author = {Schneider, Anne and Sidney, Mara},
	year = {2009},
	keywords = {Democracy, policy design, policy feedback, policy theory, social construction},
	pages = {103--119}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{garcia_relatos_2009,
	title = {Relatos y contrarrelatos de los actores subalternos: el campesino organizado en la construcción de narrativas democráticas en {Colombia}. ({Spanish})},
	volume = {6},
	issn = {01221450},
	url = {http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=51992088&lang=es&site=ehost-live},
	abstract = {Based on two discursive variables: democracy as praxis and conflict, and democracy as wish and utopia, the following article aims to describe what peasants mean when they refer to democracy in their demands and organisations, and how they look at their position in the country's democratic scheme. (English) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]},
	number = {63},
	journal = {SUBALTEM ACTORS. "STORIES AND COUNTER - STORIES": THE ORGANIZED PEASANT IN THE CONSTRUCTION OF DEMOCRATIC NARRATIVES IN COLOMBIA. (English)},
	author = {GARCÍA, LILIANA MESÍAS},
	month = jul,
	year = {2009},
	keywords = {AGRICULTURAL laborers, COLOMBIA, Campesinos, Conflicto armado, DEMOCRACY, DISCOURSE analysis, Democracia, PEASANTS, SOCIAL conflict, análisis de discurso, armed conflict, farmers, l'analyse du discours, la Colombie, la démocratie, le conflit armé, les agriculteurs, rural population},
	pages = {139--162},
}

@article{weede_geopolitics_2009,
	title = {Geopolitics, {Economic} {Freedom} and {Growth} in {China} and the {West}},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {1225-4657},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1976-5118.2009.01020.x},
	abstract = {Three hundred years ago China and Europe were about equally poor. Then the West forged ahead of Asian societies, thereby generating rising global income disparities until the end of the 20th century. Since 1979 the Chinese have raised per capita incomes sevenfold. This history of economic performance poses two explanatory challenges. Why did China fall behind Europe or the West? Why has China started to close the income gap recently? Here, a unitary explanatory framework is suggested for answering both questions. Because of weak property rights, lack of scarcity prices, and too little economic freedom, China grew much more slowly than the West. The West benefited from better institutions than China because of political fragmentation resulting in limited government and comparatively free markets. Similarly, China could start its attempt to catch-up with the West only after climbing out of the socialist trap by a de facto improvement of property rights and economic freedom, by "market-preserving federalism" and by vigorously joining the capitalist world economy. This account of Western and Chinese performance ultimately rests on geopolitics. Interstate rivalry between European states, kingdoms and principalities contributed to safe property rights and the European miracle. Competition between European states forced them to establish limited instead of absolutist government and therefore to provide space for the commercial and industrial revolutions in the West. Similarly, rivalry between the People's Republic of China on the Mainland and the Republic of China on Taiwan, the hostile competition between Communist China and the Soviet Union, the historical rivalry between China and Japan, and the geographical closeness of US troop deployments to China forced the People's Republic of China leadership in the late 1970s to consider the consequences of falling further and further behind the West, Japan, and Taiwan. Thus, geopolitical threat perception has been the midwife of Chinese economic reform policies. The current financial and economic crisis is likely to increase government interference with the economy and to reduce economic freedom in China as well as in the West.},
	language = {English},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Pacific Focus},
	author = {Weede, Erich},
	month = aug,
	year = {2009},
	note = {WOS:000268272700001},
	keywords = {Democracy, Geopolitics, democracy, development, economic freedom, federalism, policy, property rights, prosperity, rates, regressions, welfare-state},
	pages = {131--160},
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{kuruvilla_there_2009,
	title = {There is no “point” in decision-making: a model of transactive rationality for public policy and administration},
	volume = {43},
	issn = {0032-2687},
	shorttitle = {There is no “point” in decision-making},
	url = {http://www.springerlink.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/content/gp23hw6754p10511/},
	doi = {10.1007/s11077-009-9098-y},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2010-08-13},
	journal = {Policy Sciences},
	author = {Kuruvilla, Shyama and Dorstewitz, Philipp},
	month = jul,
	year = {2009},
	keywords = {Democracy, Ecological, Economic Policy, John Dewey, Morality, Political Science, Pragmatist philosophy, Public administration, Public policy, Rationality, Science, Transactive rationality},
	pages = {263--287},
	file = {fulltext(42).pdf:files/36098/fulltext(42).pdf:application/pdf;Full Text PDF:files/52690/Kuruvilla and Dorstewitz - 2009 - There is no “point” in decision-making a model of.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/52689/Kuruvilla and Dorstewitz - 2009 - There is no “point” in decision-making a model of.html:text/html;SpringerLink -:files/31891/gp23hw6754p10511.html:text/html}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_public_2008,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Public lecture, {Paris}, 1949},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
	abstract = {First published in German in 1979.},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {6 - 12 content knowledge, beliefs, communism, creed, Democracy, Disciplines - History, father of man, means of production, outcomes - adult atitude, scientific pedagogy, social efficiency, son of man, syllabus, Teacher Attitudes, teacher preparation, teacher qualification, training},
	pages = {101--106}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_lecture_2008,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Lecture in a {Convent}, {London} [1935]: {Man}'s {Place} in {Creation}},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
	abstract = {trans. A.M. Maccheroni
Convent of the Assumption, Kensington Square},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
	pages = {95--99}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{meneses_tello_bibliotecas_2008,
	title = {Bibliotecas y democracia: el caso de la biblioteca pública en la construcción de una ciudadanía activa},
	volume = {11},
	shorttitle = {Bibliotecas y democracia},
	url = {http://www.redalyc.org/resumen.oa?id=63501106},
	abstract = {The connection between public libraries and democracy is analyzed from different points of view. The focus of this article covers several matters related to the democratic dimension of the public library. Therefore, aspects related to the political dimension of that institution are analyzed and stud...},
	language = {es},
	urldate = {2015-02-22},
	journal = {Anales de Documentación},
	author = {Meneses Tello, Felipe},
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {Bibliotecas, Democracy, LIBRARIES, active citizenship, biblioteca pública, ciudadanía activa, ciudadanía política, civic participation, civics, cívico, democracia, democracy, participación cívica, political citizenship, public library},
	pages = {93 -- 127},
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_protection_2008,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Protection against the exploitation of children {Extract} from a lecture, {University} of {Madras} [1940]},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
	abstract = {Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {communist, Democracy, forgotten citizen, freedom, Ministry of childen, social efficiency},
	pages = {81--83}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ sherwood_abraham_2008,
  title = {Abraham in {London}, {Marburg}-{Istanbul} and {Israel}: {Between} {Theocracy} and {Democracy}, {Ancient} {Text} and {Modern} {State}},
  volume = {16},
  issn = {09272569},
  shorttitle = {Abraham in {London}, {Marburg}-{Istanbul} and {Israel}},
  url = {http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=30053630&site=ehost-live},
  doi = {10.1163/156851507X194251},
  abstract = {This article examines three occurrences of the sacrifice of Isaac in relatively recent cultural and political histories: the case of Godden versus Hales (England, 1686); Erich Auerbach's 'Odysseus' Scar' in Mimesis (Istanbul [Marburg], 1943-1945); and the use of the akedah as a political figure for the modern Israeli nation state. In these three very different cases the biblical narrative undergoes a theological-political translation and the God who issues the exceptional command to sacrifice becomes a figure for the sovereign and/or the state. Each political translation also calls forth critical responses in which the core question becomes the relationship of divine monarchy/state authority to freedom, or, to put it another way, of democracy or would-be 'democracy' to 'theocracy' and its various modern political correlates. By analysing these translations and responses, this essay explores how the questions as it were forced on us by Genesis 22 are not just religious, though they can be understood through the idioms of the religious. It concludes by asking whether such theological-political translations could be relevant to 'Biblical Studies Proper' as a more expansive discipline looks outwards to questions of religion, politics and ethics.},
  number = {2},
  urldate = {2015-09-26TZ},
  journal = {Biblical Interpretation},
  author = {Sherwood, Yvonne},
  month = {April},
  year = {2008},
  keywords = {ABRAHAM, ABRAHAM (Biblical patriarch) -- In rabbinical literature, AUERBACH, Erich, 1892-1957, DEMOCRACY, DISPENSING POWER, Erich Auerbach, GREAT Britain, ISAAC (Biblical patriarch), ISAAC (Biblical patriarch) -- Sacrifice, ISRAEL, MODERN ISRAELI LITERATURE, RELIGION \& politics, SACRIFICE, SOVEREIGNTY, SOVEREIGNTY (Political science)},
  pages = {105--153}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_communism_2008,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Communism and {Peace}: {Notes} {Late} 1930s},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
	abstract = {Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.},
	language = {eng},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
	pages = {99--100}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{enright_building_2008,
	title = {Building a {Just} {Adolescent} {Community}},
	volume = {20},
	issn = {1054-0040, 1054-0040},
	url = {https://search.proquest.com/docview/61951040?accountid=14512},
	abstract = {Lawrence Kohlberg, a psychologist, coined the term "Just Community" to describe a community built on trust and resolution, in which each member participates democratically in the development of the rules and regulations that govern their community life (Kohlberg, 1985). In a school, this means that students and teachers alike actively participate in moral discussions about issues involving relationships between students and staff; each member of the community is held accountable to the group (Kohlberg, 1985). As such, the Just Community represents a type of moral laboratory, an opportunity for students to discuss and resolve moral issues that arise, and equally if not more importantly, to "act" morally in accordance with the rules set forth by the group. Kohlberg saw the Just Community as based on the concepts of justice (fairness and equal rights), and benevolence (social responsibility and altruism), and as inspired by a sense of group solidarity. Thus, broadly speaking, the Just Community represents a type of benevolent participatory democracy. The importance of many of the principles underlying a Just Community, such as justice, equal rights, and benevolence, have been recognized for many years. Creating a Just Community among junior high students requires an understanding of the unique developmental characteristics and needs of the adolescent age. In this article, the authors highlight the physical, social, cognitive, and emotional characteristics of young adolescents and the needs these characteristics suggest. Although they discuss these characteristics and needs in four realms, these realms are clearly interconnected in adolescence, just as in earlier stages of development (National Research Council and Institute on Medicine [NRCIM], 2006). The physical changes brought on by puberty heighten social, emotional, and intellectual tensions-- the adolescent is making, at times, the awkward transition from child to adult.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Montessori Life: A Publication of the American Montessori Society},
	author = {Enright, Mary Schaefer and Schaefer, Lawrence V. and Schaefer, Patricia S. and Schaefer, Kristin A.},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Publisher: American Montessori Society, 281 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10010-6102},
	keywords = {Montessori Method, Emotional Development, Social Development, Educational Environment, Cognitive Development, Democratic Values, Montessori Schools, Developmental Stages, Moral Development, Adolescent Development, Early Adolescents, Democracy, Altruism, Psychological Patterns, Junior High Schools, Moral Values, Social Responsibility, Junior High School Students, Puberty, Physical Development, Trust (Psychology), Interpersonal Relationship, Social Justice, Civil Rights, ERIC, Current Index to Journals in Education (CIJE), Moral Issues},
	pages = {36--42}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{montessori_protection_2008,
	address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
	series = {Montessori {Series}},
	title = {Protection against the exploitation of children {Extract} from a lecture, {University} of {Madras} [1940]},
	url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
	abstract = {Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English},
	number = {7},
	booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
	publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
	author = {Montessori, Maria},
	editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
	translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
	year = {2008},
	note = {Translators: \_:n10369},
	keywords = {freedom, social efficiency, Democracy, communist, forgotten citizen, Ministry of childen},
	pages = {81--83},
	annote = {Child is not to be exploited for national aims!!}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{brinks_diffusion_2006,
	title = {Diffusion {Is} {No} {Illusion}: {Neighbor} {Emulation} in the {Third} {Wave} of {Democracy}},
	volume = {39},
	issn = {0010-4140},
	shorttitle = {Diffusion {Is} {No} {Illusion}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414005276666},
	doi = {10.1177/0010414005276666},
	abstract = {This article develops and tests a specific model of the role of diffusion as a determinant of the magnitude and direction of regime change, using a database covering the world from 1972 to 1996. The authors find that countries tend to change their regimes to match the average degree of democracy or nondemocracy found among their contiguous neighbors and that countries in the U.S. sphere of influence tended to become more democratic in the period examined. They also confirm that countries tend to follow the direction in which the majority of other countries in the world are moving. Their model builds on several findings in the diffusion literature but adds methodological improvements and includes more extensive controls for other variables that have been found to affect regime change—including levels of development, presidentialism, and regional differences—offering further support for some and challenging other findings of the regime change literature.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2022-08-05},
	journal = {Comparative Political Studies},
	author = {Brinks, Daniel and Coppedge, Michael},
	month = may,
	year = {2006},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc},
	keywords = {democracy, democratization, diffusion, income, regime},
	pages = {463--489},
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{latouche_acerca_2006,
	title = {Acerca de los problemas de la consolidación de la democracia. {Una} mirada desde la temática institucional},
	volume = {29},
	issn = {0303-9757,},
	url = {https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=170018112001},
	abstract = {La consolidación de la democracia es un proceso complejo que requiere el establecimiento de "espacios institucionales" que garanticen una redistribución coherente de los costos y beneficios asociados con la interacción social. La democracia sin adjetivos se constituye en un simple proceso de escogencia que implica la imposición de los deseos y preferencias de la mayoría y su imposición sobre la totalidad de la sociedad. La consolidación de la democracia requiere la instrumentación de mecanismos que garanticen la protección de los derechos individuales fundamentados sobre la construcción de una institucionalidad constitucional funcional},
	language = {Español},
	number = {36},
	urldate = {2021-02-26},
	journal = {Politeia},
	author = {Latouche, Miguel Ángel},
	year = {2006},
	note = {Publisher: Universidad Central de Venezuela},
	keywords = {Democracia, Democracy, Instituciones, Institutions, Participación, Participation, Public reason, Razón pública},
	pages = {1--14},
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ainsworth_online_2005,
	title = {{ONLINE} {CONSULTATION}: {E}-{Democracy} and {E}-{Resistance} in the {Case} of the {Development} {Gateway}},
	volume = {19},
	copyright = {Copyright SAGE PUBLICATIONS, INC. Aug 2005},
	issn = {08933189},
	shorttitle = {{ONLINE} {CONSULTATION}},
	url = {http://search.proquest.com.ezaccess.libraries.psu.edu/docview/216340534/abstract/B091EF00A7FF41DEPQ/1?accountid=13158},
	abstract = {To explore the implications of the Internet for the relationship between organizational communication and power, this article compares two online forums established in response to the introduction of a new e-organization: the Development Gateway. The article analyzes postings to the forums to explore the capacity of the Internet to foster democracy, and to investigate how power and resistance are exercised through this medium. Findings show that, rather than equate resistance with participation, as some models of democracy do, the dynamics of power and resistance are more complex, and resistance and power can take participative and nonparticipative forms. [PUBLICATION ABSTRACT]},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2015-05-02},
	journal = {Management Communication Quarterly : McQ},
	author = {Ainsworth, Susan and Hardy, Cynthia and Harley, Bill},
	month = aug,
	year = {2005},
	keywords = {Business And Economics--Management, Communications, Democracy, Group dynamics, Internet, Organizational behavior, Studies, notion},
	pages = {120--145},
}

@misc{wendler_paradoxical_2004,
	title = {The {Paradoxical} {Effects} of {Instituional} {Change} for the {Ligitimacy} of {European} {Governance}: {The} {Case} of {EU} {Social} {Policy}},
	author = {Wendler, Frank},
	year = {2004},
	keywords = {EU, EU governance, democracy, governance, legitimacy, open coordination, political science, social policy}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@article{stuart_construction_2003,
	title = {The construction of a national {Maori} identity by {Maori} media},
	volume = {9},
	url = {http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=150199788525515;res=IELHSS},
	abstract = {The development of a Maori identity largely in terms of Maori radio, as the major national Maori media, making references to print media sources, is studied. By creating their own identity and accompanying discourse, Maori might be forcing New Zealand down the path towards theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in which social antagonisms are healthy, where plurality is valued, and where conflicts are a healthy part of democracy},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2015-12-21},
	journal = {Pacific journalism review},
	author = {Stuart, Ian and {others}},
	year = {2003},
	keywords = {Democracy, Indigenous peoples–Social life and customs, Maori (New Zealand people), Maori (New Zealand people)–Social life and customs, Mass media, Nation-building, Radio broadcasting},
	pages = {45},
}

Paper  Website  abstract   bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Public participation in science and technology decision making: trends for the future},
 type = {article},
 year = {2002},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {citizen participation,community-based research,consensus conferences,democracy,research and development,science,science and technology policy,technology and society},
 pages = {155-166},
 volume = {24},
 websites = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0160-791X(01)00051-3},
 month = {1},
 id = {36bf29d6-b0c1-3d6b-8261-7e8ce4b94a61},
 created = {2013-08-16T12:33:57.000Z},
 accessed = {2013-03-27},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {45884df0-82c1-344d-8b99-4dee6c89b79d},
 group_id = {ab695928-535d-3373-a630-70913ea6b675},
 last_modified = {2013-09-05T16:54:11.000Z},
 tags = {collaboration,methodology,public participation in science,technology},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Chopyak2002},
 abstract = {This article examines past, current, and future trends in the relationship between science, technology, and society. The evolution of current science policy in the USA is described. The paper then examines a shift in the current scientific and research environment that is calling forth new research collaborations, and a new relationship between science and society. This shift is demanding greater public participation in science and technology decision making, changing the traditional ‘trust us, we’re experts’ science–society relationship. The paper offers several methodologies used worldwide that provide citizens with the opportunity to participate in science and technology decision-making processes. It then examines how such methodologies are affecting research and funding agencies, and argues that such efforts need to be expanded.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chopyak, Jill and Levesque, Peter},
 journal = {Technology in Society},
 number = {1-2}
}

@book{morinSevenComplexLessons2001,
  title = {Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future},
  author = {Morin, Edgar},
  year = {2001},
  publisher = {{UNESCO}},
  abstract = {Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.},
  isbn = {92-3-103778-1},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13337437,control-problem,democracy,education,feedback,science-ethics,system-theory},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-13337437}
}

@book{geroldReportWorkingGroup2001,
  title = {Report of the Working Group "{{Democratising}} Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems"},
  author = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela and Bjorklund, Mona and Bossenmeyer, Grete and Cotter, Colette and Cross, Alan and Fallon, Catherine and Franca, Francesco and Funtowicz, Silvio and Hurst, Roderick and Kraemer, Ludwig and Lebessis, Notis and Mi{\`e}ge, Robin and Pedersen, Lars M. and Rogers, Michael and Shotter, Michael and Wagstaffe, Peter},
  editor = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela},
  year = {2001},
  publisher = {{White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters}},
  abstract = {[Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested. 

[::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning. 

[::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet. 

[::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience. 

[::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications. 

[::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making. 

[::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''. 

[::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process: 

[::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks. 

[::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three. 

[::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: {$\cdot$} Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons. 

[::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents. 

[::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries. 

[::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form. 

[::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'. 

[::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives.

[\textbackslash n][...]

[Recommended action lines]

[::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include:

[::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making;

[::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making;

[::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands;

[::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats;

[::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest);

[::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views;

[::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance).

[\textbackslash n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness.

[\textbackslash n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process.

[\textbackslash n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps.

[\textbackslash n][...]

[Conclusion]

The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration.

[\textbackslash n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination).

[\textbackslash n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''.},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-11730512,democracy,epistemology,participatory-modelling,post-normal-science,science-ethics,science-policy-interface},
  lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-11730512}
}

Paper  Website  abstract   bibtex   

@article{
 title = {Political knowledge , political engagement, and civic education},
 type = {article},
 year = {2001},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {democracy,higher education,participation,political socialization,service learning},
 pages = {217-234},
 volume = {4},
 websites = {http://www-personal.umich.edu/~prestos/Downloads/DC/9-23_Galston2001.pdf},
 month = {6},
 publisher = {Annual Reviews 4139 El Camino Way, P.O. Box 10139, Palo Alto, CA 94303-0139, USA},
 day = {28},
 id = {c4f62fbc-fd17-3baa-ab01-5e2007d18574},
 created = {2013-08-16T12:33:57.000Z},
 accessed = {2013-02-02},
 file_attached = {true},
 profile_id = {45884df0-82c1-344d-8b99-4dee6c89b79d},
 group_id = {ab695928-535d-3373-a630-70913ea6b675},
 last_modified = {2013-09-05T16:54:49.000Z},
 tags = {civic engagement,civic knowledge},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Galston2001},
 language = {en},
 abstract = {After decades of neglect, civic education is back on the agenda of political science in the United States. Despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the US population during the past 50 years, levels of political knowledge have barely budged. Today's college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Recent research indicates that levels of political knowledge affect the acceptance of democratic principles, attitudes toward specific issues, and political participation. There is evidence that political participation is in part a positional good and is shaped by relative as well as absolute levels of educational attainment. Contrary to findings from 30 years ago, recent research suggests that traditional classroom-based civic education can significantly raise political knowledge. Service learning—a combination of community-based civic experience and systematic classroom reflection on that experience—is a promising innovation, but program eva...},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Galston, William A.},
 journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
 number = {1}
}

@incollection{kitschelt_welfare_1999,
	title = {The {Welfare} {State} in {Hard} {Times}},
	isbn = {978-0-521-63496-0},
	abstract = {In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.},
	language = {en},
	booktitle = {Continuity and {Change} in {Contemporary} {Capitalism}},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	author = {Stephens, John D. and Huber, Evelyne and Ray, Leonard},
	editor = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
	month = jan,
	year = {1999},
	keywords = {Business \& Economics / Economic History, Business \& Economics / Economics / Comparative, Business \& Economics / Economics / General, Business \& Economics / Free Enterprise, Capitalism, Capitalism - History - 20th century - Congresses, Capitalism/ History/ 20th century/ Congresses, Comparative economics, Comparative economics - Congresses, COMPARATIVE government, Comparative government - Congresses, Comparative industrial relations, Comparative industrial relations - Congresses, Democracy, Democracy - Congresses, Economic history, Economic history - 1990- - Congresses, Economic history/ 1990-/ Congresses, Foreign trade and employment, Foreign trade and employment - Congresses, International economic integration, Political Science / Comparative Politics, Political Science / General, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, Political Science / Political Process / General, Technology \& Engineering / Social Aspects, Technology transfer, Technology transfer - Economic aspects - Congresses, Technology transfer/ Economic aspects/ Congresses},
	pages = {164--193}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@book{Norris1999,
	address = {Oxford},
	title = {Critical {Citizens}: {Global} {Support} for {Democratic} {Government}},
	isbn = {978-0-19-829568-6},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0198295685.001.0001},
	abstract = {This arose as part of an ongoing project on ‘Visions of Governance for the Twenty‐first Century’ initiated in 1996 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, which aims to explore what people want from government, the public sector, and non‐profit organizations. A first volume from the ‘Visions’ project (Why People Don’t Trust Government) was published by Harvard University Press in 1997; this second volume analyses a series of interrelated questions. The first two are diagnostic: how far are there legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy worldwide; and are trends towards growing cynicism found in the US evident in many established and newer democracies? The second concern is analytical: what are the main political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government? The final questions are prescriptive: what are the consequences of this analysis and what are the implications for strengthening democratic governance? The book brings together a distinguished group of international scholars who develop a global analysis of these issues by looking at trends in established and newer democracies towards the end of the twentieth century. Chapters draw upon the third wave (1995–1997) World Values Survey as well as using an extensive range of comparative empirical evidence.Challenging the conventional wisdom, the book concludes that accounts of a democratic ‘crisis’ are greatly exaggerated. By the mid‐1990s most citizens worldwide shared widespread aspirations to the ideals and principles of democratic government, although at the same time there remains a marked gap between evaluations of the ideal and the practice of democracy. The publics in many newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and in Latin America have proved deeply critical of the performance of their governing regimes, and during the 1980s many established democracies saw a decline in public confidence in the core institutions of representative democracy, including parliaments, the legal system, and political parties. The book considers the causes and consequences of the development of critical citizens in three main parts: cross‐national trends in confidence in governance; testing theories with case studies; and explanations of trends.},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	editor = {Norris, P},
	year = {1999},
	keywords = {US, civic engagement, comparative politics, critical citizens, democracy, democratic governance, democratic government, new democracies, political trust, public opinion, social trust},
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{leach_public_1999,
	title = {Public {Participation} and the {Democratic} {Renewal} {Agenda}: {Prioritisation} or {Marginalisation}?},
	volume = {25},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-0033407087&doi=10.1080%2f03003939908433966&partnerID=40&md5=47c5f682a6963d58084294f087078e28},
	doi = {10.1080/03003939908433966},
	number = {4},
	journal = {Local Government Studies},
	author = {Leach, S. and Wingfield, M.},
	year = {1999},
	keywords = {United Kingdom, democracy, local government, national politics, political participation, political reform},
	pages = {46--59},
}

@book{lipset_apuntes_1996,
	address = {San José},
	edition = {1. ed},
	series = {Cuadernos de {CAPEL}},
	title = {Apuntes para una reflexión sobre la democracia: tres ensayos},
	isbn = {978-9977-52-048-3},
	shorttitle = {Apuntes para una reflexión sobre la democracia},
	language = {es},
	number = {41},
	publisher = {IIDH : CAPEL},
	author = {Lipset, Seymour Martin and Nohlen, Dieter and Sartori, Giovanni},
	collaborator = {Unión Interamericana de Organismos Electorales},
	year = {1996},
	keywords = {Congresses, Democracy, Representative government and representation},
}

@book{hargreaves_immigration_1995,
	address = {New York, NY, USA},
	title = {Immigration, 'race' and {Ethnicity} in {Contemporary} {France}},
	isbn = {0-415-11817-4},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Hargreaves, Alan G.},
	year = {1995},
	keywords = {CITIZENSHIP, Europe, FRANCE, culture, democracy, identity, immigration, knowledge, social theory}
}

Paper  doi  bibtex   

@article{bellamy_dethroning_1994,
	title = {'{Dethroning} {Politics}': {Liberalism}, {Constitutionalism} and {Democracy} in the {Thought} of {F}. {A}. {Hayek}},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {00071234},
	url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/194028},
	doi = {10.2307/194028},
	number = {4},
	journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
	author = {Bellamy, Richard},
	year = {1994},
	keywords = {CULike, Democracy, Liberalism, hayek, politics},
	pages = {419--441},
}

@book{duhamel_les_1993,
	address = {Paris},
	series = {Science politique},
	title = {Les démocraties: régimes, histoire, exigences},
	isbn = {978-2-02-020779-9},
	shorttitle = {Les démocraties},
	language = {français},
	publisher = {Ed. du Seuil},
	author = {Duhamel, Olivier},
	year = {1993},
	keywords = {Comparative politics, Democracy, Droit constitutionnel – France – Manuels d'enseignement supérieur, Démocratie, France – Histoire constitutionnelle, JC 421, Régimes politiques, Science politique – Études comparatives},
}

@book{schattschneider_semisovereign_1960,
	title = {The semisovereign people: a realist's view of democracy in {America}},
	shorttitle = {The semisovereign people},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Holt, Rinehart and Winston},
	author = {Schattschneider, Elmer Eric},
	year = {1960},
	keywords = {Democracia, Democracy, Estados Unidos, Political Science / Government / State \& Provincial, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, United States}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{cresseyBrexitWatchScientists2016,
  title = {Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout},
  author = {Cressey, Daniel},
  date = {2016-07},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  issn = {1476-4687},
  doi = {10.1038/nature.2016.20226},
  url = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/article/14094741},
  abstract = {Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on.

[Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news.

[\textbackslash n] [...]},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14094741,~to-add-doi-URL,democracy,europe,geopolitics,research-funding,science-society-interface,uncertainty,united-kingdom,unknown}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ornesScienceCultureMath2018,
  title = {Science and {{Culture}}: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board},
  author = {Ornes, Stephen},
  date = {2018-06},
  journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
  volume = {115},
  pages = {6515--6517},
  issn = {1091-6490},
  doi = {10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
  abstract = {[UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases -- one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland -- were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases -- in Texas and North Carolina -- that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps.

[Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering -- the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14608074,~to-add-doi-URL,antipattern,cherry-picking,crisp-vs-fuzzy,democracy,gerrymandering,indicator-driven-bias,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,spatial-pattern,technology-mediated-communication,trade-offs},
  number = {26}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{lamarre_tweeting_????,
	title = {Tweeting democracy? {Examining} {Twitter} as an online public relations strategy for congressional campaigns’},
	issn = {0363-8111},
	shorttitle = {Tweeting democracy?},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0363811113000982},
	doi = {10.1016/j.pubrev.2013.07.009},
	abstract = {Abstract
Considering the integral relationship between public relations and democracy (Martinelli, 2011) coupled with the growing use of social media for democratic aims (Smith, 2011) the current study examines the effectiveness of Twitter as a public relations communications tool for congressional campaigns. Specifically, as a means of testing Twitter's effectiveness in informing and engaging voters, congressional candidate and political party Twitter use for all 435 U.S. House of Representatives races (N = 1284) are compared with 2010 election outcomes. Results indicate that candidates’ Twitter use significantly increased their odds of winning, controlling for incumbency and Party ID. Additionally, significant differences between incumbents’ and challengers’ Twitter use during the election cycle emerged, which has important implications for public relations practices aimed at achieving democratic outcomes.},
	urldate = {2013-08-22},
	journal = {Public Relations Review},
	author = {LaMarre, Heather L. and Suzuki-Lambrecht, Yoshikazu},
	keywords = {Democracy, Online communications, Political campaigns, Public relations, Social media, Voter engagement},
	file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47177/LaMarre and Suzuki-Lambrecht - Tweeting democracy Examining Twitter as an online.pdf:application/pdf}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@incollection{aidtBreakingBrexitImpasse2019,
  title = {Breaking the {{Brexit}} Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome},
  booktitle = {{{VOX}} - {{CEPR}} Policy Portal},
  author = {Aidt, Toke and Chadha, Jagjit and Sabourian, Hamid},
  date = {2019-01},
  pages = {63748+},
  publisher = {{Centre for Economic Policy Research}},
  location = {{London, United Kingdom}},
  url = {https://voxeu.org/node/63748},
  abstract = {Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives.

[Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements]

For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A.

[] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it. 

[] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...] 

[] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected.

[] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...].

[] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...].

[] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...]

[] [...]},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14680156,conflicts,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@book{strandburgPrivacyBigData2014,
  title = {Privacy, Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement},
  author = {Strandburg, Katherine J. and Barocas, Solon and Nissenbaum, Helen and Acquisti, Alessandro and Ohm, Paul and Stodden, Victoria and Koonin, Steven E. and Holland, Michael J. and Goerge, Robert M. and Elias, Peter and Greenwood, Daniel and Stopczynski, Arkadiusz and Sweatt, Brian and Hardjono, Thomas and Pentland, Alex and Landwehr, Carl and Wilbanks, John and Kreuter, Frauke and Peng, Roger and Karr, Alan F. and Reiter, Jerome P. and Dwork, Cynthia},
  editor = {Lane, Julia I. and Stodden, Victoria and Bender, Stefan and Nissenbaum, Helen},
  date = {2014},
  publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
  url = {http://www.dataprivacybook.org/book-contents},
  abstract = {Massive amounts of new data on human beings can now be accessed and analyzed. Much has been made of the many uses of such data for pragmatic purposes, including selling goods and services, winning political campaigns, and identifying possible terrorists. Yet ” big data” can also be harnessed to serve the public good: scientists can use new forms of data to do research that improves the lives of human beings, federal, state and local governments can use data to improve services and reduce taxpayer costs, and public organizations can use information to advocate for public causes. 

Much has also been made of the privacy and confidentiality issues associated with access. A survey of statisticians at the 2013 Joint Statistical Meeting found that the majority thought consumers should worry about privacy issues, and that an ethical framework should be in place to guide data scientists. Yet there are many unanswered questions. What are the ethical and legal requirements for scientists and government officials seeking to serve the public good without harming individual citizens? What are the rules of engagement? What are the best ways to provide access while protecting confidentiality? Are there reasonable mechanisms to compensate citizens for privacy loss? 

The goal of this book is to answer some of these questions. The book's authors paint an intellectual landscape that includes the legal, economic and statistical context necessary to frame the many privacy issues, including the value to the public of data access. The authors also identify core practical approaches that use new technologies to simultaneously maximize the utility of data access while minimizing information risk. As is appropriate for such a new and evolving field, each chapter also identifies important questions that require future research.

The work in this book is also intended to be accessible to an audience broader than the academy. In addition to informing the public, we hope that the book will be useful to people trying to provide data access but protect confidentiality in the roles as data custodians for federal, state and local agencies, or decision makers on institutional review boards.},
  isbn = {978-1-107-06735-6},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13164441,big-data,democracy,freedom,knowledge-freedom,legal-issues,legislation,science-ethics,science-policy-interface}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@book{morinSevenComplexLessons2001,
  title = {Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future},
  author = {Morin, Edgar},
  date = {2001},
  publisher = {{UNESCO}},
  url = {http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001230/123074e.pdf},
  abstract = {Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.},
  isbn = {92-3-103778-1},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13337437,control-problem,democracy,education,feedback,science-ethics,system-theory}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{ritchieCommunicationScienceCensorship2017,
  title = {Communication: Science Censorship Is a Global Issue},
  author = {Ritchie, Euan G. and Driscoll, Don A. and Maron, Martine},
  date = {2017-02},
  journaltitle = {Nature},
  volume = {542},
  pages = {165},
  issn = {0028-0836},
  doi = {10.1038/542165b},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1038/542165b},
  abstract = {[Excerpt] [...] Regrettably, suppression of public scientific information is already the norm, or is being attempted, in many countries [...]. We fear that such gagging orders could encourage senior bureaucrats to use funding as a tool with which to rein in academic freedoms. [...] The response of scientists to this type of coercion has been to share scientific information widely and openly using such legal means as social media to defend facts and transparency [...]},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14274907,~to-add-doi-URL,confirmation-bias,democracy,ethics,free-scientific-knowledge,freedom,global-scale,knowledge-freedom,publication-bias,research-funding,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,scientific-communication,scientific-knowledge-sharing,scientific-misconduct},
  number = {7640}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{bagMultistageVotingSequential2009,
  title = {Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and {{Condorcet}} Consistency},
  author = {Bag, Parimal K. and Sabourian, Hamid and Winter, Eyal},
  date = {2009-05},
  journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Theory},
  volume = {144},
  pages = {1278--1299},
  issn = {0022-0531},
  doi = {10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
  url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
  abstract = {A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-4368976,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,mathematical-reasoning,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
  number = {3}
}

Paper  doi  abstract   bibtex   

@article{jho_institutional_????,
	title = {Institutional and technological determinants of civil e-{Participation}: {Solo} or duet?},
	issn = {0740-624X},
	shorttitle = {Institutional and technological determinants of civil e-{Participation}},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0740624X15300083},
	doi = {10.1016/j.giq.2015.09.003},
	abstract = {Do current advances in ICT actually encourage civil e-Participation and foster new governance? This research questions an enduring controversy among scholars on the crucial factors that promote active civil participation through ICT and pursues the attributes and implications of recent high civil e-Participation in many countries. By using data gathered from 125 countries worldwide, the technological and institutional conditions under which active civil e-Participation induces are analyzed. This research verifies that the level of political institutionalization and the degree of technological development interact to affect the level of participation through ICT, and that the magnitude of this effect is different for countries with different types of online populations and different forms of political institutionalization. This implies that e-Participation has a higher probability of increase when institutions and technology act in conjunction; efforts to realize e-democracy through ICT will fail if only a technological infrastructure is considered in countries. In other words, high e-Participation could be a menace for democracy in the long run in conditions where the ICT level is high yet lacking political institutionalization.},
	urldate = {2015-09-15},
	journal = {Government Information Quarterly},
	author = {Jho, Whasun and Song, Kyong Jae},
	keywords = {Democracy, e-Participation, governance, ICT, Institution, Internet, Technology},
	file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/52332/Jho and Song - Institutional and technological determinants of ci.pdf:application/pdf;ScienceDirect Snapshot:files/52333/S0740624X15300083.html:text/html}
}

Paper  abstract   bibtex   

@book{geroldReportWorkingGroup2001,
  title = {Report of the Working Group "{{Democratising}} Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems"},
  author = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela and Bjorklund, Mona and Bossenmeyer, Grete and Cotter, Colette and Cross, Alan and Fallon, Catherine and Franca, Francesco and Funtowicz, Silvio and Hurst, Roderick and Kraemer, Ludwig and Lebessis, Notis and Miège, Robin and Pedersen, Lars M. and Rogers, Michael and Shotter, Michael and Wagstaffe, Peter},
  editor = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela},
  date = {2001},
  publisher = {{White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters}},
  url = {https://web.archive.org/web/20120117060220/http://ec.europa.eu/governance/areas/group2/report_en.pdf},
  abstract = {[Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested. 

[::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning. 

[::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet. 

[::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience. 

[::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications. 

[::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making. 

[::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”. 

[::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process: 

[::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks. 

[::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three. 

[::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: · Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons. 

[::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents. 

[::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries. 

[::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form. 

[::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'. 

[::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives.

[\textbackslash n][...]

[Recommended action lines]

[::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include:

[::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making;

[::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making;

[::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands;

[::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats;

[::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest);

[::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views;

[::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance).

[\textbackslash n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness.

[\textbackslash n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process.

[\textbackslash n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps.

[\textbackslash n][...]

[Conclusion]

The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration.

[\textbackslash n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination).

[\textbackslash n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”.},
  keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-11730512,democracy,epistemology,participatory-modelling,post-normal-science,science-ethics,science-policy-interface}
}