Keyword: democracy
2020 (2)
Motivated ignorance, rationality, and democratic politics. Williams, D. Synthese, 2020.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
When the costs of acquiring knowledge outweigh the benefits of possessing it, ignorance is rational. In this paper I clarify and explore a related but more neglected phenomenon: cases in which ignorance is motivated by the anticipated costs of possessing knowledge, not acquiring it. The paper has four aims. First, I describe the psychological and social factors underlying this phenomenon of motivated ignorance. Second, I describe those conditions in which it is instrumentally rational. Third, I draw on evidence from the social sciences to argue that this phenomenon of rational motivated ignorance plays an important but often unappreciated role in one of the most socially harmful forms of ignorance today: voter ignorance of societal risks such as climate change. Finally, I consider how to address the high social costs associated with rational motivated ignorance. © 2020, The Author(s).
@article{williams_motivated_2020,
title = {Motivated ignorance, rationality, and democratic politics},
doi = {10.1007/s11229-020-02549-8},
abstract = {When the costs of acquiring knowledge outweigh the benefits of possessing it, ignorance is rational. In this paper I clarify and explore a related but more neglected phenomenon: cases in which ignorance is motivated by the anticipated costs of possessing knowledge, not acquiring it. The paper has four aims. First, I describe the psychological and social factors underlying this phenomenon of motivated ignorance. Second, I describe those conditions in which it is instrumentally rational. Third, I draw on evidence from the social sciences to argue that this phenomenon of rational motivated ignorance plays an important but often unappreciated role in one of the most socially harmful forms of ignorance today: voter ignorance of societal risks such as climate change. Finally, I consider how to address the high social costs associated with rational motivated ignorance. © 2020, The Author(s).},
journal = {Synthese},
author = {Williams, D.},
year = {2020},
keywords = {11 Ignorance and democracy, Democracy, Ignorance, Motivated cognition, Motivated ignorance, PRINTED (Fonds papier), Rational ignorance, Voter ignorance},
}Trust and political ignorance. Somin, I. Studies in Applied Philosophy, Epistemology and Rational Ethics, 54:153–169, 2020.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
We often hear claims that there is too much political distrust—so much so that society has become deeply divided and democracy itself may be imperiled as a result. At the same time, many also argue that citizens are too ready to believe “fake news,” conspiracy theories, and other dubious material on political issues, thereby also potentially threatening the viability of democracy. These complaints are in some tension with each other. How can people be both lacking in trust, and highly gullible at the same time? But the tension is more apparent than real. The two problems are rooted in common dynamics of political ignorance and irrationality. Part I outlines the basic logic of rational political ignorance, and the related phenomenon of “rational irrationality”—biased evaluation of evidence. Part II applies this logic to current concerns about “fake news” and distrust of experts. In Part III, I explain why some substantial degree of deference to experts is desirable, and probably unavoidable. The key question is whether people can find the right information sources to trust. A number of strategies can help address this, but it seems unlikely many voters will adopt them without a change in incentives. Finally, Part IV outlines how we might have better incentives to assess facts and claims to expertise well if we make fewer decisions through ballot box voting, and more by “voting with our feet.”. © 2020, Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
@article{somin_trust_2020,
title = {Trust and political ignorance},
volume = {54},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-44018-3_11},
abstract = {We often hear claims that there is too much political distrust—so much so that society has become deeply divided and democracy itself may be imperiled as a result. At the same time, many also argue that citizens are too ready to believe “fake news,” conspiracy theories, and other dubious material on political issues, thereby also potentially threatening the viability of democracy. These complaints are in some tension with each other. How can people be both lacking in trust, and highly gullible at the same time? But the tension is more apparent than real. The two problems are rooted in common dynamics of political ignorance and irrationality. Part I outlines the basic logic of rational political ignorance, and the related phenomenon of “rational irrationality”—biased evaluation of evidence. Part II applies this logic to current concerns about “fake news” and distrust of experts. In Part III, I explain why some substantial degree of deference to experts is desirable, and probably unavoidable. The key question is whether people can find the right information sources to trust. A number of strategies can help address this, but it seems unlikely many voters will adopt them without a change in incentives. Finally, Part IV outlines how we might have better incentives to assess facts and claims to expertise well if we make fewer decisions through ballot box voting, and more by “voting with our feet.”. © 2020, Springer Nature Switzerland AG.},
journal = {Studies in Applied Philosophy, Epistemology and Rational Ethics},
author = {Somin, I.},
year = {2020},
keywords = {11 Ignorance and democracy, Conspiracy, Democracy, Fake news, Ignorance, PRINTED (Fonds papier), Trust},
pages = {153--169},
}2019 (5)
El Parlamento y el tiempo: entre duración e instante. Perspectivas comparadas: Francia, Bélgica, Alemania, Italia, Reino Unido y Unión Europea. Cartier, E. Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado, 1(153):175–205, February, 2019.
![El Parlamento y el tiempo: entre duración e instante. Perspectivas comparadas: Francia, Bélgica, Alemania, Italia, Reino Unido y Unión Europea [link]](https://bibbase.org/img/filetypes/link.svg "link")
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Las democracias contemporáneas atraviesan una crisis no sólo política, sino también de temporalidad. El Parlamento aparece como centro de las contradicciones producidas por una sociedad en la que impera la velocidad y la necesidad de eficiencia, en un mundo cada vez más complejo y globalizado. El Parlamento se inscribe en el tiempo según un ritmo y una lógica especiales, de acuerdo con su identidad institucional, normativa, política y humana. Sus tres funciones clásicas (legislar, controlar el gobierno y representar) son impactadas por el tiempo y participan a la producción de un tiempo especial, entre tiempo social, político y sobre todo jurídico. Este estudio se inscribe en un marco geoconstitucional limitado a cinco sistemas parlamentarios nacionales que tienen en común un carácter bicameral y un sistema parlamentario transnacional con la UE.
@article{cartier_parlamento_2019,
title = {El {Parlamento} y el tiempo: entre duración e instante. {Perspectivas} comparadas: {Francia}, {Bélgica}, {Alemania}, {Italia}, {Reino} {Unido} y {Unión} {Europea}},
volume = {1},
copyright = {Copyright (c) 2019 Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México},
issn = {2448-4873},
shorttitle = {El {Parlamento} y el tiempo},
url = {https://revistas.juridicas.unam.mx/index.php/derecho-comparado/article/view/13262},
doi = {10.22201/iij.24484873e.2019.153.13262},
abstract = {Las democracias contemporáneas atraviesan una crisis no sólo política, sino también de temporalidad. El Parlamento aparece como centro de las contradicciones producidas por una sociedad en la que impera la velocidad y la necesidad de eficiencia, en un mundo cada vez más complejo y globalizado. El Parlamento se inscribe en el tiempo según un ritmo y una lógica especiales, de acuerdo con su identidad institucional, normativa, política y humana. Sus tres funciones clásicas (legislar, controlar el gobierno y representar) son impactadas por el tiempo y participan a la producción de un tiempo especial, entre tiempo social, político y sobre todo jurídico. Este estudio se inscribe en un marco geoconstitucional limitado a cinco sistemas parlamentarios nacionales que tienen en común un carácter bicameral y un sistema parlamentario transnacional con la UE.},
language = {es},
number = {153},
urldate = {2019-03-13TZ},
journal = {Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado},
author = {Cartier, Emmanuel},
month = feb,
year = {2019},
keywords = {Control, Democracy, Democratic Debate, Emergence, European Union, LERDP, Law, Legal Temporality, Parlamento, Parliament, Representation, Time, Unión Europea, control, debate democrático, democracia, emergencia, ley, representación, temporalidad juridical, tiempo},
pages = {175--205}
}Breaking the Brexit Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome. Aidt, T., Chadha, J., & Sabourian, H. In VOX - CEPR Policy Portal, pages 63748+. Centre for Economic Policy Research, London, United Kingdom, January, 2019.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives. [Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements] For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A. [] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it. [] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...] [] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected. [] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...]. [] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...]. [] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...] [] [...]
@incollection{aidtBreakingBrexitImpasse2019,
title = {Breaking the {{Brexit}} Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome},
booktitle = {{{VOX}} - {{CEPR}} Policy Portal},
author = {Aidt, Toke and Chadha, Jagjit and Sabourian, Hamid},
year = {2019},
month = jan,
pages = {63748+},
publisher = {{Centre for Economic Policy Research}},
address = {{London, United Kingdom}},
abstract = {Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives.
[Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements]
For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A.
[] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it.
[] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...]
[] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected.
[] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...].
[] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...].
[] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...]
[] [...]},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14680156,conflicts,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14680156}
}The promise and peril of epistocracy. Somin, I. Inquiry (United Kingdom), 2019.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
Jason Brennan’s Against Democracy makes a strong case that democratic majorities’ right to rule rests on shaky grounds so long as their ballot box decisions are heavily influenced by ignorance and bias. But his “epistocratic” alternative - empowering the better-informed segments of society - has significant flaws of its own. Ironically, the biggest shortcoming of epistocracy may be that we lack the knowledge necessary to make it work well. © 2019, © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
@article{somin_promise_2019,
title = {The promise and peril of epistocracy},
doi = {10.1080/0020174X.2019.1663019},
abstract = {Jason Brennan’s Against Democracy makes a strong case that democratic majorities’ right to rule rests on shaky grounds so long as their ballot box decisions are heavily influenced by ignorance and bias. But his “epistocratic” alternative - empowering the better-informed segments of society - has significant flaws of its own. Ironically, the biggest shortcoming of epistocracy may be that we lack the knowledge necessary to make it work well. © 2019, © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor \& Francis Group.},
journal = {Inquiry (United Kingdom)},
author = {Somin, I.},
year = {2019},
keywords = {11 Ignorance and democracy, Democracy, PRINTED (Fonds papier), epistocracy, irrationality, political ignorance, rationality, voting},
}Inclusion, Epistemic Democracy and International Students. Hayes, A. Springer Berlin Heidelberg, New York, NY, 2019.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{hayes_inclusion_2019,
address = {New York, NY},
title = {Inclusion, {Epistemic} {Democracy} and {International} {Students}},
isbn = {978-3-030-11400-8},
publisher = {Springer Berlin Heidelberg},
author = {Hayes, Aneta},
year = {2019},
keywords = {colonialismo, democracia epistémica, democracy, epistemic democracy, etext1, inclusión, pdf1},
}Citizens and the city: the case for participatory budgeting in the City of Zagreb. Švaljek, S., Bakarić, I. R., & Sumpor, M. Public Sector Economics; Zagreb, 43(1):21–48, 2019. Num Pages: 21-48 Place: Zagreb, Croatia, Zagreb Publisher: Institute of Public Finance
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Since there is constant concern that local government heads allocate budget resources in favour of various pressure groups, the paper investigates whether local participatory budgeting can be implemented in order to better align budget allocation with citizens' needs in the Croatian context. The paper analyses the results of the citizen survey intended to question whether the citizens of Zagreb could embrace the participatory budgeting, based on their interest in the way the money of Zagreb's taxpayers is spent and willingness to participate in the budget preparation process. The main determinants of the interest, awareness and participation of citizens in local budget processes are explored as well. The results of this study indicate a moderate level of citizen awareness and interest in local budget processes, but an extremely low level of participation. Since citizen participation is crucial for democratic decision-making and ensuring transparency and accountability, the identified factors should be addressed in a planned manner Citizens' willingness and capacity can be increased through raising awareness and implementing measures intended to encourage spontaneous participation.
@article{svaljek_citizens_2019,
title = {Citizens and the city: the case for participatory budgeting in the {City} of {Zagreb}},
volume = {43},
copyright = {© 2019. This work is published under NOCC (the “License”). Notwithstanding the ProQuest Terms and Conditions, you may use this content in accordance with the terms of the License.},
shorttitle = {Citizens and the city},
url = {http://search.proquest.com/docview/2198417266/abstract/7CDB070C9FCE461DPQ/1},
doi = {10.3326/pse.43.1.4},
abstract = {Since there is constant concern that local government heads allocate budget resources in favour of various pressure groups, the paper investigates whether local participatory budgeting can be implemented in order to better align budget allocation with citizens' needs in the Croatian context. The paper analyses the results of the citizen survey intended to question whether the citizens of Zagreb could embrace the participatory budgeting, based on their interest in the way the money of Zagreb's taxpayers is spent and willingness to participate in the budget preparation process. The main determinants of the interest, awareness and participation of citizens in local budget processes are explored as well. The results of this study indicate a moderate level of citizen awareness and interest in local budget processes, but an extremely low level of participation. Since citizen participation is crucial for democratic decision-making and ensuring transparency and accountability, the identified factors should be addressed in a planned manner Citizens' willingness and capacity can be increased through raising awareness and implementing measures intended to encourage spontaneous participation.},
language = {English},
number = {1},
urldate = {2020-04-05},
journal = {Public Sector Economics; Zagreb},
author = {Švaljek, Sandra and Bakarić, Ivana Rašić and Sumpor, Marijana},
year = {2019},
note = {Num Pages: 21-48
Place: Zagreb, Croatia, Zagreb
Publisher: Institute of Public Finance},
keywords = {Accountability, Budgeting, Budgets, Business And Economics--Banking And Finance, Business And Economics--Macroeconomics, Cities, Citizen participation, Citizenship, Decision making, Democracy, Fiscal policy, Interest groups, Local government, Money, Public administration, Public services, Resource allocation, Transparency, Willingness},
pages = {21--48},
}2018 (5)
Reconstruction of the socio-semantic dynamics of political activist Twitter networks—Method and application to the 2017 French presidential election. Gaumont, N., Panahi, M., & Chavalarias, D. PLOS ONE, 13(9):e0201879, September, 2018.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Background Digital spaces, and in particular social networking sites, are becoming increasingly present and influential in the functioning of our democracies. In this paper, we propose an integrated methodology for the data collection, the reconstruction, the analysis and the visualization of the development of a country’s political landscape from Twitter data. Method The proposed method relies solely on the interactions between Twitter accounts and is independent of the characteristics of the shared contents such as the language of the tweets. We validate our methodology on a case study on the 2017 French presidential election (60 million Twitter exchanges between more than 2.4 million users) via two independent methods: the comparison between our automated political categorization and a human categorization based on the evaluation of a sample of 5000 profiles descriptions; the correspondence between the reconfigurations detected in the reconstructed political landscape and key political events reported in the media. This latter validation demonstrated the ability of our approach to accurately reflect the reconfigurations at play in the off-line political scene. Results We built on this reconstruction to give insights into the opinion dynamics and the reconfigurations of political communities at play during a presidential election. First, we propose a quantitative description and analysis of the political engagement of members of political communities. Second, we analyze the impact of political communities on information diffusion and in particular on their role in the fake news phenomena. We measure a differential echo chamber effect on the different types of political news (fake news, debunks, standard news) caused by the community structure and emphasize the importance of addressing the meso-structures of political networks in understanding the fake news phenomena. Conclusions Giving access to an intermediate level, between sociological surveys in the field and large statistical studies (such as those conducted by national or international organizations) we demonstrate that social networks data make it possible to qualify and quantify the activity of political communities in a multi-polar political environment; as well as their temporal evolution and reconfiguration, their structure, their alliance strategies and their semantic particularities during a presidential campaign through the analysis of their digital traces. We conclude this paper with a comment on the political and ethical implications of the use of social networks data in politics. We stress the importance of developing social macroscopes that will enable citizens to better understand how they collectively make society and propose as example the “Politoscope”, a macroscope that delivers some of our results in an interactive way.
@article{gaumont_reconstruction_2018,
title = {Reconstruction of the socio-semantic dynamics of political activist {Twitter} networks—{Method} and application to the 2017 {French} presidential election},
volume = {13},
issn = {1932-6203},
url = {https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0201879},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0201879},
abstract = {Background Digital spaces, and in particular social networking sites, are becoming increasingly present and influential in the functioning of our democracies. In this paper, we propose an integrated methodology for the data collection, the reconstruction, the analysis and the visualization of the development of a country’s political landscape from Twitter data. Method The proposed method relies solely on the interactions between Twitter accounts and is independent of the characteristics of the shared contents such as the language of the tweets. We validate our methodology on a case study on the 2017 French presidential election (60 million Twitter exchanges between more than 2.4 million users) via two independent methods: the comparison between our automated political categorization and a human categorization based on the evaluation of a sample of 5000 profiles descriptions; the correspondence between the reconfigurations detected in the reconstructed political landscape and key political events reported in the media. This latter validation demonstrated the ability of our approach to accurately reflect the reconfigurations at play in the off-line political scene. Results We built on this reconstruction to give insights into the opinion dynamics and the reconfigurations of political communities at play during a presidential election. First, we propose a quantitative description and analysis of the political engagement of members of political communities. Second, we analyze the impact of political communities on information diffusion and in particular on their role in the fake news phenomena. We measure a differential echo chamber effect on the different types of political news (fake news, debunks, standard news) caused by the community structure and emphasize the importance of addressing the meso-structures of political networks in understanding the fake news phenomena. Conclusions Giving access to an intermediate level, between sociological surveys in the field and large statistical studies (such as those conducted by national or international organizations) we demonstrate that social networks data make it possible to qualify and quantify the activity of political communities in a multi-polar political environment; as well as their temporal evolution and reconfiguration, their structure, their alliance strategies and their semantic particularities during a presidential campaign through the analysis of their digital traces. We conclude this paper with a comment on the political and ethical implications of the use of social networks data in politics. We stress the importance of developing social macroscopes that will enable citizens to better understand how they collectively make society and propose as example the “Politoscope”, a macroscope that delivers some of our results in an interactive way.},
language = {en},
number = {9},
urldate = {2018-12-14},
journal = {PLOS ONE},
author = {Gaumont, Noé and Panahi, Maziyar and Chavalarias, David},
month = sep,
year = {2018},
keywords = {Community structure, Democracy, Elections, Entropy, Europe, France, Political parties, Twitter},
pages = {e0201879}
}Exclusive and inclusive protest in Europe: Investigating values, support for democracy, and life conditions. Morselli, D. & Passini, S. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 2018. \:status: Advance online publication\
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Dissatisfaction with the economic situation and perceived governmental inefficacy in regard to the financial crisis has spawned a widespread feeling of political distrust across Europe. This distrust has been translated into protests against institutional authority that aims at either expanding democratic procedures or supporting xenophobic and populist measures. This research uses European Social Survey data to compare exclusive and inclusive protesters with regard to a number of personal and social values, attitudes toward democratic principles, and different life conditions and socio-economic resources. It also considers contextual factors to investigate how different protesters' profiles are interwoven with socio-economic conditions. The results of a multilevel latent profile analysis show that exclusive and inclusive protesters, despite sharing similar levels of political distrust, differ with regard to key values and political attitudes, and these differences are related to individual and collective living conditions. We argue that unfavourable living conditions play a non-negligible role in increasing the probability of easy (i.e., populist) scapegoat political attitudes. Further support for this hypothesis is provided by the cross-country analysis, which shows that higher levels of exclusive protest are present in countries that were characterized by worse living conditions before the economic crisis.
@article{morselli_exclusive_2018,
title = {Exclusive and inclusive protest in {Europe}: {Investigating} values, support for democracy, and life conditions},
issn = {1099-1298},
shorttitle = {Exclusive and inclusive protest in {Europe}},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1002/casp.2345/abstract},
doi = {10.1002/casp.2345},
abstract = {Dissatisfaction with the economic situation and perceived governmental inefficacy in regard to the financial crisis has spawned a widespread feeling of political distrust across Europe. This distrust has been translated into protests against institutional authority that aims at either expanding democratic procedures or supporting xenophobic and populist measures. This research uses European Social Survey data to compare exclusive and inclusive protesters with regard to a number of personal and social values, attitudes toward democratic principles, and different life conditions and socio-economic resources. It also considers contextual factors to investigate how different protesters' profiles are interwoven with socio-economic conditions. The results of a multilevel latent profile analysis show that exclusive and inclusive protesters, despite sharing similar levels of political distrust, differ with regard to key values and political attitudes, and these differences are related to individual and collective living conditions. We argue that unfavourable living conditions play a non-negligible role in increasing the probability of easy (i.e., populist) scapegoat political attitudes. Further support for this hypothesis is provided by the cross-country analysis, which shows that higher levels of exclusive protest are present in countries that were characterized by worse living conditions before the economic crisis.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2018-03-13TZ},
journal = {Journal of Community \& Applied Social Psychology},
author = {Morselli, Davide and Passini, Stefano},
year = {2018},
note = {\{:status: Advance online publication\}},
keywords = {Europe, IP201, NIRA, democracy, life-course, liveswebsite, protest, values, year8}
}Pérdidas de energía eléctrica y regímenes políticos en América Latina. López-Cariboni, S. Journal Globalization, Competitiveness and Governability, 12(1):109-119, 2018.
![Pérdidas de energía eléctrica y regímenes políticos en América Latina [pdf]](https://bibbase.org/img/filetypes/pdf.svg "pdf")
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex © Universia. All rights reserved. Here I discuss the idea that irregular access to electricity can be understood as a program of informal social transfers to provide insurance in volatile, developing countries. I analyze the expected consequences of democratization for the provision of irregular electricity. In democracies from developing countries, incumbents are challenged with the need to provide insurance given the highly volatile contexts in which they rule, and the absence of consumption-smoothing mechanisms to protect the population against recurrent negative shocks. I show descriptive evidence that transmissions and distribution (T & D) losses of electricity are counter-cyclical in democratic countries but are not in autocracies.
@article{
title = {Pérdidas de energía eléctrica y regímenes políticos en América Latina},
type = {article},
year = {2018},
identifiers = {[object Object]},
keywords = {Democracy,Economic cycles,Electricity losses,Latin America,Social policy},
pages = {109-119},
volume = {12},
id = {daeff247-6620-3851-8a0f-b712115c87d3},
created = {2018-07-05T02:46:18.213Z},
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profile_id = {ef966f01-29d1-37e4-9261-f7afa30849ba},
last_modified = {2019-03-09T03:42:43.201Z},
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private_publication = {false},
abstract = {© Universia. All rights reserved. Here I discuss the idea that irregular access to electricity can be understood as a program of informal social transfers to provide insurance in volatile, developing countries. I analyze the expected consequences of democratization for the provision of irregular electricity. In democracies from developing countries, incumbents are challenged with the need to provide insurance given the highly volatile contexts in which they rule, and the absence of consumption-smoothing mechanisms to protect the population against recurrent negative shocks. I show descriptive evidence that transmissions and distribution (T & D) losses of electricity are counter-cyclical in democratic countries but are not in autocracies.},
bibtype = {article},
author = {López-Cariboni, Santiago},
journal = {Journal Globalization, Competitiveness and Governability},
number = {1}
}Science and Culture: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board. Ornes, S. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 115(26):6515–6517, June, 2018.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
[UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases – one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland – were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases – in Texas and North Carolina – that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps. [Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering – the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.
@article{ornesScienceCultureMath2018,
title = {Science and {{Culture}}: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board},
author = {Ornes, Stephen},
year = {2018},
month = jun,
volume = {115},
pages = {6515--6517},
issn = {1091-6490},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
abstract = {[UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases -- one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland -- were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases -- in Texas and North Carolina -- that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps.
[Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering -- the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14608074,~to-add-doi-URL,antipattern,cherry-picking,crisp-vs-fuzzy,democracy,gerrymandering,indicator-driven-bias,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,spatial-pattern,technology-mediated-communication,trade-offs},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14608074},
number = {26}
}Deliberative Polling. Fishkin, J. S. In Bächtiger, A., Dryzek, J. S., Mansbridge, J. J., & Warren, M., editors, The Oxford Handbook of Deliberative Democracy. Oxford University Press, New York, First edition edition, 2018. OCLC: on1016922115
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Deliberative democracy has been one of the main games in contemporary political theory for two decades, growing enormously in size and importance in political science and many other disciplines. This handbook takes stock of deliberative democracy as a research field, in philosophy, in various research programmes in the social sciences and law, and in political practice around the globe. It provides a concise history of deliberative ideals in political thought and discusses their philosophical origins. The book locates deliberation in political systems with different spaces, publics, and venues, including parliaments, courts, governance networks, protests, mini-publics, old and new media, and everyday talk. It engages with practical applications, mapping deliberation as a reform movement and as a device for conflict resolution, documenting the practice and study of deliberative democracy around the world and in global governance
@incollection{bachtiger_deliberative_2018,
address = {New York},
edition = {First edition},
title = {Deliberative {Polling}},
isbn = {978-0-19-874736-9},
abstract = {Deliberative democracy has been one of the main games in contemporary political theory for two decades, growing enormously in size and importance in political science and many other disciplines. This handbook takes stock of deliberative democracy as a research field, in philosophy, in various research programmes in the social sciences and law, and in political practice around the globe. It provides a concise history of deliberative ideals in political thought and discusses their philosophical origins. The book locates deliberation in political systems with different spaces, publics, and venues, including parliaments, courts, governance networks, protests, mini-publics, old and new media, and everyday talk. It engages with practical applications, mapping deliberation as a reform movement and as a device for conflict resolution, documenting the practice and study of deliberative democracy around the world and in global governance},
language = {en},
booktitle = {The {Oxford} {Handbook} of {Deliberative} {Democracy}},
publisher = {Oxford University Press},
author = {Fishkin, James S.},
editor = {Bächtiger, André and Dryzek, John S. and Mansbridge, Jane J. and Warren, Mark},
year = {2018},
note = {OCLC: on1016922115},
keywords = {Deliberative democracy, Democracy},
}2017 (2)
Communication: Science Censorship Is a Global Issue. Ritchie, E. G., Driscoll, D. A., & Maron, M. Nature, 542(7640):165, February, 2017.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
[Excerpt] [...] Regrettably, suppression of public scientific information is already the norm, or is being attempted, in many countries [...]. We fear that such gagging orders could encourage senior bureaucrats to use funding as a tool with which to rein in academic freedoms. [...] The response of scientists to this type of coercion has been to share scientific information widely and openly using such legal means as social media to defend facts and transparency [...]
@article{ritchieCommunicationScienceCensorship2017,
title = {Communication: Science Censorship Is a Global Issue},
author = {Ritchie, Euan G. and Driscoll, Don A. and Maron, Martine},
year = {2017},
month = feb,
volume = {542},
pages = {165},
issn = {0028-0836},
doi = {10.1038/542165b},
abstract = {[Excerpt] [...] Regrettably, suppression of public scientific information is already the norm, or is being attempted, in many countries [...]. We fear that such gagging orders could encourage senior bureaucrats to use funding as a tool with which to rein in academic freedoms. [...] The response of scientists to this type of coercion has been to share scientific information widely and openly using such legal means as social media to defend facts and transparency [...]},
journal = {Nature},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14274907,~to-add-doi-URL,confirmation-bias,democracy,ethics,free-scientific-knowledge,freedom,global-scale,knowledge-freedom,publication-bias,research-funding,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,scientific-communication,scientific-knowledge-sharing,scientific-misconduct},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14274907},
number = {7640}
}On pseudonymous politics: Regarding implicit and explicit misconceptions of democracy. Sloterdijk, P. New Perspectives, 25(2):49–68, 2017.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @article{sloterdijk_pseudonymous_2017,
title = {On pseudonymous politics: {Regarding} implicit and explicit misconceptions of democracy},
volume = {25},
shorttitle = {On pseudonymous politics},
url = {http://perspectives.iir.cz/download/on-pseudonymous-politics-regarding-implicit-and-explicit-misconceptions-of-democracy/},
number = {2},
journal = {New Perspectives},
author = {Sloterdijk, P.},
year = {2017},
keywords = {Authenticity, Democracy, Europe, Pseudonism, United States of America, populism, post-truth},
pages = {49--68}
}2016 (8)
Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout. Cressey, D. Nature, July, 2016.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on. [Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news. [\n] [...]
@article{cresseyBrexitWatchScientists2016,
title = {Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout},
author = {Cressey, Daniel},
year = {2016},
month = jul,
issn = {1476-4687},
doi = {10.1038/nature.2016.20226},
abstract = {Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on.
[Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news.
[\textbackslash n] [...]},
journal = {Nature},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14094741,~to-add-doi-URL,democracy,europe,geopolitics,research-funding,science-society-interface,uncertainty,united-kingdom,unknown},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-14094741}
}Assessing the Composition and Diversity of the Australian Interest Group System. Fraussen, B. & Halpin, D. Australian Journal of Public Administration, February, 2016.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Any democratic society requires mechanisms for citizens to have effective political voice. Clearly, political parties provide a key channel for expressing views and preferences. However, organised interests provide another important mechanism for such representation. A crucial question in this regard is whether the interest group system is capable of ensuring the representation of a variety of public and private interests. Resolving these debates requires data that map the terrain and also are attentive to organisational diversity. This article takes up this challenge through exploring the composition and diversity of the Australian system of organised interests, using a new data set based on the Directory of Australian Associations. This system-level approach delivers important insights into the nature of the Australian interest group system, as well as provides a framework for subsequent work interpreting and contextualising advocacy activities of particular groups, or lobbying dynamics in specific policy domains.
@article{fraussen_assessing_2016,
title = {Assessing the {Composition} and {Diversity} of the {Australian} {Interest} {Group} {System}},
copyright = {© 2016 Institute of Public Administration Australia},
issn = {1467-8500},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-8500.12188/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/1467-8500.12188},
abstract = {Any democratic society requires mechanisms for citizens to have effective political voice. Clearly, political parties provide a key channel for expressing views and preferences. However, organised interests provide another important mechanism for such representation. A crucial question in this regard is whether the interest group system is capable of ensuring the representation of a variety of public and private interests. Resolving these debates requires data that map the terrain and also are attentive to organisational diversity. This article takes up this challenge through exploring the composition and diversity of the Australian system of organised interests, using a new data set based on the Directory of Australian Associations. This system-level approach delivers important insights into the nature of the Australian interest group system, as well as provides a framework for subsequent work interpreting and contextualising advocacy activities of particular groups, or lobbying dynamics in specific policy domains.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2016-03-08},
journal = {Australian Journal of Public Administration},
author = {Fraussen, Bert and Halpin, Darren},
month = feb,
year = {2016},
keywords = {Advocacy, Democracy, interest groups, lobbying},
pages = {n/a--n/a},
file = {Snapshot:files/54058/abstract.html:text/html}
}Communism and Peace [Notes, Late 1930s]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 97–99. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2016.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.
@incollection{montessori_communism_2016,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Communism and {Peace} [{Notes}, {Late} 1930s]},
isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
abstract = {Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2016},
keywords = {cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, individual development, materialism, new humanity, Political, senstive periods},
pages = {97--99}
}Lecture in a Convent, London 1935 [Man's Place in Creation]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 93–97. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2016.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @incollection{montessori_lecture_2016-3,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Lecture in a {Convent}, {London} 1935 [{Man}'s {Place} in {Creation}]},
isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2016},
keywords = {cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, individual development, materialism, new humanity, Political, senstive periods},
pages = {93--97}
}Protection Against the Exploitation of Children [Extract from a Lecture, University of Madras 1940]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 79–82. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2016.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @incollection{montessori_protection_2016,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Protection {Against} the {Exploitation} of {Children} [{Extract} from a {Lecture}, {University} of {Madras} 1940]},
isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2016},
keywords = {communist, Democracy, forgotten citizen, freedom, Ministry of childen, social efficiency},
pages = {79--82}
}Education and Democracy [Public Lecture, Paris 1949]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 99–103. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2016.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @incollection{montessori_education_2016,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Education and {Democracy} [{Public} {Lecture}, {Paris} 1949]},
isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2016},
keywords = {6 - 12 content knowledge, beliefs, communism, creed, Democracy, Disciplines - History, father of man, means of production, outcomes - adult atitude, scientific pedagogy, social efficiency, son of man, syllabus, Teacher Attitudes, teacher preparation, teacher qualification, training},
pages = {99--103}
}Children, Teachers and Society [Course Lecture, London 1946]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 71–79. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2016.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @incollection{montessori_children_2016,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Children, {Teachers} and {Society} [{Course} {Lecture}, {London} 1946]},
isbn = {978-90-79506-34-7},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1138154467},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2016},
keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
pages = {71--79}
}Democracy, hybrid regimes, and infant mortality: A cross‐national analysis of Sub‐Saharan African nations. Wullert, K. E. & Williamson, J. B. Social Science Quarterly, 97(5):1058–1069, November, 2016. Publisher: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Objective: There is an extensive literature analyzing the relationship between democracy and infant mortality; however, findings are mixed. Some studies find a significant inverse relationship, while others conclude that no such relationship exists. We seek to take the debate in a new direction, overlooked in prior research, by providing a theoretical rational for and empirical evidence of a quadratic relationship, in which countries with components of both autocracy and democracy have higher infant mortality. Methods: We test lagged, cross‐sectional models on a sample of 47 Sub‐Saharan African nations. Results: We find that a quadratic model better explains cross‐national variation in infant mortality than the linear alternative. Infant mortality tends to be higher in hybrid regimes, relative to both autocracies and democracies. Hybrids appear to be politically unstable, which may in part account for their greater infant mortality. Conclusion: Hybrid regimes exist in precarious positions with detrimental consequences for population health. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved)
@article{wullert_democracy_2016,
title = {Democracy, hybrid regimes, and infant mortality: {A} cross‐national analysis of {Sub}‐{Saharan} {African} nations},
volume = {97},
issn = {0038-4941},
url = {http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=psyh&AN=2016-58501-004&site=ehost-live},
doi = {10.1111/ssqu.12240},
abstract = {Objective: There is an extensive literature analyzing the relationship between democracy and infant mortality; however, findings are mixed. Some studies find a significant inverse relationship, while others conclude that no such relationship exists. We seek to take the debate in a new direction, overlooked in prior research, by providing a theoretical rational for and empirical evidence of a quadratic relationship, in which countries with components of both autocracy and democracy have higher infant mortality. Methods: We test lagged, cross‐sectional models on a sample of 47 Sub‐Saharan African nations. Results: We find that a quadratic model better explains cross‐national variation in infant mortality than the linear alternative. Infant mortality tends to be higher in hybrid regimes, relative to both autocracies and democracies. Hybrids appear to be politically unstable, which may in part account for their greater infant mortality. Conclusion: Hybrid regimes exist in precarious positions with detrimental consequences for population health. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved)},
number = {5},
journal = {Social Science Quarterly},
author = {Wullert, Katherine E. and Williamson, John B.},
month = nov,
year = {2016},
note = {Publisher: Wiley-Blackwell Publishing Ltd.},
keywords = {Democracy, Environmental Effects, Mortality Rate, Public Health, democracy, environmental effects, mortality, public health},
pages = {1058--1069},
}2015 (7)
O papel da teoria política contemporânea. Justiça, constituição, democracia e representação. Gurza Lavalle, A., Vita, A. d., & Araujo, C., editors Alameda Editorial, São Paulo, 1 edition, 2015.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{gurza_lavalle_o_2015,
address = {São Paulo},
edition = {1},
title = {O papel da teoria política contemporânea. {Justiça}, constituição, democracia e representação},
isbn = {978-85-7939-345-7},
shorttitle = {O papel da teoria política contemporânea},
language = {Português},
publisher = {Alameda Editorial},
editor = {Gurza Lavalle, Adrian and Vita, Alvaro de and Araujo, Cicero},
year = {2015},
keywords = {Brazil, Constitutional law, Constitutional law, Democracy, Democracy, Representative government and representation, Representative government and representation, brazil, sucupira}
}Participation, Representation and Expertise: Citizen Preferences for Political Decision-Making Processes. Font, J., Wojcieszak, M., & Navarro, C. J. Political Studies, March, 2015.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex In this article, it is shown that citizen process preferences are complex and include several dimensions. The argument relies on data from a representative sample of Spanish citizens (N = 2,450) to assess these dimensions. Using confirmatory factor analysis as well as Mokken analysis, it is shown that citizen process preferences capture support for three different models: participatory, representative and expert-based. The relationships between these dimensions (where the opposition between representation and participation stands as the clearest result) and the substantive and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.
@article{font_participation_2015,
title = {Participation, {Representation} and {Expertise}: {Citizen} {Preferences} for {Political} {Decision}-{Making} {Processes}},
copyright = {© 2015 The Authors. Political Studies © 2015 Political Studies Association},
issn = {1467-9248},
shorttitle = {Participation, {Representation} and {Expertise}},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.12191/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12191},
abstract = {In this article, it is shown that citizen process preferences are complex and include several dimensions. The argument relies on data from a representative sample of Spanish citizens (N = 2,450) to assess these dimensions. Using confirmatory factor analysis as well as Mokken analysis, it is shown that citizen process preferences capture support for three different models: participatory, representative and expert-based. The relationships between these dimensions (where the opposition between representation and participation stands as the clearest result) and the substantive and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2015-02-17},
journal = {Political Studies},
author = {Font, Joan and Wojcieszak, Magdalena and Navarro, Clemente J.},
month = mar,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Democracy, expert governance, participation, process preferences, stealth democracy},
pages = {n/a--n/a},
file = {Font_et_al-2015-Political_Studies.pdf:files/50868/Font_et_al-2015-Political_Studies.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/50867/abstract.html:text/html}
}Fast thinking: Implications for democratic politics. Stoker, G., Hay, C., & Barr, M. European Journal of Political Research, September, 2015.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex A major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time-poor position of many citizens suggests that ‘fast’, intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of demographic profiles, fast thinking about how politics works is stimulated and followed by a more reflective and collectively deliberative form of slow thinking among the same participants. A strong trajectory emerges consistently in all groups in that in fast thinking mode participants are noticeably more negative and dismissive about the workings of politics than when in slow thinking mode. A fast thinking focus among citizens may be good enough to underwrite mainstream political exchange, but at the cost of supporting a general negativity about politics and the way it works. Yet breaking the cycle of fast thinking – as advocated by deliberation theorists – might not be straightforward because of the grip of fast thinking. The fast/slow thinking distinction, if carefully used, offers valuable new insight into political science.
@article{stoker_fast_2015,
title = {Fast thinking: {Implications} for democratic politics},
copyright = {© 2015 European Consortium for Political Research},
issn = {1475-6765},
shorttitle = {Fast thinking},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/doi/10.1111/1475-6765.12113/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12113},
abstract = {A major programme of research on cognition has been built around the idea that human beings are frequently intuitive thinkers and that human intuition is imperfect. The modern marketing of politics and the time-poor position of many citizens suggests that ‘fast’, intuitive, thinking in many contemporary democracies is ubiquitous. This article explores the consequences that such fast thinking might have for the democratic practice of contemporary politics. Using focus groups with a range of demographic profiles, fast thinking about how politics works is stimulated and followed by a more reflective and collectively deliberative form of slow thinking among the same participants. A strong trajectory emerges consistently in all groups in that in fast thinking mode participants are noticeably more negative and dismissive about the workings of politics than when in slow thinking mode. A fast thinking focus among citizens may be good enough to underwrite mainstream political exchange, but at the cost of supporting a general negativity about politics and the way it works. Yet breaking the cycle of fast thinking – as advocated by deliberation theorists – might not be straightforward because of the grip of fast thinking. The fast/slow thinking distinction, if carefully used, offers valuable new insight into political science.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2015-09-30},
journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
author = {Stoker, Gerry and Hay, Colin and Barr, Matthew},
month = sep,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Anti-Politics, cognitive science, Deliberation, Democracy},
pages = {n/a--n/a},
file = {Full Text PDF:files/52395/Stoker et al. - 2015 - Fast thinking Implications for democratic politic.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/52396/abstract.html:text/html}
}From Government to Governance: A Symbolic Mutation and Its Repercussions for Democracy. Lievens, M. Political Studies, 63:2--17, April, 2015.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex This article develops an assessment of the shift from government to governance from the perspective of the concept of democratic representation developed by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. It is argued that this shift does not primarily entail a change of actors, norms or decision-making processes, but that it should rather be understood more fundamentally as a symbolic mutation. In governance regimes, a novel representation of power and society comes into being which transforms the basic symbolic configuration of society. Focusing especially on forms of global governance, the article investigates how this mutation provides society with a new image of itself, and how it affects the democratic nature of current society.
@article{lievens_government_2015,
title = {From {Government} to {Governance}: {A} {Symbolic} {Mutation} and {Its} {Repercussions} for {Democracy}},
volume = {63},
copyright = {© 2014 The Author. Political Studies © 2014 Political Studies Association},
issn = {1467-9248},
shorttitle = {From {Government} to {Governance}},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9248.12171/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9248.12171},
abstract = {This article develops an assessment of the shift from government to governance from the perspective of the concept of democratic representation developed by the French political theorist Claude Lefort. It is argued that this shift does not primarily entail a change of actors, norms or decision-making processes, but that it should rather be understood more fundamentally as a symbolic mutation. In governance regimes, a novel representation of power and society comes into being which transforms the basic symbolic configuration of society. Focusing especially on forms of global governance, the article investigates how this mutation provides society with a new image of itself, and how it affects the democratic nature of current society.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2015-03-31},
journal = {Political Studies},
author = {Lievens, Matthias},
month = apr,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Claude Lefort, Democracy, governance, government, representation},
pages = {2--17},
file = {Snapshot:files/38172/abstract.html:text/html}
}Who are the Policy Workers and What Are They Doing? Citizen's Heuristics and Democratic Accountability in Complex Governance. Bertelli, A. M. Technical Report ID 2703639, Social Science Research Network, Rochester, NY, December, 2015.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Two critical questions for the study of accountability in contemporary governance can focus attention on the citizen, rather than the official. I begin with the question of whether a citizen can identify a policy worker — that is, the bureaucrat, contractor, or other actor acting in pursuit of a legislated policy goal. I then turn to whether a citizen can evaluate policy work that is done to further a legislated policy goal. Both identification and evaluation prove tricky to assess in a great deal of policy work, leaving accountability an important, but elusive, democratic value. This paper provides a framework for analysts to understand when and why accountability works from a citizen’s perspective and what incentives policy workers and politicians have when it does.
@techreport{bertelli_who_2015,
address = {Rochester, NY},
type = {{SSRN} {Scholarly} {Paper}},
title = {Who are the {Policy} {Workers} and {What} {Are} {They} {Doing}? {Citizen}'s {Heuristics} and {Democratic} {Accountability} in {Complex} {Governance}},
shorttitle = {Who are the {Policy} {Workers} and {What} {Are} {They} {Doing}?},
url = {http://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=2703639},
abstract = {Two critical questions for the study of accountability in contemporary governance can focus attention on the citizen, rather than the official. I begin with the question of whether a citizen can identify a policy worker — that is, the bureaucrat, contractor, or other actor acting in pursuit of a legislated policy goal. I then turn to whether a citizen can evaluate policy work that is done to further a legislated policy goal. Both identification and evaluation prove tricky to assess in a great deal of policy work, leaving accountability an important, but elusive, democratic value. This paper provides a framework for analysts to understand when and why accountability works from a citizen’s perspective and what incentives policy workers and politicians have when it does.},
number = {ID 2703639},
urldate = {2016-01-04},
institution = {Social Science Research Network},
author = {Bertelli, Anthony M.},
month = dec,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Accountability, Collaboration, Deliberation, Democracy, governance, Heuristics, Managerialism, participation},
file = {Snapshot:files/53175/papers.html:text/html}
}The politics of collective public participation in transportation decision-making. McAndrews, C. & Marcus, J. Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice, 78:537--550, August, 2015.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Citizen involvement in transportation planning is typically modeled on a liberal democracy in which individuals express their preferences about a project. In this paper we present an analysis based on interviews with stakeholders whose involvement was grounded in a complementary model of public participation, one in which an organized community used collective action (instead of only individual expression), and worked both within and outside of the formal public involvement process to influence the design of an arterial highway in their neighborhood. This case reflects a commonplace context for public participation: residents opposing a highway expansion and the negative effects of heavy traffic in neighborhoods. The problem presented in this case is that the process for citizen involvement was not designed to fully utilize the community’s collective capacity. Three aspects of collective action—representation, the ability to shape a policy agenda, and methods of engagement—were contested in the public participation process. We argue that these conflicts around collective action in the public participation process exposed its “one-way communication,” and enabled a different kind of political process in which neighbors’ organizing was powerful and influenced decisions.
@article{mcandrews_politics_2015,
title = {The politics of collective public participation in transportation decision-making},
volume = {78},
issn = {0965-8564},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0965856415001809},
doi = {10.1016/j.tra.2015.06.014},
abstract = {Citizen involvement in transportation planning is typically modeled on a liberal democracy in which individuals express their preferences about a project. In this paper we present an analysis based on interviews with stakeholders whose involvement was grounded in a complementary model of public participation, one in which an organized community used collective action (instead of only individual expression), and worked both within and outside of the formal public involvement process to influence the design of an arterial highway in their neighborhood. This case reflects a commonplace context for public participation: residents opposing a highway expansion and the negative effects of heavy traffic in neighborhoods. The problem presented in this case is that the process for citizen involvement was not designed to fully utilize the community’s collective capacity. Three aspects of collective action—representation, the ability to shape a policy agenda, and methods of engagement—were contested in the public participation process. We argue that these conflicts around collective action in the public participation process exposed its “one-way communication,” and enabled a different kind of political process in which neighbors’ organizing was powerful and influenced decisions.},
urldate = {2015-07-24},
journal = {Transportation Research Part A: Policy and Practice},
author = {McAndrews, Carolyn and Marcus, Justine},
month = aug,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Collective action, Democracy, Infrastructure planning, Public involvement},
pages = {537--550},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/51861/McAndrews and Marcus - 2015 - The politics of collective public participation in.pdf:application/pdf;ScienceDirect Snapshot:files/51864/McAndrews and Marcus - 2015 - The politics of collective public participation in.html:text/html}
}Editorial Bias in Crowd-Sourced Political Information. Kalla, J. L. & Aronow, P. M. PLOS ONE, 10(9):e0136327, September, 2015.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex The Internet has dramatically expanded citizens’ access to and ability to engage with political information. On many websites, any user can contribute and edit “crowd-sourced” information about important political figures. One of the most prominent examples of crowd-sourced information on the Internet is Wikipedia, a free and open encyclopedia created and edited entirely by users, and one of the world’s most accessed websites. While previous studies of crowd-sourced information platforms have found them to be accurate, few have considered biases in what kinds of information are included. We report the results of four randomized field experiments that sought to explore what biases exist in the political articles of this collaborative website. By randomly assigning factually true but either positive or negative and cited or uncited information to the Wikipedia pages of U.S. senators, we uncover substantial evidence of an editorial bias toward positivity on Wikipedia: Negative facts are 36% more likely to be removed by Wikipedia editors than positive facts within 12 hours and 29% more likely within 3 days. Although citations substantially increase an edit’s survival time, the editorial bias toward positivity is not eliminated by inclusion of a citation. We replicate this study on the Wikipedia pages of deceased as well as recently retired but living senators and find no evidence of an editorial bias in either. Our results demonstrate that crowd-sourced information is subject to an editorial bias that favors the politically active.
@article{kalla_editorial_2015,
title = {Editorial {Bias} in {Crowd}-{Sourced} {Political} {Information}},
volume = {10},
issn = {1932-6203},
url = {http://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0136327},
doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0136327},
abstract = {The Internet has dramatically expanded citizens’ access to and ability to engage with political information. On many websites, any user can contribute and edit “crowd-sourced” information about important political figures. One of the most prominent examples of crowd-sourced information on the Internet is Wikipedia, a free and open encyclopedia created and edited entirely by users, and one of the world’s most accessed websites. While previous studies of crowd-sourced information platforms have found them to be accurate, few have considered biases in what kinds of information are included. We report the results of four randomized field experiments that sought to explore what biases exist in the political articles of this collaborative website. By randomly assigning factually true but either positive or negative and cited or uncited information to the Wikipedia pages of U.S. senators, we uncover substantial evidence of an editorial bias toward positivity on Wikipedia: Negative facts are 36\% more likely to be removed by Wikipedia editors than positive facts within 12 hours and 29\% more likely within 3 days. Although citations substantially increase an edit’s survival time, the editorial bias toward positivity is not eliminated by inclusion of a citation. We replicate this study on the Wikipedia pages of deceased as well as recently retired but living senators and find no evidence of an editorial bias in either. Our results demonstrate that crowd-sourced information is subject to an editorial bias that favors the politically active.},
language = {en},
number = {9},
urldate = {2018-03-13},
journal = {PLOS ONE},
author = {Kalla, Joshua L. and Aronow, Peter M.},
month = sep,
year = {2015},
keywords = {Democracy, Elections, Encyclopedias, Internet, Online encyclopedias, Surveys, Undergraduates, United States},
pages = {e0136327}
}2014 (6)
List of keywords of the INRMM meta-information database - part 10. M.R.I. February 2014.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex List of indexed keywords within the transdisciplinary set of domains which relate to the Integrated Natural Resources Modelling and Management (INRMM). In particular, the list of keywords maps the semantic tags in the INRMM Meta-information Database (INRMM-MiD). [\n] The INRMM-MiD records providing this list are accessible by the special tag: inrmm-list-of-tags ( http://mfkp.org/INRMM/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags ).
@electronic{citeulike:13075038,
abstract = {List of indexed keywords within the transdisciplinary set of domains which relate to the Integrated Natural Resources Modelling and Management ({INRMM}). In particular, the list of keywords maps the semantic tags in the {INRMM} Meta-information Database ({INRMM}-{MiD}). [\n] The {INRMM}-{MiD} records providing this list are accessible by the special tag: inrmm-list-of-tags ( {http://mfkp.org/INRMM}/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags ).},
author = {{M.R.I.}},
citeulike-article-id = {13075038},
citeulike-linkout-0 = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
citeulike-linkout-1 = {http://www.citeulike.org/group/15400/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
keywords = {database, dataset, dating, dddas, de-facto-standard, dead-wood, debris, debris-floods, debris-flows, deciduous, deciduous-forest, decision-making, decision-making-procedure, decision-support-system, decline, decline-effect, decline-symptomology, deep-reproducible-research, deep-uncertainty, definition, deforestation, degenerated-soil, deglaciation, degradation, degradation-velocity, dehesas, delonix-regia, democracy, dendrochronology, dendroctonus, dendroctonus-frontalis, dendroctonus-micans, dendroctonus-ponderosae, dendroctonus-pseudotsugae, dendroecology, dendrology, denmark, density-related-behaviour, deposition, derived-data, desalinisation, description, desertification, deserts, design-diversity, devil-in-details, diabetes, diabetes-mellitus, diagram-data, diameter-differentiation, dictionary, die-off, dieback, diesel, differentiation, digital-preservation, digital-society, dimensional-analysis, dimensionality-reduction, dimensionless, dioryctria-splendidella, diospyros-kaki, diospyros-spp, diospyros-virginiana, diplodia-pinea, diprion-pini, dipteryx-panamensis, direct-reciprocity, disaster-recovery, disaster-response, disasters, discharge, disciplinary-barrier, disconcerting-learning, discount-rate, disease, diseases, disjunction, dispersal, dispersal-limitation, dispersal-models, dissent, distance-analysis, distance-correlation, distilled-gin, distribution, distribution-limit, disturbance-ecology, disturbance-interactions, disturbances, diversity, django, dna, dna-fingerprinting, dobrogea, dodonaea-viscosa, dormancy, dormouse, inrmm-list-of-tags},
month = feb,
posted-at = {2014-02-28 14:09:03},
priority = {2},
title = {List of keywords of the {INRMM} meta-information database - part 10},
url = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/tag/inrmm-list-of-tags},
year = {2014}
}Digital access, political networks and the diffusion of democracy. Rhue, L. & Sundararajan, A. Social Networks, 36:40--53, January, 2014.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex We examine the effects of digital access on the prevalence of democracy and its diffusion via trade, geographical and migration networks across 189 countries between 2000 and 2010. We find that different digital technologies may have varying impacts on freedom while affecting its diffusion via different political networks, and that related changes in civil liberties can be affected by both media freedom and internal political institutions. Our analysis suggests three key mechanisms linking information technology with democratic change and highlights the importance of a country's “susceptibility” to political influence that is triggered by greater digitally induced visibility.
@article{rhue_digital_2014,
title = {Digital access, political networks and the diffusion of democracy},
volume = {36},
issn = {0378-8733},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0378873312000524},
doi = {10.1016/j.socnet.2012.06.007},
abstract = {We examine the effects of digital access on the prevalence of democracy and its diffusion via trade, geographical and migration networks across 189 countries between 2000 and 2010. We find that different digital technologies may have varying impacts on freedom while affecting its diffusion via different political networks, and that related changes in civil liberties can be affected by both media freedom and internal political institutions. Our analysis suggests three key mechanisms linking information technology with democratic change and highlights the importance of a country's “susceptibility” to political influence that is triggered by greater digitally induced visibility.},
urldate = {2013-11-22},
journal = {Social Networks},
author = {Rhue, Lauren and Sundararajan, Arun},
month = jan,
year = {2014},
keywords = {Democracy, Dynamic panel, influence, Internet, Selection, Social media},
pages = {40--53},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47754/Rhue and Sundararajan - 2014 - Digital access, political networks and the diffusi.pdf:application/pdf}
}Operationalizing Ethics in Food Choice Decisions. Hepting, D. H., Jaffe, J., & Maciag, T. Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics, 27(3):453–469, June, 2014.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex There is a large gap between attitude and action when it comes to consumer purchases of ethical food. Amongst the various aspects of this gap, this paper focuses on the difficulty in knowing enough about the various dimensions of food production, distribution and consumption to make an ethical food purchasing decision. There is neither one universal definition of ethical food. We suggest that it is possible to support consumers in operationalizing their own ethics of food with the use of appropriate information and communication technology. We consider eggs as an example because locally produced options are available to many people on every continent. We consider the dimensions upon which food ethics may be constructed, then discuss the information required to assess it and the tools that can support it. We then present an overview of opportunities for design of a new software tool. Finally, we offer some points for discussion and future work.
@article{2014-06-HepJafMac,
Abstract = {There is a large gap between attitude and action when it comes to consumer purchases of ethical food. Amongst the various aspects of this gap, this paper focuses on the difficulty in knowing enough about the various dimensions of food production, distribution and consumption to make an ethical food purchasing decision. There is neither one universal definition of ethical food. We suggest that it is possible to support consumers in operationalizing their own ethics of food with the use of appropriate information and communication technology. We consider eggs as an example because locally produced options are available to many people on every continent. We consider the dimensions upon which food ethics may be constructed, then discuss the information required to assess it and the tools that can support it. We then present an overview of opportunities for design of a new software tool. Finally, we offer some points for discussion and future work.},
Author = {Hepting, Daryl H. and Jaffe, JoAnn and Maciag, Timothy},
Date-Added = {2016-10-19 20:00:16 +0000},
Date-Modified = {2018-09-27 14:55:15 -0600},
Doi = {10.1007/s10806-013-9473-8},
Journal = {Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics},
Keywords = {food, ethics, ICT, spime, citizen consumer, democracy},
Month = {June},
Number = {3},
Pages = {453--469},
Title = {Operationalizing Ethics in Food Choice Decisions},
Url = {http://www2.cs.uregina.ca/~hepting/assets/works/pdf/2014-06-HepJafMac.pdf},
Volume = {27},
W-Projects = {food, enviromatics},
W-Type = {journal},
Year = {2014},
Bdsk-Url-1 = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10806-013-9473-8}}To save everything, click here: technology, solutionism and the urge to fix problems that don't exist. Morozov, E. Penguin Books, London, 2014.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{morozov_save_2014,
address = {London},
title = {To save everything, click here: technology, solutionism and the urge to fix problems that don't exist},
isbn = {9780241957707 9780241957707},
shorttitle = {To save everything, click here},
language = {en},
publisher = {Penguin Books},
author = {Morozov, Evgeny},
year = {2014},
keywords = {\#à lire, Democracy, Demokratie, Gesellschaft, Humanisierung, Informationstechnik, Internet, Internet--Political aspects, Political aspects, Politische Situation, Problemlösen}
}Privacy, Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement. Strandburg, K. J., Barocas, S., Nissenbaum, H., Acquisti, A., Ohm, P., Stodden, V., Koonin, S. E., Holland, M. J., Goerge, R. M., Elias, P., Greenwood, D., Stopczynski, A., Sweatt, B., Hardjono, T., Pentland, A., Landwehr, C., Wilbanks, J., Kreuter, F., Peng, R., Karr, A. F., Reiter, J. P., & Dwork, C. Cambridge University Press, 2014.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Massive amounts of new data on human beings can now be accessed and analyzed. Much has been made of the many uses of such data for pragmatic purposes, including selling goods and services, winning political campaigns, and identifying possible terrorists. Yet '' big data'' can also be harnessed to serve the public good: scientists can use new forms of data to do research that improves the lives of human beings, federal, state and local governments can use data to improve services and reduce taxpayer costs, and public organizations can use information to advocate for public causes. Much has also been made of the privacy and confidentiality issues associated with access. A survey of statisticians at the 2013 Joint Statistical Meeting found that the majority thought consumers should worry about privacy issues, and that an ethical framework should be in place to guide data scientists. Yet there are many unanswered questions. What are the ethical and legal requirements for scientists and government officials seeking to serve the public good without harming individual citizens? What are the rules of engagement? What are the best ways to provide access while protecting confidentiality? Are there reasonable mechanisms to compensate citizens for privacy loss? The goal of this book is to answer some of these questions. The book's authors paint an intellectual landscape that includes the legal, economic and statistical context necessary to frame the many privacy issues, including the value to the public of data access. The authors also identify core practical approaches that use new technologies to simultaneously maximize the utility of data access while minimizing information risk. As is appropriate for such a new and evolving field, each chapter also identifies important questions that require future research. The work in this book is also intended to be accessible to an audience broader than the academy. In addition to informing the public, we hope that the book will be useful to people trying to provide data access but protect confidentiality in the roles as data custodians for federal, state and local agencies, or decision makers on institutional review boards.
@book{strandburgPrivacyBigData2014,
title = {Privacy, Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement},
author = {Strandburg, Katherine J. and Barocas, Solon and Nissenbaum, Helen and Acquisti, Alessandro and Ohm, Paul and Stodden, Victoria and Koonin, Steven E. and Holland, Michael J. and Goerge, Robert M. and Elias, Peter and Greenwood, Daniel and Stopczynski, Arkadiusz and Sweatt, Brian and Hardjono, Thomas and Pentland, Alex and Landwehr, Carl and Wilbanks, John and Kreuter, Frauke and Peng, Roger and Karr, Alan F. and Reiter, Jerome P. and Dwork, Cynthia},
editor = {Lane, Julia I. and Stodden, Victoria and Bender, Stefan and Nissenbaum, Helen},
year = {2014},
publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
abstract = {Massive amounts of new data on human beings can now be accessed and analyzed. Much has been made of the many uses of such data for pragmatic purposes, including selling goods and services, winning political campaigns, and identifying possible terrorists. Yet '' big data'' can also be harnessed to serve the public good: scientists can use new forms of data to do research that improves the lives of human beings, federal, state and local governments can use data to improve services and reduce taxpayer costs, and public organizations can use information to advocate for public causes.
Much has also been made of the privacy and confidentiality issues associated with access. A survey of statisticians at the 2013 Joint Statistical Meeting found that the majority thought consumers should worry about privacy issues, and that an ethical framework should be in place to guide data scientists. Yet there are many unanswered questions. What are the ethical and legal requirements for scientists and government officials seeking to serve the public good without harming individual citizens? What are the rules of engagement? What are the best ways to provide access while protecting confidentiality? Are there reasonable mechanisms to compensate citizens for privacy loss?
The goal of this book is to answer some of these questions. The book's authors paint an intellectual landscape that includes the legal, economic and statistical context necessary to frame the many privacy issues, including the value to the public of data access. The authors also identify core practical approaches that use new technologies to simultaneously maximize the utility of data access while minimizing information risk. As is appropriate for such a new and evolving field, each chapter also identifies important questions that require future research.
The work in this book is also intended to be accessible to an audience broader than the academy. In addition to informing the public, we hope that the book will be useful to people trying to provide data access but protect confidentiality in the roles as data custodians for federal, state and local agencies, or decision makers on institutional review boards.},
isbn = {978-1-107-06735-6},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13164441,big-data,democracy,freedom,knowledge-freedom,legal-issues,legislation,science-ethics,science-policy-interface},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-13164441}
}Impact of caste system on voting behavior: a comparative study of punjab (pakistan) and bihar (india) affecting process of democratization of a political society. Karim, A. S. New Horizons; Karachi, 8(2):95–98, July, 2014.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Examining the impact of caste system on voting behavior this study deals with a comparative analysis of the two provinces, Punjab of Pakistan and Bihar of India. The two provinces have been picked up representing the study of caste system in Muslim society on the one hand and the caste behavior in the Hindu society on the other hand. This study is based on the many factors analysis such as understanding democracy, voting behavior, impact of culture, and political culture of these two societies. It is a descriptive study based on research which shows that the authority of the people is continuously affected because of caste influence which delays the democratic process in both societies.
@article{karim_impact_2014,
title = {Impact of caste system on voting behavior: a comparative study of punjab (pakistan) and bihar (india) affecting process of democratization of a political society},
volume = {8},
copyright = {Copyright AsiaNet Pakistan (Pvt) Ltd. Jul 2014},
issn = {19924399},
shorttitle = {Impact of {Caste} {System} on {Voting} {Behavior}},
url = {http://search.proquest.com/docview/1558356166/abstract/5A6B6B7A8D834905PQ/1},
abstract = {Examining the impact of caste system on voting behavior this study deals with a comparative analysis of the two provinces, Punjab of Pakistan and Bihar of India. The two provinces have been picked up representing the study of caste system in Muslim society on the one hand and the caste behavior in the Hindu society on the other hand. This study is based on the many factors analysis such as understanding democracy, voting behavior, impact of culture, and political culture of these two societies. It is a descriptive study based on research which shows that the authority of the people is continuously affected because of caste influence which delays the democratic process in both societies.},
language = {English},
number = {2},
urldate = {2018-12-11},
journal = {New Horizons; Karachi},
author = {Karim, Arshad Syed},
month = jul,
year = {2014},
keywords = {Caste, Democracy, Muslims, Politics, Social Sciences: Comprehensive Works, Society, Voting},
pages = {95--98},
}2013 (3)
Democracy and climate change policies: Is history important?. Fredriksson, P. G. & Neumayer, E. Ecological Economics, 95:11--19, November, 2013.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Abstract This paper argues that it is countries' historical experience with democracy, the democratic capital stock, rather than current levels of democracy that determines current climate change policies. Empirical evidence using data starting as far back as year 1800 for 87 countries, which together are responsible for 93.7% of global carbon emissions, suggests that the democratic capital stock has an important and robust effect on climate change policies. A history of executive constraints is particularly important. The current level of democracy does not play a role once democratic capital has been accounted for.
@article{fredriksson_democracy_2013,
title = {Democracy and climate change policies: {Is} history important?},
volume = {95},
issn = {0921-8009},
shorttitle = {Democracy and climate change policies},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800913002590},
doi = {10.1016/j.ecolecon.2013.08.002},
abstract = {Abstract
This paper argues that it is countries' historical experience with democracy, the democratic capital stock, rather than current levels of democracy that determines current climate change policies. Empirical evidence using data starting as far back as year 1800 for 87 countries, which together are responsible for 93.7\% of global carbon emissions, suggests that the democratic capital stock has an important and robust effect on climate change policies. A history of executive constraints is particularly important. The current level of democracy does not play a role once democratic capital has been accounted for.},
urldate = {2013-09-06},
journal = {Ecological Economics},
author = {Fredriksson, Per G. and Neumayer, Eric},
month = nov,
year = {2013},
keywords = {climate change, Democracy, Democratic capital, environmental policy, Executive constraints, International public goods},
pages = {11--19},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47328/Fredriksson and Neumayer - 2013 - Democracy and climate change policies Is history .pdf:application/pdf;ScienceDirect Snapshot:files/47327/Fredriksson and Neumayer - 2013 - Democracy and climate change policies Is history .html:text/html}
}Democratic Decisions Establish Stable Authorities That Overcome the Paradox of Second-Order Punishment. Hilbe, C., Traulsen, A., Röhl, T., & Milinski, M. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 111(2):201315273–756, January, 2013.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
[Significance] Humans usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. However, such second-order punishment is essential to maintain cooperation. The central authorities established in modern societies punish both free riders and tax evaders. This is a paradox: would individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment strive for an authority that does? We address this puzzle with a mathematical model and an economic experiment. When individuals can choose between authorities by migrating between different communities, we find a costly bias against second-order punishment. When subjects use a majority vote instead, they vote for an authority with second-order punishment. These findings also suggest that other pressing social dilemmas could be solved by democratic voting. [Abstract] Individuals usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. This missing second-order peer punishment is a fundamental problem for the stabilization of cooperation. To solve this problem, most societies today have implemented central authorities that punish free riders and tax evaders alike, such that second-order punishment is fully established. The emergence of such stable authorities from individual decisions, however, creates a new paradox: it seems absurd to expect individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment to strive for an authority that does. Herein, we provide a mathematical model and experimental results from a public goods game where subjects can choose between a community with and without second-order punishment in two different ways. When subjects can migrate continuously to either community, we identify a bias toward institutions that do not punish tax evaders. When subjects have to vote once for all rounds of the game and have to accept the decision of the majority, they prefer a society with second-order punishment. These findings uncover the existence of a democracy premium. The majority-voting rule allows subjects to commit themselves and to implement institutions that eventually lead to a higher welfare for all.
@article{hilbeDemocraticDecisionsEstablish2013,
title = {Democratic Decisions Establish Stable Authorities That Overcome the Paradox of Second-Order Punishment},
author = {Hilbe, Christian and Traulsen, Arne and R{\"o}hl, Torsten and Milinski, Manfred},
year = {2013},
month = jan,
volume = {111},
pages = {201315273--756},
issn = {1091-6490},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1315273111},
abstract = {[Significance]
Humans usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. However, such second-order punishment is essential to maintain cooperation. The central authorities established in modern societies punish both free riders and tax evaders. This is a paradox: would individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment strive for an authority that does? We address this puzzle with a mathematical model and an economic experiment. When individuals can choose between authorities by migrating between different communities, we find a costly bias against second-order punishment. When subjects use a majority vote instead, they vote for an authority with second-order punishment. These findings also suggest that other pressing social dilemmas could be solved by democratic voting. [Abstract]
Individuals usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. This missing second-order peer punishment is a fundamental problem for the stabilization of cooperation. To solve this problem, most societies today have implemented central authorities that punish free riders and tax evaders alike, such that second-order punishment is fully established. The emergence of such stable authorities from individual decisions, however, creates a new paradox: it seems absurd to expect individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment to strive for an authority that does. Herein, we provide a mathematical model and experimental results from a public goods game where subjects can choose between a community with and without second-order punishment in two different ways. When subjects can migrate continuously to either community, we identify a bias toward institutions that do not punish tax evaders. When subjects have to vote once for all rounds of the game and have to accept the decision of the majority, they prefer a society with second-order punishment. These findings uncover the existence of a democracy premium. The majority-voting rule allows subjects to commit themselves and to implement institutions that eventually lead to a higher welfare for all.},
journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-12921529,cognitive-biases,decision-making,decision-making-procedure,democracy,mathematical-reasoning,paradox,science-based-decision-making,science-policy-interface},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-12921529},
number = {2}
}Public participation in environmental impact assessment: why, who and how?. Glucker, A. N., Driessen, P. P., Kolhoff, A., & Runhaar, H. A. Environmental Impact Assessment Review, 43:104--111, November, 2013.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Abstract Even a cursory glance at the literature on environmental impact assessment (EIA) reveals that public participation is being considered as an integral part of the assessment procedure. Public participation in EIA is commonly deemed to foster democratic policy-making and to render EIA more effective. Yet a closer look at the literature unveils that, beyond this general assertion, opinions of the precise meaning, objectives and adequate representation of public participation in EIA considerably diverge. Against this background, in this article we aim to provide a comprehensive overview of the academic debate on public participation in EIA concerning its meaning, objectives and adequate level of inclusiveness. In so doing, we hope to stimulate a more focused debate on the subject, which is key to advancing the research agenda. Furthermore, this paper may serve as a starting point for practitioners involved in defining the role of public participation in EIA practice.
@article{glucker_public_2013,
title = {Public participation in environmental impact assessment: why, who and how?},
volume = {43},
issn = {0195-9255},
shorttitle = {Public participation in environmental impact assessment},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0195925513000711},
doi = {10.1016/j.eiar.2013.06.003},
abstract = {Abstract
Even a cursory glance at the literature on environmental impact assessment (EIA) reveals that public participation is being considered as an integral part of the assessment procedure. Public participation in EIA is commonly deemed to foster democratic policy-making and to render EIA more effective. Yet a closer look at the literature unveils that, beyond this general assertion, opinions of the precise meaning, objectives and adequate representation of public participation in EIA considerably diverge. Against this background, in this article we aim to provide a comprehensive overview of the academic debate on public participation in EIA concerning its meaning, objectives and adequate level of inclusiveness. In so doing, we hope to stimulate a more focused debate on the subject, which is key to advancing the research agenda. Furthermore, this paper may serve as a starting point for practitioners involved in defining the role of public participation in EIA practice.},
urldate = {2013-07-19},
journal = {Environmental Impact Assessment Review},
author = {Glucker, Anne N. and Driessen, Peter P.J. and Kolhoff, Arend and Runhaar, Hens A.C.},
month = nov,
year = {2013},
keywords = {Democracy, Effectiveness, EIA, Legitimacy, Public participation},
pages = {104--111},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/46905/Glucker et al. - 2013 - Public participation in environmental impact asses.pdf:application/pdf}
}2012 (5)
Democracy and Legitimacy in the European Union Revisited: Input, Output and ‘Throughput’. Schmidt, V. A. Political Studies, 2012.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Scholars of the European Union have analyzed the EU's legitimacy mainly in terms of two normative criteria: output effectiveness for the people and input participation by the people. This article argues that missing from this theorization is what goes on in the ‘black box’ of governance between input and output, or ‘throughput’. Throughput consists of governance processes with the people, analyzed in terms of their efficacy, accountability, transparency, inclusiveness and openness to interest consultation. This article defines and discusses this third normative criterion as well as the interaction effects of all three normative criteria. It does so by considering EU scholars' institutional and constructivist analyses of EU legitimacy as well as empirical cases of and proposed solutions to the EU's democracy problems. The article also suggests that unlike input and output, which affect public perceptions of legitimacy both when they are increased or decreased, throughput tends to be most salient when negative, because oppressive, incompetent, corrupt or biased practices throw not just throughput but also input and output into question.
@article{schmidt_democracy_2012,
title = {Democracy and {Legitimacy} in the {European} {Union} {Revisited}: {Input}, {Output} and ‘{Throughput}’},
copyright = {© 2012 The Author. Political Studies © 2012 Political Studies Association},
issn = {1467-9248},
shorttitle = {Democracy and {Legitimacy} in the {European} {Union} {Revisited}},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00962.x/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/j.1467-9248.2012.00962.x},
abstract = {Scholars of the European Union have analyzed the EU's legitimacy mainly in terms of two normative criteria: output effectiveness for the people and input participation by the people. This article argues that missing from this theorization is what goes on in the ‘black box’ of governance between input and output, or ‘throughput’. Throughput consists of governance processes with the people, analyzed in terms of their efficacy, accountability, transparency, inclusiveness and openness to interest consultation. This article defines and discusses this third normative criterion as well as the interaction effects of all three normative criteria. It does so by considering EU scholars' institutional and constructivist analyses of EU legitimacy as well as empirical cases of and proposed solutions to the EU's democracy problems. The article also suggests that unlike input and output, which affect public perceptions of legitimacy both when they are increased or decreased, throughput tends to be most salient when negative, because oppressive, incompetent, corrupt or biased practices throw not just throughput but also input and output into question.},
language = {en},
urldate = {2012-08-06},
journal = {Political Studies},
author = {Schmidt, Vivien A.},
year = {2012},
keywords = {Democracy, European Union, input legitimacy, output legitimacy, throughput legitimacy},
pages = {no--no}
}Athens in the Mediterranean 'movement of the piazzas' Spontaneity in material and virtual public spaces. Leontidou, L. City, 16(3):299-312, 2012.
Paper Website bibtex
Paper Website bibtex @article{
title = {Athens in the Mediterranean 'movement of the piazzas' Spontaneity in material and virtual public spaces},
type = {article},
year = {2012},
keywords = {agora,arab,democracy,gramsci,hegemony,social movements,spontaneity},
pages = {299-312},
volume = {16},
websites = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13604813.2012.687870},
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author = {Leontidou, Lila},
journal = {City},
number = {3}
}The Accountability of Power: Democracy and Governance in Modern Times. Hupe, P. & Edwards, A. European Political Science Review, 4(02):177--194, 2012.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
In modern governing, a variety of actors in the public domain daily make decisions with consequences for the common good, but how these actors are held accountable to political representatives is not always clear. While representative democracy in most societies still functions as the traditional standard, deficits in democratic control are perceived. There is an exercise of power-without-corresponding-representation. At the same time modern citizens appear hard to engage in politics. Representation-without-corresponding-participation also appears. We address this dual problem, one of accountability and one of legitimacy, in terms of political theory. Various strategies are explored, indicating that some of them contribute to bringing democracy up to date more than others. In particular, it seems fundamental to rethink contemporary democracy by connecting it with the multi-dimensional character of governance. Functional participation by modern citizens can enhance the legitimacy of the exercise of power by making the latter accountable in a multi-local way.
@article{hupe_accountability_2012,
title = {The {Accountability} of {Power}: {Democracy} and {Governance} in {Modern} {Times}},
volume = {4},
shorttitle = {The {Accountability} of {Power}},
doi = {10.1017/S1755773911000154},
abstract = {In modern governing, a variety of actors in the public domain daily make decisions with consequences for the common good, but how these actors are held accountable to political representatives is not always clear. While representative democracy in most societies still functions as the traditional standard, deficits in democratic control are perceived. There is an exercise of power-without-corresponding-representation. At the same time modern citizens appear hard to engage in politics. Representation-without-corresponding-participation also appears. We address this dual problem, one of accountability and one of legitimacy, in terms of political theory. Various strategies are explored, indicating that some of them contribute to bringing democracy up to date more than others. In particular, it seems fundamental to rethink contemporary democracy by connecting it with the multi-dimensional character of governance. Functional participation by modern citizens can enhance the legitimacy of the exercise of power by making the latter accountable in a multi-local way.},
number = {02},
journal = {European Political Science Review},
author = {Hupe, Peter and Edwards, Arthur},
year = {2012},
keywords = {Accountability, Democracy, governance, Politics, postmodernity, power},
pages = {177--194}
}The theory of judgment aggregation: an introductory review. List, C. Synthese, 187(1):179--207, 2012.
bibtex
bibtex
@article{List2012,
author = {List, C.},
file = {:Users/hykel/Documents/library/List/List - 2012 - The theory of judgment aggregation an introductory review.pdf:pdf},
isbn = {1122901100},
journal = {Synthese},
keywords = {arrow,condorcet,democracy,discursive dilemma,judgment aggregation,s impossibility theorem,s paradox,social choice theory},
number = {1},
pages = {179--207},
title = {{The theory of judgment aggregation: an introductory review}},
volume = {187},
year = {2012}
}Critical Thinking: Foundational for Digital Literacies and Democracy. Gainer, J. Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, 56(1):14–17, 2012.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex This column addresses the importance of developing critical thinking to meet the demands of 21st-century literacies and participatory democracy. The author argues for a critical approach to digital literacies that explores the sociological nature of literacy practices. Students examine examples of new literacies and analyze how ideologies are represented in multimodal texts. Then students use critical understandings of how these texts work in the world to create their own multimodal texts that can act as counter narratives pushing back against mainstream ideologies that exclude diverse perspectives.
@article{gainer_critical_2012,
title = {Critical {Thinking}: {Foundational} for {Digital} {Literacies} and {Democracy}},
volume = {56},
issn = {1936-2706},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/JAAL.00096},
doi = {10/f39vzn},
abstract = {This column addresses the importance of developing critical thinking to meet the demands of 21st-century literacies and participatory democracy. The author argues for a critical approach to digital literacies that explores the sociological nature of literacy practices. Students examine examples of new literacies and analyze how ideologies are represented in multimodal texts. Then students use critical understandings of how these texts work in the world to create their own multimodal texts that can act as counter narratives pushing back against mainstream ideologies that exclude diverse perspectives.},
number = {1},
journal = {Journal of Adolescent \& Adult Literacy},
author = {Gainer, Jesse},
year = {2012},
keywords = {Adolescence, Behavioral, Cognitive, Constructionism, Constructivism, Critical Thinking, Critical analysis, Critical literacy, Critical pedagogy, Critical theory, Democracy, Developmental, Digital/media literacies, Distance education, distance learning, Early adolescence, Feminist, Gender issues, sexual orientation, Information and communication technologies, Information literacy, Learner Engagement, Libraries, Linguistics, Literacy, Literacy Education, Literary theory, Media Literacy, Neuropsychological, New literacies, Popular culture, Postmodernism, Poststructuralism, Psycholinguistic, Schema theory, Semiotics, Sociocognitive, Sociocultural, Socioeconomic, Sociolinguistic, Specific media (hypertext, Internet, film, music, etc.), Teachers, Theoretical perspectives, To learners in which of the following categories does your work apply?, Transactional, Transformative, Visual literacy, Vygotskian},
pages = {14--17},
}2011 (3)
Institutional constraints and practical problems in deliberative and participatory policy making. Hoppe, R. Policy & Politics, 39:163--186, April, 2011.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
'Participation' has become a mantra and is common practice in governance. Yet only preliminary efforts have been made to examine how participatory and deliberative designs may be constrained in their effectiveness by the impacts of governance context. At the institutional level, this article examines alternative forms of political participation and the persistent barriers to participatory and deliberative approaches that are inherent in representative democracy and network governance. At the level of policy making, it highlights the practical perplexities that arise time and again in the input, throughput and output/outcome phases of running such participatory and deliberative policy projects.
@article{hoppe_institutional_2011,
title = {Institutional constraints and practical problems in deliberative and participatory policy making},
volume = {39},
doi = {10.1332/030557310X519650},
abstract = {'Participation' has become a mantra and is common practice in governance. Yet only preliminary efforts have been made to examine how participatory and deliberative designs may be constrained in their effectiveness by the impacts of governance context. At the institutional level, this article examines alternative forms of political participation and the persistent barriers to participatory and deliberative approaches that are inherent in representative democracy and network governance. At the level of policy making, it highlights the practical perplexities that arise time and again in the input, throughput and output/outcome phases of running such participatory and deliberative policy projects.},
journal = {Policy \& Politics},
author = {Hoppe, Robert},
month = apr,
year = {2011},
keywords = {Deliberation, Democracy, governance, participation, Policy analysis},
pages = {163--186},
file = {60199441.pdf:files/49395/60199441.pdf:application/pdf;ingentaconnect Institutional constraints and practical problems in deliberative ...:files/32657/art00002.html:text/html}
}Scaling Up Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution in Healthcare Reform: A Work in Progress. Menkel-Meadow, C. Law and contemporary problems, 74(3):1-30, 2011.
Website abstract bibtex
Website abstract bibtex The author explores the extent to which experience with ADR processes could have informed the failed attempt at deliberative democracy around healthcare reform in the United States. She draws on theories of deliberative democracy and consensus-building processes in analyzing the failure of the many different town-hall meetings that were held throughout the country to generate a civilized, rich, and thoughtful debate on the reform of the U.S. healthcare system. Her vivid description of these disastrous attempts at engaging the public casts doubts on the prospects of such endeavors, or, at the 2. Carrie Menkel-Meadow, Scaling Up Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution in Healthcare Reform: very least, the adequacy of the theories underlying and The author uncovers the ways in which the Obama town-hall meetings were reduced to a political procedure that required binary decisions, failing "to explore basic principles of complex voting issues . . . , and multiple-issue trading, a staple of consensus-building procedures. . . making] it virtually impossible for the town-hall meetings to affect policy outcomes." Indeed, by overlooking the lessons generated by the ADR field in terms of the need for "process pluralism" that would address the "principled-rational," "bargaining," and "affective" modes of human discourse, the town-hall meetings could not give rise to true deliberation. The author finds that principles of individually tailored ADR processes cannot be simply "scaled-up" to accommodate large numbers of participants for purposes of deliberative democracy if we are to seriously address deeply held values and strong emotions (or in her terminology, the "affective dimensions") on the one hand, and the need for a firm factual basis and some substantive expertise on the other hand, when addressing "highly conflictual disputes at the societal, not individual, level." Instead, the author calls for the development of more sophisticated theories and practices that would weave together the three levels of discourse "into large-scale and complex political issues," while providing insightful guidance on what such theories and practices might require in terms of system design.
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pages = {1-30},
volume = {74},
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abstract = {The author explores the extent to which experience with ADR processes could have informed the failed attempt at deliberative democracy around healthcare reform in the United States. She draws on theories of deliberative democracy and consensus-building processes in analyzing the failure of the many different town-hall meetings that were held throughout the country to generate a civilized, rich, and thoughtful debate on the reform of the U.S. healthcare system. Her vivid description of these disastrous attempts at engaging the public casts doubts on the prospects of such endeavors, or, at the 2. Carrie Menkel-Meadow, Scaling Up Deliberative Democracy as Dispute Resolution in Healthcare Reform: very least, the adequacy of the theories underlying and The author uncovers the ways in which the Obama town-hall meetings were reduced to a political procedure that required binary decisions, failing "to explore basic principles of complex voting issues . . . , and multiple-issue trading, a staple of consensus-building procedures. . . making] it virtually impossible for the town-hall meetings to affect policy outcomes." Indeed, by overlooking the lessons generated by the ADR field in terms of the need for "process pluralism" that would address the "principled-rational," "bargaining," and "affective" modes of human discourse, the town-hall meetings could not give rise to true deliberation. The author finds that principles of individually tailored ADR processes cannot be simply "scaled-up" to accommodate large numbers of participants for purposes of deliberative democracy if we are to seriously address deeply held values and strong emotions (or in her terminology, the "affective dimensions") on the one hand, and the need for a firm factual basis and some substantive expertise on the other hand, when addressing "highly conflictual disputes at the societal, not individual, level." Instead, the author calls for the development of more sophisticated theories and practices that would weave together the three levels of discourse "into large-scale and complex political issues," while providing insightful guidance on what such theories and practices might require in terms of system design.},
bibtype = {article},
author = {Menkel-Meadow, Carrie},
journal = {Law and contemporary problems},
number = {3}
}Political Science Between Vision and Reality: Lessons in Times of Crises. Berg-Schlosser, D. European Political Science, 10(2):259-271, Nature Publishing Group, 6, 2011.
Paper Website abstract bibtex
Paper Website abstract bibtex Political science with its rich history, but varying national traditions and contexts, deals with a multi-dimensional and ever-changing subject matter of which we are, inevitably, a part. This poses specific epistemological prob- lems, but also offers the opportunity to contribute to the shaping of political reality by insights and actions. This lecture gives a brief outline of this pro- blematique and then presents, by way of illustration, the findings of a major international research project on the political effects of the Great Depres- sion in Europe in the interwar period. Based on this experience, some (tentative and personal) lessons will be drawn for the state of political science and its potential contributions facing the present world economic crisis.
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title = {Political Science Between Vision and Reality: Lessons in Times of Crises},
type = {article},
year = {2011},
identifiers = {[object Object]},
keywords = {crises,democracy,epistemological foundations,great depression},
pages = {259-271},
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abstract = {Political science with its rich history, but varying national traditions and contexts, deals with a multi-dimensional and ever-changing subject matter of which we are, inevitably, a part. This poses specific epistemological prob- lems, but also offers the opportunity to contribute to the shaping of political reality by insights and actions. This lecture gives a brief outline of this pro- blematique and then presents, by way of illustration, the findings of a major international research project on the political effects of the Great Depres- sion in Europe in the interwar period. Based on this experience, some (tentative and personal) lessons will be drawn for the state of political science and its potential contributions facing the present world economic crisis.},
bibtype = {article},
author = {Berg-Schlosser, Dirk},
journal = {European Political Science},
number = {2}
}2010 (4)
Introduction: Civicness, Equality, and Democracy—A “Dark Side” of Social Capital?. Deth, van, J. W., & Zmerli, S. American Behavioral Scientist, 53(5):631--639, January, 2010.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Debates about social capital usually focus on its presumed positive consequences. Although this expectation has been corroborated empirically, in many instances some less benign consequences of social capital have also been uncovered. Several explanations for the emergence and consequences of these “dark sides” of social capital are briefly presented here and, subsequently, put to empirical testing. The contributors to this issue of American Behavioral Scientist have a common understanding of these dark sides of social capital. Conceptualizing them as negative consequences or outcomes, the authors use various research strategies to scrutinize the nature of the effects of social capital in various situations. In each analysis, however, particular focus is placed on the importance of the contextual setting. Special attention is paid to the degree of democratization, the postcommunist legacy, different welfare state regimes, the saliency of political cleavages, and types and interconnectedness of voluntary associations. The findings suggest that the specific consequences of social capital largely depend on political and social conditions.
@article{ deth_introduction:_2010,
title = {Introduction: {Civicness}, {Equality}, and {Democracy}—{A} “{Dark} {Side}” of {Social} {Capital}?},
volume = {53},
issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
shorttitle = {Introduction},
url = {http://abs.sagepub.com.libproxy.usc.edu/content/53/5/631},
doi = {10.1177/0002764209350827},
abstract = {Debates about social capital usually focus on its presumed positive consequences. Although this expectation has been corroborated empirically, in many instances some less benign consequences of social capital have also been uncovered. Several explanations for the emergence and consequences of these “dark sides” of social capital are briefly presented here and, subsequently, put to empirical testing. The contributors to this issue of American Behavioral Scientist have a common understanding of these dark sides of social capital. Conceptualizing them as negative consequences or outcomes, the authors use various research strategies to scrutinize the nature of the effects of social capital in various situations. In each analysis, however, particular focus is placed on the importance of the contextual setting. Special attention is paid to the degree of democratization, the postcommunist legacy, different welfare state regimes, the saliency of political cleavages, and types and interconnectedness of voluntary associations. The findings suggest that the specific consequences of social capital largely depend on political and social conditions.},
language = {en},
number = {5},
urldate = {2014-09-03TZ},
journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
author = {Deth, Jan W. van and Zmerli, Sonja},
month = {January},
year = {2010},
keywords = {democracy, social capital, voluntary associations},
pages = {631--639}
}Social Capital Worldwide: Potential for Democratization or Stabilizer of Authoritarian Rule?. Roßteutscher, S. American Behavioral Scientist, 53(5):737--757, January, 2010.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex The notion of social capital has gained enthusiastic support from nongovernmental organizations, intergovernmental confederations, and supranational bodies such as the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations. They all believe that social capital might be a potent aid for democratization, for repairing defective democracies, and for undermining authoritarian regimes. This article examines whether social capital has such positive effects in countries where democracy is not yet established. Does social capital help in a country’s move toward democratization, or is the link between democracy and social capital more dubious? Does social capital even contribute to the stabilization of nondemocratic regimes? This article analyzes 70 countries that participated in the third wave of the World Values Survey. The results are clear: Social capital functions as a stabilizer of authoritarian rule. Its effects are mainly negative. Social trust, in particular, might be a “key resource for the market economy and democratic politics” (Stolle, 2003, p. 19). In nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Social participation and trust, specifically, increase the stability of nondemocratic leadership by generating popular support, by suppressing regime-threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals of governance.
@article{ rosteutscher_social_2010,
title = {Social {Capital} {Worldwide}: {Potential} for {Democratization} or {Stabilizer} of {Authoritarian} {Rule}?},
volume = {53},
issn = {0002-7642, 1552-3381},
shorttitle = {Social {Capital} {Worldwide}},
url = {http://abs.sagepub.com.libproxy.usc.edu/content/53/5/737},
doi = {10.1177/0002764209350835},
abstract = {The notion of social capital has gained enthusiastic support from nongovernmental organizations, intergovernmental confederations, and supranational bodies such as the European Union, the World Bank, and the United Nations. They all believe that social capital might be a potent aid for democratization, for repairing defective democracies, and for undermining authoritarian regimes. This article examines whether social capital has such positive effects in countries where democracy is not yet established. Does social capital help in a country’s move toward democratization, or is the link between democracy and social capital more dubious? Does social capital even contribute to the stabilization of nondemocratic regimes? This article analyzes 70 countries that participated in the third wave of the World Values Survey. The results are clear: Social capital functions as a stabilizer of authoritarian rule. Its effects are mainly negative. Social trust, in particular, might be a “key resource for the market economy and democratic politics” (Stolle, 2003, p. 19). In nondemocratic contexts, however, it appears to throw a spanner in the works of democratization. Social participation and trust, specifically, increase the stability of nondemocratic leadership by generating popular support, by suppressing regime-threatening forms of protest activity, and by nourishing undemocratic ideals of governance.},
language = {en},
number = {5},
urldate = {2014-09-03TZ},
journal = {American Behavioral Scientist},
author = {Roßteutscher, Sigrid},
month = {January},
year = {2010},
keywords = {authoritarian regime, autocracy, cross-national comparison, defective democracy, democracy, democratic citizenship, social capital, social participation, social trust},
pages = {737--757}
}Imperial Eclecticism in Moby-Dick and Invisible Man: Literature in a Postcolonial Empire. Arac, J. Boundary 2: An International Journal of Literature and Culture BoundaryII, 37(3):151–165, 2010.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Drawing on Edward Said's method of “contrapuntal” criticism relating culture and empire, and also on Frank Kermode's understanding of the “classic” in relation to empire, this essay addresses two major American works a century apart to suggest a pattern that joins important American works with works from more recent postcolonial nations. Imperial eclecticism names the technique by which writers in a new national culture freely manipulate the materials of the larger “world” cultural heritage as a resource for innovation, as Melville does with Shakespeare and Ellison does with Dante, Eliot, and Melville. This, in turn, is related to the narrative mobility that makes so striking a feature of both works.
@article{arac_imperial_2010,
title = {Imperial {Eclecticism} in {Moby}-{Dick} and {Invisible} {Man}: {Literature} in a {Postcolonial} {Empire}},
volume = {37},
issn = {0190-3659 1527-2141 (electronic)},
url = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/boundary-2/article/37/3/151/6408/Imperial-Eclecticism-in-Moby-Dick-and-Invisible},
abstract = {Drawing on Edward Said's method of “contrapuntal” criticism relating culture and empire, and also on Frank Kermode's understanding of the “classic” in relation to empire, this essay addresses two major American works a century apart to suggest a pattern that joins important American works with works from more recent postcolonial nations. Imperial eclecticism names the technique by which writers in a new national culture freely manipulate the materials of the larger “world” cultural heritage as a resource for innovation, as Melville does with Shakespeare and Ellison does with Dante, Eliot, and Melville. This, in turn, is related to the narrative mobility that makes so striking a feature of both works.},
number = {3},
journal = {Boundary 2: An International Journal of Literature and Culture BoundaryII},
author = {Arac, Jonathan},
year = {2010},
keywords = {1800-1899, American literature, Ellison, Ralph (1914-1994), Invisible Man, Melville, Herman (1819-1891), Moby-Dick (1851), democracy, imperialism, novel},
pages = {151--165},
}The Political Power of Social Media. Shirky, C. Foreign Affairs, December, 2010.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Discussion of the political impact of social media has focused on the power of mass protests to topple governments. In fact, social media's real potential lies in supporting civil society and the public sphere – which will produce change over years and decades, not weeks or months.
@article{shirky_political_2010,
title = {The {Political} {Power} of {Social} {Media}},
issn = {0015-7120},
url = {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/2010-12-20/political-power-social-media},
abstract = {Discussion of the political impact of social media has focused on the power of mass protests to topple governments. In fact, social media's real potential lies in supporting civil society and the public sphere -- which will produce change over years and decades, not weeks or months.},
language = {en-US},
number = {January/February 2011},
urldate = {2019-03-10},
journal = {Foreign Affairs},
author = {Shirky, Clay},
month = dec,
year = {2010},
keywords = {Science \& Technology, activist, democracy, government, political power, protest, social media}
}2009 (5)
What Is Next for Policy Design and Social Construction Theory?1. Schneider, A. & Sidney, M. Policy Studies Journal, 37(1):103--119, 2009.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex The study of policy design has made great progress over the past decade in leading scholars to understand why the American political system produces certain kinds of designs rather than others, and the consequences that policy designs have for democracy. This article outlines the distinctive and important elements of policy design theory—the centrality of policy design, the attention to social constructions, the attention to policy consequences (or feed-forward effects), and the integration of normative and empirical research and theory. It then suggests how policy design theory can complement other policy theories in guiding research and evaluating the conditions of U.S. democracy, and how in its own right it can be further developed and used to guide important inquiry about public policy's politics and social impacts.
@article{schneider_what_2009-1,
title = {What {Is} {Next} for {Policy} {Design} and {Social} {Construction} {Theory}?1},
volume = {37},
copyright = {© 2009 Policy Studies Organization},
issn = {1541-0072},
shorttitle = {What {Is} {Next} for {Policy} {Design} and {Social} {Construction} {Theory}?},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2008.00298.x/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2008.00298.x},
abstract = {The study of policy design has made great progress over the past decade in leading scholars to understand why the American political system produces certain kinds of designs rather than others, and the consequences that policy designs have for democracy. This article outlines the distinctive and important elements of policy design theory—the centrality of policy design, the attention to social constructions, the attention to policy consequences (or feed-forward effects), and the integration of normative and empirical research and theory. It then suggests how policy design theory can complement other policy theories in guiding research and evaluating the conditions of U.S. democracy, and how in its own right it can be further developed and used to guide important inquiry about public policy's politics and social impacts.},
language = {en},
number = {1},
urldate = {2012-08-07},
journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
author = {Schneider, Anne and Sidney, Mara},
year = {2009},
keywords = {Democracy, policy design, policy feedback, policy theory, social construction},
pages = {103--119}
}There is no “point” in decision-making: a model of transactive rationality for public policy and administration. Kuruvilla, S. & Dorstewitz, P. Policy Sciences, 43(3):263--287, July, 2009.
Paper doi bibtex
Paper doi bibtex @article{kuruvilla_there_2009,
title = {There is no “point” in decision-making: a model of transactive rationality for public policy and administration},
volume = {43},
issn = {0032-2687},
shorttitle = {There is no “point” in decision-making},
url = {http://www.springerlink.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/content/gp23hw6754p10511/},
doi = {10.1007/s11077-009-9098-y},
number = {3},
urldate = {2010-08-13},
journal = {Policy Sciences},
author = {Kuruvilla, Shyama and Dorstewitz, Philipp},
month = jul,
year = {2009},
keywords = {Democracy, Ecological, Economic Policy, John Dewey, Morality, Political Science, Pragmatist philosophy, Public administration, Public policy, Rationality, Science, Transactive rationality},
pages = {263--287},
file = {fulltext(42).pdf:files/36098/fulltext(42).pdf:application/pdf;Full Text PDF:files/52690/Kuruvilla and Dorstewitz - 2009 - There is no “point” in decision-making a model of.pdf:application/pdf;Snapshot:files/52689/Kuruvilla and Dorstewitz - 2009 - There is no “point” in decision-making a model of.html:text/html;SpringerLink -:files/31891/gp23hw6754p10511.html:text/html}
}The contribution of evidence-based policy to the output-oriented legitimacy of the state. Widmer, T. Evidence & Policy: A Journal of Research, Debate and Practice, 5:351--372, 2009.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Promoters of evidence-based policy making assume that such practices contribute to an improvement in public policies and therefore to social betterment and state legitimacy. However, scholars in democracy research rarely include practices of evidence-based policy making in their analyses of the legitimacy of the state. This article outlines the linkages between evidence-based policy making and the output-oriented legitimacy of the state, and assesses the potential of these linkages. The analysis shows that only a selection of these linkages have the potential to contribute to state legitimacy whereas others are very restricted in this respect.
@article{widmer_contribution_2009,
title = {The contribution of evidence-based policy to the output-oriented legitimacy of the state},
volume = {5},
url = {http://www.ingentaconnect.com.proxy.lib.sfu.ca/content/tpp/ep/2009/00000005/00000004/art00003},
abstract = {Promoters of evidence-based policy making assume that such practices contribute to an improvement in public policies and therefore to social betterment and state legitimacy. However, scholars in democracy research rarely include practices of evidence-based policy making in their analyses of the legitimacy of the state. This article outlines the linkages between evidence-based policy making and the output-oriented legitimacy of the state, and assesses the potential of these linkages. The analysis shows that only a selection of these linkages have the potential to contribute to state legitimacy whereas others are very restricted in this respect.},
journal = {Evidence \& Policy: A Journal of Research, Debate and Practice},
author = {Widmer, Thomas},
year = {2009},
keywords = {Democracy, Evidence-Based Policy Making, Output-Oriented Legitimacy, Performance Information},
pages = {351--372}
}Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and Condorcet Consistency. Bag, P. K., Sabourian, H., & Winter, E. Journal of Economic Theory, 144(3):1278–1299, May, 2009.
doi abstract bibtex
doi abstract bibtex
A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.
@article{bagMultistageVotingSequential2009,
title = {Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and {{Condorcet}} Consistency},
author = {Bag, Parimal K. and Sabourian, Hamid and Winter, Eyal},
year = {2009},
month = may,
volume = {144},
pages = {1278--1299},
issn = {0022-0531},
doi = {10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
abstract = {A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.},
journal = {Journal of Economic Theory},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-4368976,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,mathematical-reasoning,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-4368976},
number = {3}
}Constructing Understandings: An Ethnographic Study of Young Children's Social Emotional Learnings in a Multiage Group. Rowley, C. J. ProQuest LLC, 2009.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
This ethnography drew on Vygotsky's (1986, 1978) sociocultural theory of development to understand social emotional learnings of young children. The unique K-8 span of circle group–coupled with intentional activities–provided the rich context for language and interactions between students. Examining a school with a mature philosophy and established practices highlighted the in-depth exploration of interactions in a multiage context. Young children depend on and are influenced by their context, linking to data collection methods appropriate for young children. Observations and fieldnotes of circle group interactions were aided by videotape which was utilized as a prompt during focus group interviews the following day (Graue & Walsh, 1995). Additional interviews with school personnel and parents explored perceptions pertaining to multiage groups and student experiences at the site. Artifact analysis included notebook entries by students who voiced concern and questions about what happened in school. Evidence of practicing nurturing relationships and exercising voice in circle group indicated multiage grouping complements the ideal of democratic practices in a school setting (Glickman, 1998; Goodlad, 1996; Parker, 1996). Students were active participants in democracy, believing that they had something to offer each other and the larger community. Circle group provided regular practice in expressing ideas and dealing with conflict. Intentional student-engaging activities were cooperative in nature, and open-ended, allowing all students to be participants. This wide span of ages and abilities enabled both–younger and older students–to be the capable one in circle group. [The dissertation citations contained here are published with the permission of ProQuest LLC. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by Telephone (800) 1-800-521-0600. Web page: http://www.proquest.com/en-US/products/dissertations/individuals.shtml.]
@book{rowley_constructing_2009,
title = {Constructing {Understandings}: {An} {Ethnographic} {Study} of {Young} {Children}'s {Social} {Emotional} {Learnings} in a {Multiage} {Group}},
isbn = {978-1-124-02148-5},
shorttitle = {Constructing {Understandings}},
abstract = {This ethnography drew on Vygotsky's (1986, 1978) sociocultural theory of development to understand social emotional learnings of young children. The unique K-8 span of circle group--coupled with intentional activities--provided the rich context for language and interactions between students. Examining a school with a mature philosophy and established practices highlighted the in-depth exploration of interactions in a multiage context. Young children depend on and are influenced by their context, linking to data collection methods appropriate for young children. Observations and fieldnotes of circle group interactions were aided by videotape which was utilized as a prompt during focus group interviews the following day (Graue \& Walsh, 1995). Additional interviews with school personnel and parents explored perceptions pertaining to multiage groups and student experiences at the site. Artifact analysis included notebook entries by students who voiced concern and questions about what happened in school. Evidence of practicing nurturing relationships and exercising voice in circle group indicated multiage grouping complements the ideal of democratic practices in a school setting (Glickman, 1998; Goodlad, 1996; Parker, 1996). Students were active participants in democracy, believing that they had something to offer each other and the larger community. Circle group provided regular practice in expressing ideas and dealing with conflict. Intentional student-engaging activities were cooperative in nature, and open-ended, allowing all students to be participants. This wide span of ages and abilities enabled both--younger and older students--to be the capable one in circle group. [The dissertation citations contained here are published with the permission of ProQuest LLC. Further reproduction is prohibited without permission. Copies of dissertations may be obtained by Telephone (800) 1-800-521-0600. Web page: http://www.proquest.com/en-US/products/dissertations/individuals.shtml.]},
language = {en},
urldate = {2015-04-08},
publisher = {ProQuest LLC},
author = {Rowley, Cammy J.},
year = {2009},
keywords = {Emotional Development, Social Development, Mixed Age Grouping, Group Activities, Democratic Values, Young Children, Interviews, Observation, Democracy, Video Technology, Ethnography, Focus Groups, Interaction, School Personnel}
}2008 (8)
Abraham in London, Marburg-Istanbul and Israel: Between Theocracy and Democracy, Ancient Text and Modern State. Sherwood, Y. Biblical Interpretation, 16(2):105--153, April, 2008.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex This article examines three occurrences of the sacrifice of Isaac in relatively recent cultural and political histories: the case of Godden versus Hales (England, 1686); Erich Auerbach's 'Odysseus' Scar' in Mimesis (Istanbul [Marburg], 1943-1945); and the use of the akedah as a political figure for the modern Israeli nation state. In these three very different cases the biblical narrative undergoes a theological-political translation and the God who issues the exceptional command to sacrifice becomes a figure for the sovereign and/or the state. Each political translation also calls forth critical responses in which the core question becomes the relationship of divine monarchy/state authority to freedom, or, to put it another way, of democracy or would-be 'democracy' to 'theocracy' and its various modern political correlates. By analysing these translations and responses, this essay explores how the questions as it were forced on us by Genesis 22 are not just religious, though they can be understood through the idioms of the religious. It concludes by asking whether such theological-political translations could be relevant to 'Biblical Studies Proper' as a more expansive discipline looks outwards to questions of religion, politics and ethics.
@article{ sherwood_abraham_2008,
title = {Abraham in {London}, {Marburg}-{Istanbul} and {Israel}: {Between} {Theocracy} and {Democracy}, {Ancient} {Text} and {Modern} {State}},
volume = {16},
issn = {09272569},
shorttitle = {Abraham in {London}, {Marburg}-{Istanbul} and {Israel}},
url = {http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=30053630&site=ehost-live},
doi = {10.1163/156851507X194251},
abstract = {This article examines three occurrences of the sacrifice of Isaac in relatively recent cultural and political histories: the case of Godden versus Hales (England, 1686); Erich Auerbach's 'Odysseus' Scar' in Mimesis (Istanbul [Marburg], 1943-1945); and the use of the akedah as a political figure for the modern Israeli nation state. In these three very different cases the biblical narrative undergoes a theological-political translation and the God who issues the exceptional command to sacrifice becomes a figure for the sovereign and/or the state. Each political translation also calls forth critical responses in which the core question becomes the relationship of divine monarchy/state authority to freedom, or, to put it another way, of democracy or would-be 'democracy' to 'theocracy' and its various modern political correlates. By analysing these translations and responses, this essay explores how the questions as it were forced on us by Genesis 22 are not just religious, though they can be understood through the idioms of the religious. It concludes by asking whether such theological-political translations could be relevant to 'Biblical Studies Proper' as a more expansive discipline looks outwards to questions of religion, politics and ethics.},
number = {2},
urldate = {2015-09-26TZ},
journal = {Biblical Interpretation},
author = {Sherwood, Yvonne},
month = {April},
year = {2008},
keywords = {ABRAHAM, ABRAHAM (Biblical patriarch) -- In rabbinical literature, AUERBACH, Erich, 1892-1957, DEMOCRACY, DISPENSING POWER, Erich Auerbach, GREAT Britain, ISAAC (Biblical patriarch), ISAAC (Biblical patriarch) -- Sacrifice, ISRAEL, MODERN ISRAELI LITERATURE, RELIGION \& politics, SACRIFICE, SOVEREIGNTY, SOVEREIGNTY (Political science)},
pages = {105--153}
}Communism and Peace: Notes Late 1930s. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 99–100. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.
@incollection{montessori_communism_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Communism and {Peace}: {Notes} {Late} 1930s},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {Notes written in English, translated by Mario Montessori, Snr. based on an original manuscript by Maria Montessori - probably private notes.},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
pages = {99--100}
}Public lecture, Paris, 1949. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 101–106. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex First published in German in 1979.
@incollection{montessori_public_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Public lecture, {Paris}, 1949},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {First published in German in 1979.},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
keywords = {6 - 12 content knowledge, beliefs, communism, creed, Democracy, Disciplines - History, father of man, means of production, outcomes - adult atitude, scientific pedagogy, social efficiency, son of man, syllabus, Teacher Attitudes, teacher preparation, teacher qualification, training},
pages = {101--106}
}Building a Just Adolescent Community. Enright, M. S., Schaefer, L. V., Schaefer, P. S., & Schaefer, K. A. Montessori Life: A Publication of the American Montessori Society, 20(1):36–42, 2008. Publisher: American Montessori Society, 281 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10010-6102
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Lawrence Kohlberg, a psychologist, coined the term "Just Community" to describe a community built on trust and resolution, in which each member participates democratically in the development of the rules and regulations that govern their community life (Kohlberg, 1985). In a school, this means that students and teachers alike actively participate in moral discussions about issues involving relationships between students and staff; each member of the community is held accountable to the group (Kohlberg, 1985). As such, the Just Community represents a type of moral laboratory, an opportunity for students to discuss and resolve moral issues that arise, and equally if not more importantly, to "act" morally in accordance with the rules set forth by the group. Kohlberg saw the Just Community as based on the concepts of justice (fairness and equal rights), and benevolence (social responsibility and altruism), and as inspired by a sense of group solidarity. Thus, broadly speaking, the Just Community represents a type of benevolent participatory democracy. The importance of many of the principles underlying a Just Community, such as justice, equal rights, and benevolence, have been recognized for many years. Creating a Just Community among junior high students requires an understanding of the unique developmental characteristics and needs of the adolescent age. In this article, the authors highlight the physical, social, cognitive, and emotional characteristics of young adolescents and the needs these characteristics suggest. Although they discuss these characteristics and needs in four realms, these realms are clearly interconnected in adolescence, just as in earlier stages of development (National Research Council and Institute on Medicine [NRCIM], 2006). The physical changes brought on by puberty heighten social, emotional, and intellectual tensions– the adolescent is making, at times, the awkward transition from child to adult.
@article{enright_building_2008,
title = {Building a {Just} {Adolescent} {Community}},
volume = {20},
issn = {1054-0040, 1054-0040},
url = {https://search.proquest.com/docview/61951040?accountid=14512},
abstract = {Lawrence Kohlberg, a psychologist, coined the term "Just Community" to describe a community built on trust and resolution, in which each member participates democratically in the development of the rules and regulations that govern their community life (Kohlberg, 1985). In a school, this means that students and teachers alike actively participate in moral discussions about issues involving relationships between students and staff; each member of the community is held accountable to the group (Kohlberg, 1985). As such, the Just Community represents a type of moral laboratory, an opportunity for students to discuss and resolve moral issues that arise, and equally if not more importantly, to "act" morally in accordance with the rules set forth by the group. Kohlberg saw the Just Community as based on the concepts of justice (fairness and equal rights), and benevolence (social responsibility and altruism), and as inspired by a sense of group solidarity. Thus, broadly speaking, the Just Community represents a type of benevolent participatory democracy. The importance of many of the principles underlying a Just Community, such as justice, equal rights, and benevolence, have been recognized for many years. Creating a Just Community among junior high students requires an understanding of the unique developmental characteristics and needs of the adolescent age. In this article, the authors highlight the physical, social, cognitive, and emotional characteristics of young adolescents and the needs these characteristics suggest. Although they discuss these characteristics and needs in four realms, these realms are clearly interconnected in adolescence, just as in earlier stages of development (National Research Council and Institute on Medicine [NRCIM], 2006). The physical changes brought on by puberty heighten social, emotional, and intellectual tensions-- the adolescent is making, at times, the awkward transition from child to adult.},
language = {English},
number = {1},
journal = {Montessori Life: A Publication of the American Montessori Society},
author = {Enright, Mary Schaefer and Schaefer, Lawrence V. and Schaefer, Patricia S. and Schaefer, Kristin A.},
year = {2008},
note = {Publisher: American Montessori Society, 281 Park Avenue South, New York, NY 10010-6102},
keywords = {Montessori Method, Emotional Development, Social Development, Educational Environment, Cognitive Development, Democratic Values, Montessori Schools, Developmental Stages, Moral Development, Adolescent Development, Early Adolescents, Democracy, Altruism, Psychological Patterns, Junior High Schools, Moral Values, Social Responsibility, Junior High School Students, Puberty, Physical Development, Trust (Psychology), Interpersonal Relationship, Social Justice, Civil Rights, ERIC, Current Index to Journals in Education (CIJE), Moral Issues},
pages = {36--42}
}Lecture in a convent, London [1935] Man's place in creation. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 95–99. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008. Translators: _:n4384
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex trans. A.M. Maccheroni Baarn R 7 Convent of the Assumption, Kensington Square
@incollection{montessori_lecture_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Lecture in a convent, {London} [1935] {Man}'s place in creation},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {trans. A.M. Maccheroni
Baarn R 7
Convent of the Assumption, Kensington Square},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
note = {Translators: \_:n4384},
keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
pages = {95--99},
annote = {Cosmic education - awaening of universal consciousness between ages of 6 and 12 (S-B p 95},
annote = {Cosmic theory - "explains the origins, context and responsibilites for man of 'life on earth' - CS \& t W p 94
People do not fully obey the laws of creation, and thus risk becoming the victim of the "surpa-nature they themselves have created" Schultz-B, 94},
annote = {NB themes here - for eg human development and environment.
Also reference to a 1929 article citing "study of creation" se p 93
}
}Protection against the exploitation of children Extract from a lecture, University of Madras [1940]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 81–83. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008. Translators: _:n10369
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English
@incollection{montessori_protection_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Protection against the exploitation of children {Extract} from a lecture, {University} of {Madras} [1940]},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
note = {Translators: \_:n10369},
keywords = {freedom, social efficiency, Democracy, communist, forgotten citizen, Ministry of childen},
pages = {81--83},
annote = {Child is not to be exploited for national aims!!}
}Lecture in a Convent, London [1935]: Man's Place in Creation. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 95–99. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex trans. A.M. Maccheroni Convent of the Assumption, Kensington Square
@incollection{montessori_lecture_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Lecture in a {Convent}, {London} [1935]: {Man}'s {Place} in {Creation}},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {trans. A.M. Maccheroni
Convent of the Assumption, Kensington Square},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {Schulz-Benesch, Gunter},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
keywords = {individual development, Political, cosmic education, creation, Democracy, incarnation, materialism, new humanity, senstive periods},
pages = {95--99}
}Protection against the exploitation of children Extract from a lecture, University of Madras [1940]. Montessori, M. In The Child, Society and the World: Unpublished Speeches and Writings, of Montessori Series, pages 81–83. Montessori-Pierson, Amsterdam, The Netherlands, 2008.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English
@incollection{montessori_protection_2008,
address = {Amsterdam, The Netherlands},
series = {Montessori {Series}},
title = {Protection against the exploitation of children {Extract} from a lecture, {University} of {Madras} [1940]},
url = {http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/772580045},
abstract = {Translated by Mario Senior . Transcriber unknown. Document is English},
language = {eng},
number = {7},
booktitle = {The {Child}, {Society} and the {World}: {Unpublished} {Speeches} and {Writings}},
publisher = {Montessori-Pierson},
author = {Montessori, Maria},
editor = {{Gunter Schulz-Benesch}},
translator = {Juler, Caroline and Yesson, Heather},
year = {2008},
keywords = {communist, Democracy, forgotten citizen, freedom, Ministry of childen, social efficiency},
pages = {81--83}
}2007 (2)
Full Disclosure : The Perils and Promise of Transparency. Fung, A., Graham, M., & Weil, D. Cambridge University Press, New York, 2007.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @book{ fung_full_2007,
address = {New York},
title = {Full {Disclosure} : {The} {Perils} and {Promise} of {Transparency}},
isbn = {9780521876179 0521876176 9780521699617 (pbk.) 0521699614 (pbk.)},
url = {http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip071/2006029588.html http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0713/2006029588-d.html http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0729/2006029588-b.html},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
author = {Fung, Archon and Graham, Mary and Weil, David},
year = {2007},
keywords = {Disclosure of information Law and legislation.}
}The myth of the rational voter: Why democracies choose bad policies. Caplan, B. Princeton University Press, 2007.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{Caplan2007,
author = {Caplan, B.D.},
publisher = {Princeton University Press},
title = {{The myth of the rational voter: Why democracies choose bad policies}},
year = {2007}
}2006 (2)
Metagovernance The Changing Role of Politicians in Processes of Democratic Governance. Sørensen, E. The American Review of Public Administration, 36(1):98--114, March, 2006.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Current changes in governing tasks that face the political systems in liberal democracies require governance to be performed in new ways. Governance can no longer take the form of sovereign rule but must be performed through various forms of metagovernance, regulation of self-regulation. The consequence is a transformation of the role that politicians play in the governance of society that endangers representative democracy aswe knowit but does not necessarily endanger representative democracy as such. A case study of the specific, narrow way in which the newmetagoverning politician role is interpreted and institutionalized in four Danish municipalities suggests that network governance marginalizes politicians and consequently weakens representative democracy. If this weakening of democracy is to be avoided, politicians must strengthen their roles in metagovernance by broadening their leadership repertoire to include framing through institutional design, storytelling, supporting and facilitating, and participating.
@article{sorensen_metagovernance_2006,
title = {Metagovernance {The} {Changing} {Role} of {Politicians} in {Processes} of {Democratic} {Governance}},
volume = {36},
issn = {0275-0740, 1552-3357},
url = {http://arp.sagepub.com/content/36/1/98},
doi = {10.1177/0275074005282584},
abstract = {Current changes in governing tasks that face the political systems in liberal democracies require governance to be performed in new ways. Governance can no longer take the form of sovereign rule but must be performed through various forms of metagovernance, regulation of self-regulation. The consequence is a transformation of the role that politicians play in the governance of society that endangers representative democracy aswe knowit but does not necessarily endanger representative democracy as such. A case study of the specific, narrow way in which the newmetagoverning politician role is interpreted and institutionalized in four Danish municipalities suggests that network governance marginalizes politicians and consequently weakens representative democracy. If this weakening of democracy is to be avoided, politicians must strengthen their roles in metagovernance by broadening their leadership repertoire to include framing through institutional design, storytelling, supporting and facilitating, and participating.},
language = {en},
number = {1},
urldate = {2014-04-02},
journal = {The American Review of Public Administration},
author = {Sørensen, Eva},
month = mar,
year = {2006},
keywords = {Democracy, governance, metagovernance, politicians},
pages = {98--114},
file = {Snapshot:files/48792/98.html:text/html}
}Democratic Politics and Party Competition: Essays in honour of Ian Budge. Bara, J. & Weale, A., editors Routledge, London/New York, 2006.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @book{ bara_democratic_2006,
address = {London/New York},
series = {47},
title = {Democratic {Politics} and {Party} {Competition}: {Essays} in honour of {Ian} {Budge}},
isbn = {978-0-415-38505-3},
url = {http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/504623168.pdf},
urldate = {2010-04-07TZ},
publisher = {Routledge},
editor = {Bara, Judith and Weale, Albert},
year = {2006},
keywords = {Budge, Ian, Comparative Manifestos Project, Comparative government, Democracy, Kongress, Policy sciences, Political parties, Political planning}
}2004 (2)
The Paradoxical Effects of Instituional Change for the Ligitimacy of European Governance: The Case of EU Social Policy. Wendler, F. 2004.
bibtex
bibtex
@misc{wendler_paradoxical_2004,
title = {The {Paradoxical} {Effects} of {Instituional} {Change} for the {Ligitimacy} of {European} {Governance}: {The} {Case} of {EU} {Social} {Policy}},
author = {Wendler, Frank},
year = {2004},
keywords = {EU, EU governance, democracy, governance, legitimacy, open coordination, political science, social policy}
}Whose justice? Reconciling universal jurisdiction with democratic principles. Orentlicher, D. F. The Georgetown law journal, 92(6):1057–, 2004. Place: Washington Publisher: Georgetown University Law Center
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Orentlicher examines the most trenchant challenge to universal jurisdiction. She claims that in exercising universal jurisdiction, courts and prosecutors are completely unaccountable to the citizens of the nation whose fate they are ruling upon.
@article{orentlicher_whose_2004,
title = {Whose justice? {Reconciling} universal jurisdiction with democratic principles},
volume = {92},
issn = {0016-8092},
shorttitle = {Whose justice?},
url = {https://pmt-eu.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/f/772kv3/TN_cdi_proquest_journals_231476765},
abstract = {Orentlicher examines the most trenchant challenge to universal jurisdiction. She claims that in exercising universal jurisdiction, courts and prosecutors are completely unaccountable to the citizens of the nation whose fate they are ruling upon.},
language = {eng},
number = {6},
journal = {The Georgetown law journal},
author = {Orentlicher, Diane F.},
year = {2004},
note = {Place: Washington
Publisher: Georgetown University Law Center},
keywords = {Democracy, Extradition, Human rights, Immunities of foreign states, International law, Jurisdiction, Jurisdiction (International law), Justice, Laws, regulations and rules, Pinochet, Augusto},
pages = {1057--},
}2003 (3)
Hayekian Political Economy and the Limits of Deliberative Democracy. Pennington, M. Political Studies, 51(4):722–739, December, 2003.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Inspired by Habermasian critiques of liberalism, supporters of deliberative democracy seek an extension of social democratic institutions to further a reinvigorated communicative rationality against the ‘atomism’ of market processes. This paper offers a critique of deliberative democratic theory from a Hayekian perspective. For Hayek, the case against the social democratic state rests with the superior capacity of markets to extend communicative rationality beyond the realm of verbal discourse.
@article{pennington_hayekian_2003,
title = {Hayekian {Political} {Economy} and the {Limits} of {Deliberative} {Democracy}},
volume = {51},
issn = {0032-3217},
abstract = {Inspired by Habermasian critiques of liberalism, supporters of deliberative democracy seek an extension of social democratic institutions to further a reinvigorated communicative rationality against the ‘atomism’ of market processes. This paper offers a critique of deliberative democratic theory from a Hayekian perspective. For Hayek, the case against the social democratic state rests with the superior capacity of markets to extend communicative rationality beyond the realm of verbal discourse.},
language = {en},
number = {4},
urldate = {2018-08-26},
journal = {Political Studies},
author = {Pennington, Mark},
month = dec,
year = {2003},
pages = {722--739}
}Survey Article: Recipes for Public Spheres: Eight Institutional Design Choices and Their Consequences. Fung, A. Journal of Political Philosophy, 11(3):338--367, September, 2003.
Paper doi bibtex
Paper doi bibtex @article{fung_survey_2003,
title = {Survey {Article}: {Recipes} for {Public} {Spheres}: {Eight} {Institutional} {Design} {Choices} and {Their} {Consequences}},
volume = {11},
issn = {1467-9760},
shorttitle = {Survey {Article}},
url = {http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/1467-9760.00181/abstract},
doi = {10.1111/1467-9760.00181},
language = {en},
number = {3},
urldate = {2011-12-01},
journal = {Journal of Political Philosophy},
author = {Fung, Archon},
month = sep,
year = {2003},
pages = {338--367},
file = {FungRecipes.Final.JOPP03.pdf:files/34962/FungRecipes.Final.JOPP03.pdf:application/pdf}
}The construction of a national Maori identity by Maori media. Stuart, I. & others Pacific journalism review, 9(1):45, 2003.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex The development of a Maori identity largely in terms of Maori radio, as the major national Maori media, making references to print media sources, is studied. By creating their own identity and accompanying discourse, Maori might be forcing New Zealand down the path towards theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in which social antagonisms are healthy, where plurality is valued, and where conflicts are a healthy part of democracy
@article{stuart_construction_2003,
title = {The construction of a national {Maori} identity by {Maori} media},
volume = {9},
url = {http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=150199788525515;res=IELHSS},
abstract = {The development of a Maori identity largely in terms of Maori radio, as the major national Maori media, making references to print media sources, is studied. By creating their own identity and accompanying discourse, Maori might be forcing New Zealand down the path towards theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, in which social antagonisms are healthy, where plurality is valued, and where conflicts are a healthy part of democracy},
number = {1},
urldate = {2015-12-21},
journal = {Pacific journalism review},
author = {Stuart, Ian and {others}},
year = {2003},
keywords = {Democracy, Indigenous peoples–Social life and customs, Maori (New Zealand people), Maori (New Zealand people)–Social life and customs, Mass media, Nation-building, Radio broadcasting},
pages = {45},
}2002 (1)
Public participation in science and technology decision making: trends for the future. Chopyak, J. & Levesque, P. Technology in Society, 24(1-2):155-166, 1, 2002.
Paper Website abstract bibtex
Paper Website abstract bibtex This article examines past, current, and future trends in the relationship between science, technology, and society. The evolution of current science policy in the USA is described. The paper then examines a shift in the current scientific and research environment that is calling forth new research collaborations, and a new relationship between science and society. This shift is demanding greater public participation in science and technology decision making, changing the traditional ‘trust us, we’re experts’ science–society relationship. The paper offers several methodologies used worldwide that provide citizens with the opportunity to participate in science and technology decision-making processes. It then examines how such methodologies are affecting research and funding agencies, and argues that such efforts need to be expanded.
@article{
title = {Public participation in science and technology decision making: trends for the future},
type = {article},
year = {2002},
identifiers = {[object Object]},
keywords = {citizen participation,community-based research,consensus conferences,democracy,research and development,science,science and technology policy,technology and society},
pages = {155-166},
volume = {24},
websites = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0160-791X(01)00051-3},
month = {1},
id = {36bf29d6-b0c1-3d6b-8261-7e8ce4b94a61},
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abstract = {This article examines past, current, and future trends in the relationship between science, technology, and society. The evolution of current science policy in the USA is described. The paper then examines a shift in the current scientific and research environment that is calling forth new research collaborations, and a new relationship between science and society. This shift is demanding greater public participation in science and technology decision making, changing the traditional ‘trust us, we’re experts’ science–society relationship. The paper offers several methodologies used worldwide that provide citizens with the opportunity to participate in science and technology decision-making processes. It then examines how such methodologies are affecting research and funding agencies, and argues that such efforts need to be expanded.},
bibtype = {article},
author = {Chopyak, Jill and Levesque, Peter},
journal = {Technology in Society},
number = {1-2}
}2001 (5)
Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future. Morin, E. UNESCO, 2001.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.
@book{morinSevenComplexLessons2001,
title = {Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future},
author = {Morin, Edgar},
year = {2001},
publisher = {{UNESCO}},
abstract = {Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.},
isbn = {92-3-103778-1},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13337437,control-problem,democracy,education,feedback,science-ethics,system-theory},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-13337437}
}Report of the Working Group "Democratising Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems". Gerold, R., Liberatore, A., Bjorklund, M., Bossenmeyer, G., Cotter, C., Cross, A., Fallon, C., Franca, F., Funtowicz, S., Hurst, R., Kraemer, L., Lebessis, N., Miège, R., Pedersen, L. M., Rogers, M., Shotter, M., & Wagstaffe, P. White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters, 2001.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
[Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested. [::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning. [::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet. [::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience. [::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications. [::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making. [::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''. [::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process: [::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks. [::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three. [::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: $ḑot$ Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons. [::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents. [::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries. [::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form. [::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'. [::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives. [\n][...] [Recommended action lines] [::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include: [::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making; [::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making; [::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands; [::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats; [::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest); [::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views; [::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance). [\n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness. [\n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process. [\n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps. [\n][...] [Conclusion] The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration. [\n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). [\n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''.
@book{geroldReportWorkingGroup2001,
title = {Report of the Working Group "{{Democratising}} Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems"},
author = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela and Bjorklund, Mona and Bossenmeyer, Grete and Cotter, Colette and Cross, Alan and Fallon, Catherine and Franca, Francesco and Funtowicz, Silvio and Hurst, Roderick and Kraemer, Ludwig and Lebessis, Notis and Mi{\`e}ge, Robin and Pedersen, Lars M. and Rogers, Michael and Shotter, Michael and Wagstaffe, Peter},
editor = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela},
year = {2001},
publisher = {{White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters}},
abstract = {[Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested.
[::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning.
[::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet.
[::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience.
[::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications.
[::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making.
[::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''.
[::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process:
[::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks.
[::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three.
[::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: {$\cdot$} Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons.
[::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents.
[::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries.
[::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form.
[::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'.
[::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives.
[\textbackslash n][...]
[Recommended action lines]
[::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include:
[::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making;
[::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making;
[::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands;
[::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats;
[::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest);
[::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views;
[::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance).
[\textbackslash n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness.
[\textbackslash n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process.
[\textbackslash n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps.
[\textbackslash n][...]
[Conclusion]
The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration.
[\textbackslash n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination).
[\textbackslash n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document '' Science, Society and Citizens in Europe''.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-11730512,democracy,epistemology,participatory-modelling,post-normal-science,science-ethics,science-policy-interface},
lccn = {INRMM-MiD:c-11730512}
}Political knowledge , political engagement, and civic education. Galston, W., A. Annual Review of Political Science, 4(1):217-234, Annual Reviews 4139 El Camino Way, P.O. Box 10139, Palo Alto, CA 94303-0139, USA, 6, 2001.
Paper Website abstract bibtex
Paper Website abstract bibtex After decades of neglect, civic education is back on the agenda of political science in the United States. Despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the US population during the past 50 years, levels of political knowledge have barely budged. Today's college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Recent research indicates that levels of political knowledge affect the acceptance of democratic principles, attitudes toward specific issues, and political participation. There is evidence that political participation is in part a positional good and is shaped by relative as well as absolute levels of educational attainment. Contrary to findings from 30 years ago, recent research suggests that traditional classroom-based civic education can significantly raise political knowledge. Service learning—a combination of community-based civic experience and systematic classroom reflection on that experience—is a promising innovation, but program eva...
@article{
title = {Political knowledge , political engagement, and civic education},
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keywords = {democracy,higher education,participation,political socialization,service learning},
pages = {217-234},
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websites = {http://www-personal.umich.edu/~prestos/Downloads/DC/9-23_Galston2001.pdf},
month = {6},
publisher = {Annual Reviews 4139 El Camino Way, P.O. Box 10139, Palo Alto, CA 94303-0139, USA},
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abstract = {After decades of neglect, civic education is back on the agenda of political science in the United States. Despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the US population during the past 50 years, levels of political knowledge have barely budged. Today's college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Recent research indicates that levels of political knowledge affect the acceptance of democratic principles, attitudes toward specific issues, and political participation. There is evidence that political participation is in part a positional good and is shaped by relative as well as absolute levels of educational attainment. Contrary to findings from 30 years ago, recent research suggests that traditional classroom-based civic education can significantly raise political knowledge. Service learning—a combination of community-based civic experience and systematic classroom reflection on that experience—is a promising innovation, but program eva...},
bibtype = {article},
author = {Galston, William A.},
journal = {Annual Review of Political Science},
number = {1}
}The Challenge of representation : democracy in the 21st century. Howlett, M., Smith, P. J., Philips, S., British Columbia Political Studies Association, C., & British Columbia Political Studies, A. BCPSA Secretariat, Institute of Governance Studies, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby, B.C., 2001.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{howlett_challenge_2001,
address = {Burnaby, B.C.},
series = {British {Columbia} {Political} {Studies} {Association} annual},
title = {The {Challenge} of representation : democracy in the 21st century},
publisher = {BCPSA Secretariat, Institute of Governance Studies, Simon Fraser University},
author = {Howlett, Michael and Smith, Patrick J. and Philips, Stephen and British Columbia Political Studies Association, Conference and British Columbia Political Studies, Association},
year = {2001},
keywords = {Canada Politics and government, Congresses, Democracy, Representative government and representation, World politics}
}Activist Challenges to Deliberative Democracy. Young, I. M. Political Theory, 29(5):670--690, 2001.
Paper bibtex
Paper bibtex @article{young_activist_2001,
title = {Activist {Challenges} to {Deliberative} {Democracy}},
volume = {29},
issn = {0090-5917},
url = {http://www.jstor.org.pitt.idm.oclc.org/stable/3072534},
number = {5},
urldate = {2016-02-16TZ},
journal = {Political Theory},
author = {Young, Iris Marion},
year = {2001},
pages = {670--690}
}1999 (2)
The Welfare State in Hard Times. Stephens, J. D., Huber, E., & Ray, L. In Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism, pages 164--193. Cambridge University Press, January, 1999.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.
@incollection{kitschelt_welfare_1999,
title = {The {Welfare} {State} in {Hard} {Times}},
isbn = {978-0-521-63496-0},
abstract = {In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.},
language = {en},
booktitle = {Continuity and {Change} in {Contemporary} {Capitalism}},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
author = {Stephens, John D. and Huber, Evelyne and Ray, Leonard},
editor = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
month = jan,
year = {1999},
keywords = {Business \& Economics / Economic History, Business \& Economics / Economics / Comparative, Business \& Economics / Economics / General, Business \& Economics / Free Enterprise, Capitalism, Capitalism - History - 20th century - Congresses, Capitalism/ History/ 20th century/ Congresses, Comparative economics, Comparative economics - Congresses, COMPARATIVE government, Comparative government - Congresses, Comparative industrial relations, Comparative industrial relations - Congresses, Democracy, Democracy - Congresses, Economic history, Economic history - 1990- - Congresses, Economic history/ 1990-/ Congresses, Foreign trade and employment, Foreign trade and employment - Congresses, International economic integration, Political Science / Comparative Politics, Political Science / General, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, Political Science / Political Process / General, Technology \& Engineering / Social Aspects, Technology transfer, Technology transfer - Economic aspects - Congresses, Technology transfer/ Economic aspects/ Congresses},
pages = {164--193}
}Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism. Kitschelt, H. Cambridge University Press, January, 1999.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.
@book{kitschelt_continuity_1999,
title = {Continuity and {Change} in {Contemporary} {Capitalism}},
isbn = {978-0-521-63496-0},
abstract = {In the early 1980s, many observers, argued that powerful organized economic interests and social democratic parties created successful mixed economies promoting economic growth, full employment, and a modicum of social equality. The present book assembles scholars with formidable expertise in the study of advanced capitalist politics and political economy to reexamine this account from the vantage point of the second half of the 1990s. The authors find that the conventional wisdom no longer adequately reflects the political and economic realities. Advanced democracies have responded in path-dependent fashion to such novel challenges as technological change, intensifying international competition, new social conflict, and the erosion of established patterns of political mobilization. The book rejects, however, the currently widespread expectation that 'internationalization' makes all democracies converge on similar political and economic institutions and power relations. Diversity among capitalist democracies persists, though in a different fashion than in the 'Golden Age' of rapid economic growth after World War II.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
author = {Kitschelt, Herbert},
month = jan,
year = {1999},
keywords = {Business \& Economics / Economic History, Business \& Economics / Economics / Comparative, Business \& Economics / Economics / General, Business \& Economics / Free Enterprise, Capitalism, Capitalism - History - 20th century - Congresses, Capitalism/ History/ 20th century/ Congresses, Comparative economics, Comparative economics - Congresses, COMPARATIVE government, Comparative government - Congresses, Comparative industrial relations, Comparative industrial relations - Congresses, Democracy, Democracy - Congresses, Economic history, Economic history - 1990- - Congresses, Economic history/ 1990-/ Congresses, Foreign trade and employment, Foreign trade and employment - Congresses, International economic integration, Political Science / Comparative Politics, Political Science / General, Political Science / History \& Theory, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, Political Science / Political Process / General, Technology \& Engineering / Social Aspects, Technology transfer, Technology transfer - Economic aspects - Congresses, Technology transfer/ Economic aspects/ Congresses}
}1998 (1)
Social Theory and European Tansformation: Is there a European Society?. Delanty, G. Sociological Reseach Online, 1998.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex The concept 'society' in social theory has generally presupposed notions of cultural cohesion and social integration associated with national societies and the framework of modernity. This older idea of the social emerged out of the experience with institution-building associated with the rise of the nation-state and the transition from 'tradition' to 'modernity'. The question whether European integration can articulate a conception of the social independent of national society is a major challenge for social theory. This paper explores changing conceptions of the social in recent social theory and applies some of these ideas to European integration. It is argued that we need to rethink our notion of society: instead of a 'transition' the kind of social change we are experiencing today is that of social 'transformation', a concept which suggests less the 'end of the social' than an emerging 'network' society based on knowledge. Thus instead of trying to reproduce on the supranational level a model that has reached its limits on the national level, European integration needs to give expression to the emerging power of knowledge. Rejecting the notion of the demos and the ethnos as inappropriate to European integration, the case is made for a discursive understanding of democracy and knowedge.
@article{delanty_social_1998,
title = {Social {Theory} and {European} {Tansformation}: {Is} there a {European} {Society}?},
volume = {3},
url = {internal-pdf://Delanty 1998 Social Theory and EU Transformation-2835354627/Delanty 1998 Social Theory and EU Transformation_P.pdf},
abstract = {The concept 'society' in social theory has generally presupposed notions of cultural cohesion and social integration associated with national societies and the framework of modernity. This older idea of the social emerged out of the experience with institution-building associated with the rise of the nation-state and the transition from 'tradition' to 'modernity'. The question whether European integration can articulate a conception of the social independent of national society is a major challenge for social theory. This paper explores changing conceptions of the social in recent social theory and applies some of these ideas to European integration. It is argued that we need to rethink our notion of society: instead of a 'transition' the kind of social change we are experiencing today is that of social 'transformation', a concept which suggests less the 'end of the social' than an emerging 'network' society based on knowledge. Thus instead of trying to reproduce on the supranational level a model that has reached its limits on the national level, European integration needs to give expression to the emerging power of knowledge. Rejecting the notion of the demos and the ethnos as inappropriate to European integration, the case is made for a discursive understanding of democracy and knowedge.},
number = {1},
journal = {Sociological Reseach Online},
author = {Delanty, Gerard},
year = {1998},
keywords = {CITIZENSHIP, EU, Europe, culture, democracy, identity, knowledge, social theory}
}1996 (1)
Le creuset francais: histoire de l'immigration xixe-xxe siecles. Noiriel, G. & Tilly, C. Unviersity of Minnesota Press, Mineapolis, MN, 1996.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{noiriel_creuset_1996,
address = {Mineapolis, MN},
series = {Contradictions of {Modernity}},
title = {Le creuset francais: histoire de l'immigration xixe-xxe siecles},
isbn = {0-8166-2420-8},
publisher = {Unviersity of Minnesota Press},
author = {Noiriel, Gérard and Tilly, Charles},
year = {1996},
keywords = {CITIZENSHIP, EU, Europe, culture, democracy, identity, knowledge, social theory}
}1995 (3)
Immigration, 'race' and Ethnicity in Contemporary France. Hargreaves, A. G. Routledge, New York, NY, USA, 1995.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{hargreaves_immigration_1995,
address = {New York, NY, USA},
title = {Immigration, 'race' and {Ethnicity} in {Contemporary} {France}},
isbn = {0-415-11817-4},
publisher = {Routledge},
author = {Hargreaves, Alan G.},
year = {1995},
keywords = {CITIZENSHIP, Europe, FRANCE, culture, democracy, identity, immigration, knowledge, social theory}
}Democracy and technology. Sclove, R. Guilford Press, 1995.
abstract bibtex
abstract bibtex
Winner of the 1996 Don K. Price Award of the American Political Science Association, as "the best book of the year on science, technology, and politics." This eye-opening book describes how modern technologies--such as computers, automobiles, machine tools, hybrid crops, nuclear reactors, and others--contribute to vexing social problems ranging from the continued subordination of women and workers to widespread political disengagement. Engineers, manufacturers, and policy makers rarely take these consequences into account. Contending that reinvigorated democratic politics can and should supersede conventional economic reasoning as a basis for decisions about technology, Richard Sclove clearly outlines how the general public can become actively involved in all phases of technology decision making, from assessment and policy making to research and development. For half a century, the Cold War provided the rationale for U.S. science and technology policies. The demise of the Cold War, Sclove argues, provides an ideal opportunity to reformulate technology decision making and design, making them more responsive to social needs. Synthesizing recent research into the social dimensions of technology with democratic theory, the author develops an innovative, practical framework for distinguishing technologies that are compatible with true democratic ideals from those that are not. The text abounds in well-researched examples from all over the world and throughout history of societies that have used technology to enhance their way of life without sacrificing their ideals or traditions, as well as those where technology has completely disrupted prior patterns of community life. Drawing valuable lessons from these studies, Sclove offers concrete suggestions for implementing political and institutional strategies that will create a more sustainable, socially responsive, and humane technology.
@book{sclove_democracy_1995,
title = {Democracy and technology},
isbn = {978-0-89862-861-6},
abstract = {Winner of the 1996 Don K. Price Award of the American Political Science Association, as "the best book of the year on science, technology, and politics." This eye-opening book describes how modern technologies--such as computers, automobiles, machine tools, hybrid crops, nuclear reactors, and others--contribute to vexing social problems ranging from the continued subordination of women and workers to widespread political disengagement. Engineers, manufacturers, and policy makers rarely take these consequences into account. Contending that reinvigorated democratic politics can and should supersede conventional economic reasoning as a basis for decisions about technology, Richard Sclove clearly outlines how the general public can become actively involved in all phases of technology decision making, from assessment and policy making to research and development. For half a century, the Cold War provided the rationale for U.S. science and technology policies. The demise of the Cold War, Sclove argues, provides an ideal opportunity to reformulate technology decision making and design, making them more responsive to social needs. Synthesizing recent research into the social dimensions of technology with democratic theory, the author develops an innovative, practical framework for distinguishing technologies that are compatible with true democratic ideals from those that are not. The text abounds in well-researched examples from all over the world and throughout history of societies that have used technology to enhance their way of life without sacrificing their ideals or traditions, as well as those where technology has completely disrupted prior patterns of community life. Drawing valuable lessons from these studies, Sclove offers concrete suggestions for implementing political and institutional strategies that will create a more sustainable, socially responsive, and humane technology.},
language = {en},
publisher = {Guilford Press},
author = {Sclove, Richard},
year = {1995},
keywords = {Business \& Economics / Economics / General, Democracy, Policy sciences, Political planning, Political Science, Political Science / General, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, Political Science / Public Policy / General, Political Science / Public Policy / Social Policy, Social Science / General, Social Science / Sociology / General, Technology, Technology \& Engineering / General, Technology \& Engineering / Social Aspects, Technology - Political aspects, Technology/ Political aspects, Technology - Social aspects, Technology/ Social aspects}
}Passions and Constraint: On the Theory of Liberal Democracy. Holmes, S. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1995.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{holmes_passions_1995,
address = {Chicago},
title = {Passions and {Constraint}: {On} the {Theory} of {Liberal} {Democracy}},
isbn = {0-226-34968-3},
publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
author = {Holmes, Stephen},
year = {1995},
keywords = {Democracy, Liberalism},
}1994 (1)
'Dethroning Politics': Liberalism, Constitutionalism and Democracy in the Thought of F. A. Hayek. Bellamy, R. British Journal of Political Science, 24(4):419–441, 1994.
Paper doi bibtex
Paper doi bibtex @article{bellamy_dethroning_1994,
title = {'{Dethroning} {Politics}': {Liberalism}, {Constitutionalism} and {Democracy} in the {Thought} of {F}. {A}. {Hayek}},
volume = {24},
issn = {00071234},
url = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/194028},
doi = {10.2307/194028},
number = {4},
journal = {British Journal of Political Science},
author = {Bellamy, Richard},
year = {1994},
keywords = {CULike, Democracy, Liberalism, hayek, politics},
pages = {419--441},
}1960 (1)
The semisovereign people: a realist's view of democracy in America. Schattschneider, E. E. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960.
bibtex
bibtex
@book{schattschneider_semisovereign_1960,
title = {The semisovereign people: a realist's view of democracy in {America}},
shorttitle = {The semisovereign people},
language = {en},
publisher = {Holt, Rinehart and Winston},
author = {Schattschneider, Elmer Eric},
year = {1960},
keywords = {Democracia, Democracy, Estados Unidos, Political Science / Government / State \& Provincial, Political Science / Political Ideologies / Democracy, United States}
}undefined (13)
Tweeting democracy? Examining Twitter as an online public relations strategy for congressional campaigns’. LaMarre, H. L. & Suzuki-Lambrecht, Y. Public Relations Review.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Abstract Considering the integral relationship between public relations and democracy (Martinelli, 2011) coupled with the growing use of social media for democratic aims (Smith, 2011) the current study examines the effectiveness of Twitter as a public relations communications tool for congressional campaigns. Specifically, as a means of testing Twitter's effectiveness in informing and engaging voters, congressional candidate and political party Twitter use for all 435 U.S. House of Representatives races (N = 1284) are compared with 2010 election outcomes. Results indicate that candidates’ Twitter use significantly increased their odds of winning, controlling for incumbency and Party ID. Additionally, significant differences between incumbents’ and challengers’ Twitter use during the election cycle emerged, which has important implications for public relations practices aimed at achieving democratic outcomes.
@article{lamarre_tweeting_????,
title = {Tweeting democracy? {Examining} {Twitter} as an online public relations strategy for congressional campaigns’},
issn = {0363-8111},
shorttitle = {Tweeting democracy?},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0363811113000982},
doi = {10.1016/j.pubrev.2013.07.009},
abstract = {Abstract
Considering the integral relationship between public relations and democracy (Martinelli, 2011) coupled with the growing use of social media for democratic aims (Smith, 2011) the current study examines the effectiveness of Twitter as a public relations communications tool for congressional campaigns. Specifically, as a means of testing Twitter's effectiveness in informing and engaging voters, congressional candidate and political party Twitter use for all 435 U.S. House of Representatives races (N = 1284) are compared with 2010 election outcomes. Results indicate that candidates’ Twitter use significantly increased their odds of winning, controlling for incumbency and Party ID. Additionally, significant differences between incumbents’ and challengers’ Twitter use during the election cycle emerged, which has important implications for public relations practices aimed at achieving democratic outcomes.},
urldate = {2013-08-22},
journal = {Public Relations Review},
author = {LaMarre, Heather L. and Suzuki-Lambrecht, Yoshikazu},
keywords = {Democracy, Online communications, Political campaigns, Public relations, Social media, Voter engagement},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/47177/LaMarre and Suzuki-Lambrecht - Tweeting democracy Examining Twitter as an online.pdf:application/pdf}
}Institutional and technological determinants of civil e-Participation: Solo or duet?. Jho, W. & Song, K. J. Government Information Quarterly.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Do current advances in ICT actually encourage civil e-Participation and foster new governance? This research questions an enduring controversy among scholars on the crucial factors that promote active civil participation through ICT and pursues the attributes and implications of recent high civil e-Participation in many countries. By using data gathered from 125 countries worldwide, the technological and institutional conditions under which active civil e-Participation induces are analyzed. This research verifies that the level of political institutionalization and the degree of technological development interact to affect the level of participation through ICT, and that the magnitude of this effect is different for countries with different types of online populations and different forms of political institutionalization. This implies that e-Participation has a higher probability of increase when institutions and technology act in conjunction; efforts to realize e-democracy through ICT will fail if only a technological infrastructure is considered in countries. In other words, high e-Participation could be a menace for democracy in the long run in conditions where the ICT level is high yet lacking political institutionalization.
@article{jho_institutional_????,
title = {Institutional and technological determinants of civil e-{Participation}: {Solo} or duet?},
issn = {0740-624X},
shorttitle = {Institutional and technological determinants of civil e-{Participation}},
url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0740624X15300083},
doi = {10.1016/j.giq.2015.09.003},
abstract = {Do current advances in ICT actually encourage civil e-Participation and foster new governance? This research questions an enduring controversy among scholars on the crucial factors that promote active civil participation through ICT and pursues the attributes and implications of recent high civil e-Participation in many countries. By using data gathered from 125 countries worldwide, the technological and institutional conditions under which active civil e-Participation induces are analyzed. This research verifies that the level of political institutionalization and the degree of technological development interact to affect the level of participation through ICT, and that the magnitude of this effect is different for countries with different types of online populations and different forms of political institutionalization. This implies that e-Participation has a higher probability of increase when institutions and technology act in conjunction; efforts to realize e-democracy through ICT will fail if only a technological infrastructure is considered in countries. In other words, high e-Participation could be a menace for democracy in the long run in conditions where the ICT level is high yet lacking political institutionalization.},
urldate = {2015-09-15},
journal = {Government Information Quarterly},
author = {Jho, Whasun and Song, Kyong Jae},
keywords = {Democracy, e-Participation, governance, ICT, Institution, Internet, Technology},
file = {ScienceDirect Full Text PDF:files/52332/Jho and Song - Institutional and technological determinants of ci.pdf:application/pdf;ScienceDirect Snapshot:files/52333/S0740624X15300083.html:text/html}
}Breaking the Brexit Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome. Aidt, T., Chadha, J., & Sabourian, H. In VOX - CEPR Policy Portal, pages 63748+. Centre for Economic Policy Research.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives. [Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements] For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A. [] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it. [] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...] [] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected. [] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...]. [] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...]. [] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...] [] [...]
@incollection{aidtBreakingBrexitImpasse2019,
title = {Breaking the {{Brexit}} Impasse: Achieving a Fair, Legitimate and Democratic Outcome},
booktitle = {{{VOX}} - {{CEPR}} Policy Portal},
author = {Aidt, Toke and Chadha, Jagjit and Sabourian, Hamid},
date = {2019-01},
pages = {63748+},
publisher = {{Centre for Economic Policy Research}},
location = {{London, United Kingdom}},
url = {https://voxeu.org/node/63748},
abstract = {Unanimous agreement on the UK's Brexit question is clearly not going to be achievable. But as this column argues, using a sequential voting system, it is within reach to structure the democratic process so that a voting procedure is fair to all views and the outcome is preferred by a majority to any other alternatives.
[Excerpt: Minimal voting requirements]
For any voting procedure to have democratic legitimacy, it should satisfy two minimal requirements. One is that if there exists an alternative, let's call it A, that is preferred by a majority to any other B, C, D, E etc. in a head-to-head vote, the procedure selects alternative A.
[] This alternative is called the Condorcet winner (CW) after the 18th century philosopher and mathematician, the Marquis de Condorcet. Selecting the CW derives its legitimacy from the fact that it is stable, in the sense that once the CW is selected, there is no other alternative that can win a majority vote against it.
[] The second requirement is that the procedure treats all alternatives in the same way. This is the neutrality principle that ensures fairness. It means that how the voting procedure works should not bias the final choice. Thus, voting procedures that treat different alternatives differently by, say, excluding some alternative at some stage of the procedure violate this principle. [...]
[] Given the possibility of strategic voting, a body of academic research using game theory [...] shows that procedures designed with only one round of voting (including the single transferable vote) are insufficient to ensure that the CW is selected.
[] This deficiency undermines the legitimacy of any standard one-round voting procedures. But the deficiency can be overcome by a sequential voting scheme in which in each round, one alternative is eliminated [...].
[] An example of such a procedure is binary sequential voting in which in each round, voters choose between only two alternatives. But this procedure does not obey the neutrality principle [...].
[] Another example of the above is what we call the weakest link procedure [...], and it is what we propose. This is a multi-round election in which in each round, voters [...] would vote between all remaining alternatives and the one with the least votes would be eliminated. Voting continues until only one alternative is left. This procedure satisfies the principle of neutrality and can ensure that the CW is selected (if there is one). [...]
[] [...]},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14680156,conflicts,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty}
}Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and Condorcet Consistency. Bag, P. K., Sabourian, H., & Winter, E. 144(3):1278–1299.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.
@article{bagMultistageVotingSequential2009,
title = {Multi-Stage Voting, Sequential Elimination and {{Condorcet}} Consistency},
author = {Bag, Parimal K. and Sabourian, Hamid and Winter, Eyal},
date = {2009-05},
journaltitle = {Journal of Economic Theory},
volume = {144},
pages = {1278--1299},
issn = {0022-0531},
doi = {10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jet.2008.11.012},
abstract = {A class of voting procedures based on repeated ballots and elimination of one candidate in each round is shown to always induce an outcome in the top cycle and is thus Condorcet consistent, when voters behave strategically. This is an important class as it covers multi-stage, sequential elimination extensions of all standard one-shot voting rules (with the exception of negative voting), the same one-shot rules that would fail Condorcet consistency. The necessity of repeated ballots and sequential elimination are demonstrated by further showing that Condorcet consistency would fail in all standard voting rules that violate one or both of these conditions.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-4368976,decision-making-procedure,democracy,human-behaviour,mathematical-reasoning,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,society,uncertainty},
number = {3}
}Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout. Cressey, D.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on. [Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news. [\n] [...]
@article{cresseyBrexitWatchScientists2016,
title = {Brexit Watch: Scientists Grapple with the Fallout},
author = {Cressey, Daniel},
date = {2016-07},
journaltitle = {Nature},
issn = {1476-4687},
doi = {10.1038/nature.2016.20226},
url = {http://mfkp.org/INRMM/article/14094741},
abstract = {Xenophobia and mobility fears among issues facing researchers two weeks on.
[Excerpt] Two weeks after the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union, the future remains opaque. Concerns within the research community are particularly intense for those who rely on the EU for funding, or who have the right to work in the United Kingdom only because they are citizens of other EU countries. Here is Nature's selection of the week's post-Brexit science news.
[\textbackslash n] [...]},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14094741,~to-add-doi-URL,democracy,europe,geopolitics,research-funding,science-society-interface,uncertainty,united-kingdom,unknown}
}Report of the Working Group "Democratising Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems". Gerold, R., Liberatore, A., Bjorklund, M., Bossenmeyer, G., Cotter, C., Cross, A., Fallon, C., Franca, F., Funtowicz, S., Hurst, R., Kraemer, L., Lebessis, N., Miège, R., Pedersen, L. M., Rogers, M., Shotter, M., & Wagstaffe, P. White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex [Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested. [::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning. [::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet. [::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience. [::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications. [::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making. [::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”. [::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process: [::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks. [::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three. [::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: · Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons. [::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents. [::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries. [::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form. [::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'. [::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives. [\n][...] [Recommended action lines] [::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include: [::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making; [::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making; [::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands; [::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats; [::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest); [::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views; [::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance). [\n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness. [\n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process. [\n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps. [\n][...] [Conclusion] The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration. [\n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). [\n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”.
@book{geroldReportWorkingGroup2001,
title = {Report of the Working Group "{{Democratising}} Expertise and Establishing Scientific Reference Systems"},
author = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela and Bjorklund, Mona and Bossenmeyer, Grete and Cotter, Colette and Cross, Alan and Fallon, Catherine and Franca, Francesco and Funtowicz, Silvio and Hurst, Roderick and Kraemer, Ludwig and Lebessis, Notis and Miège, Robin and Pedersen, Lars M. and Rogers, Michael and Shotter, Michael and Wagstaffe, Peter},
editor = {Gerold, Rainer and Liberatore, Angela},
date = {2001},
publisher = {{White paper on Governance, work area 1, Broadening and enriching the public debate on European matters}},
url = {https://web.archive.org/web/20120117060220/http://ec.europa.eu/governance/areas/group2/report_en.pdf},
abstract = {[Excerpt: Executive summary] [::1] 'Experts' are consulted by policy makers, the media and the public at large to explain and advise on such diverse issues as climate change, employment policy, BSE ('mad cow disease'), and genetically modified organisms. However, many recent cases have shown that expertise, while being increasingly relied upon, is also increasingly contested.
[::2] Furthermore, in the interplay between different levels of governance in the European Union, expertise must be credible across a variety of national scientific and policy cultures. It should be sufficiently robust to support policy proposals both at the Community level and in international arenas. Enlargement presents additional opportunities and challenges: greater diversity and knowledge, but also the need for adaptation and potential for broader societal questioning.
[::3] Community institutions have already responded to the demands for increased accountability and transparency in its policy making process, including the use of expertise. General provisions concerning public access of documents of Community institutions have been adopted. The advisory scientific committees of the Commission were reformed in 1997, and criteria of excellence, independence and transparency were consolidated. The European Commission consults widely by making use of 'Green Papers' on a variety of issues, and makes increasing use of the Internet.
[::4] While building on such positive developments, more is needed to improve the interactions between expertise, policy making and public debate. A number of important issues were identified by the Working Group: the definitions of 'expertise'; the meaning of 'democratising' in this context; the identification of needs and features of European reference systems; uncertainty and the Precautionary Principle; 'independence' and 'integrity'; the factors leading to effectiveness; and the role of the media. In all of these issues, important lessons can be drawn from past and ongoing experience.
[::5] Seven aims were agreed, corresponding to 'democratisation' criteria: access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning and foresight; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. To implement these aims, five action lines were identified as promising avenues for further exploration - at this stage, no assessment has been made of the resource implications.
[::6] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination). The desired outcome is both better quality decisionmaking, and restored trust in the use of expertise in European policy-making.
[::7] Some action lines complement activities foreseen to implement the European Research Area, and may form part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”.
[::8] The action lines are outlined below. A common feature throughout is the need for clear communication strategies to be integrated into the process:
[::8.i] A more complete understanding of the expertise currently used at EU level. An inventory of those sources (committees, agencies, institutes, etc.) currently providing expert advice to EU policy making will add transparency, and will provide a service to policy-makers and those parties, including the media, requiring rapid access to acknowledged expertise. The inventory would initially be limited to EU bodies, but could be expanded to build upon existing national and international databases and networks.
[::8.ii] Establishing guidelines for the selection and functioning of expertise in the policy-making processes. These would implement the previously cited aims of access and transparency; accountability; effectiveness; early warning; independence and integrity; plurality; and quality. More specific rules for individual officials and experts could be enshrined at a later stage in 'codes of conduct'. This action line is expected to act also as a catalyst for the implementation of the following three.
[::8.iii] More openness of expertise and greater opportunity for informed participation by society in policy-making. A number of measures should better connect experts, policy makers and society at large, and make this process more transparent: · Attendance by the public and by stakeholders at meetings where expert advice is developed and transmitted. The objective is to improve access to meetings to the greatest extent possible. The favoured approach calls for all meetings generally to be open with the possibility of restricting access for duly motivated and published reasons.
[::Publication of expert evidence and how it is used in reaching political decision] The objective is to enhance accountability by providing the public and stakeholders with a 'trace' of the path to a particular decision. Implementation rules should be aligned with the recent institutional agreement on public access to documents.
[::Promotion of participatory procedures] The principles of access and accountability demand public debate, knowledge-sharing and scrutiny of policy makers and experts at the grass-roots level. Citizens' juries, consensus conferences, participatory foresight are among the mechanisms implemented on specific topics at local and national level. Drawing on past experiences, steps could be taken to foster these throughout the EU Member States and accession countries.
[::Establishment of intermediary platforms] The objective is to provide more permanent and effective interfaces between experts, policy-makers and the public. This will involve the identification of key bodies capable of synthesising expert material in forms understandable to the public and policy-makers, and/or helping experts better formulate their advice in such a form.
[::8.iv] Broadening and integrating the expertise used in policy-making. The objective is to deliver knowledge for decision making that is 'socially robust'. This implies a notion of expertise that embraces diverse forms of knowledge (plurality). Expertise should be multidisciplinary, multi-sectoral and should include input from academic experts, stakeholders, and civil society. Procedures must be established to review expertise beyond the traditional peer community, including, for example, scrutiny by those possessing local or practical knowledge, or those with an understanding of ethical aspects. This is sometimes referred to as 'extended peer review'.
[::8.v] Greater integration in risk governance processes. The objective is to have wider and deeper integration of expertise during the full cycle of risk governance (identification, assessment, evaluation, management and communication). This will enhance early warning and encompass plurality. The key objective is to ensure an effective interface and networking between risk assessment and risk management at various levels, whilst recognising the iterative nature of the process. An essential element is knowing the capacity in which the actors participate, requiring clear procedures and objectives.
[\textbackslash n][...]
[Recommended action lines]
[::Aims] The international work and the consultation highlighted the fact that making expertise more accessible is important, but that this has to go hand-in-hand with other more fundamental changes. Among these, there was clear call for more accountability and procedures to provide a 'trace' of sources and uses of expertise; procedures to acknowledge minority views; involvement of 'stakeholders' at early stage; and better management of uncertainty. With regard to options for establishing European sientific reference systems, there was a consensus on the need to avoid bureaucratic and overly-centralised modes of operation; to focus on networking (including virtual networking); to allow for review and fexibility; and to develop such systems consistently within the overall 'democratising' approach. Taking acount of all this, a number of options aimed at 'democratising' expertise and establishing European reference systems were explored. Out of the large pool of possible actions, five action lines were identified as particularly promising within the context of the White Paper on Governance. These action lines concern an inventory network on expertise, guidelines on expert advice, procedures to guarantee access and participation, 'extended peer review', integrated procedures for risk governance. Strands of all the action lines are closely interlinked; for this reason they should be treated as related components of an overall strategy. They evolve from existing mechanisms and should be regarded as a contribution to the experimental, open process of learning with which the Commission is particularly engaged at the moment, for example, in the Reform Process. The proposed action lines should help to improve the 'input legitimacy' of the process through which expertise is developed, selected and used and, at the same time, the 'output legitimacy' through the quality and effectiveness of policy decisions as well as public debate. More specifically, the main aims of the action lines include:
[::] access to, and transparency of, the process of the development, selection and use of expertise for policy making;
[::] accountability to citizens and representative institutions of those who provide and use expertise for policy making;
[::] effectiveness in providing expertise - helping to 'deliver' policy decisions that meet citizens' needs and demands;
[::] early warning and foresight to help identify new issues and threats;
[::] 'independence' and 'integrity' (for example, experts should be required to make and update prior declaration of interest);
[::] plurality of sources and types of expertise consulted for policy making and public debate, including acknowledgement of minority views;
[::] quality of expertise (including scientific excellence and policy and social relevance).
[\textbackslash n] The action lines complement and reinforce each other. The Guidelines, depending on the actual content, could meet all the aims and act as the 'catalyst' for the other action lines. The Inventory network can be regarded as a 'service' to the other options by mapping the 'jungle' of sources of expertise. The action line on Access, Participation and Intermediary Platforms focuses on different aspects of transparency. Procedures for 'Extended peer review' aim to reconcile quality, access and accountability (sometimes perceived as conflicting with each other). Finally Integrated Procedures of Risk Governance intend to ensure accountability and effectiveness.
[\textbackslash n] Initially the action lines could be implemented within the Commission. Many of the strands of the action lines could be taken up within other EU institutions. They could also be further exploited at national, regional or local level within the EU through appropriate dialogue with Member States. This could be achieved, for example, through the open method of co-ordination, taking account of national diversities and circumstances. The report does not propose single solutions to be applied in a uniform manner at all these levels. More work will be required for any implementation within the Commission and will certainly be needed for extensions to the other levels. The proposed action lines should be regarded as topics for the start of such a process.
[\textbackslash n] An assessment of the resources (budget, personnel, etc.) needed to eventually implement these action lines, and the comparative analysis between such costs and the expected benefits, are beyond the mandate of this group. Such an assessment would clearly be required before embarking on concrete implementation steps.
[\textbackslash n][...]
[Conclusion]
The working group has made five recommendations that, in its collective view, will contribute to the dual goal of better quality policy-making, and restored trust in the use of expertise. These recommendations are in the form of action lines, representing promising avenues for further exploration.
[\textbackslash n] In the first instance these action lines would apply to the work of the Commission and its departments. As part of this process, discussions would take place with other EU institutions and agencies, and with Member State administrations. This should not only build a common understanding of current practises and priorities, but should also help identify opportunities for eventually adapting and implementing linked actions more widely across the EU (e.g. through the open method of co-ordination).
[\textbackslash n] Further development and implementation of these action lines will be done in the context of the follow-up to the White Paper, and, as far as the European Research Area is concerned, as part of the action plan foreseen by the end of 2001 following the Commission services' working document ” Science, Society and Citizens in Europe”.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-11730512,democracy,epistemology,participatory-modelling,post-normal-science,science-ethics,science-policy-interface}
}Democratic Decisions Establish Stable Authorities That Overcome the Paradox of Second-Order Punishment. Hilbe, C., Traulsen, A., Röhl, T., & Milinski, M. 111(2):201315273–756.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex [Significance] Humans usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. However, such second-order punishment is essential to maintain cooperation. The central authorities established in modern societies punish both free riders and tax evaders. This is a paradox: would individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment strive for an authority that does? We address this puzzle with a mathematical model and an economic experiment. When individuals can choose between authorities by migrating between different communities, we find a costly bias against second-order punishment. When subjects use a majority vote instead, they vote for an authority with second-order punishment. These findings also suggest that other pressing social dilemmas could be solved by democratic voting. [Abstract] Individuals usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. This missing second-order peer punishment is a fundamental problem for the stabilization of cooperation. To solve this problem, most societies today have implemented central authorities that punish free riders and tax evaders alike, such that second-order punishment is fully established. The emergence of such stable authorities from individual decisions, however, creates a new paradox: it seems absurd to expect individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment to strive for an authority that does. Herein, we provide a mathematical model and experimental results from a public goods game where subjects can choose between a community with and without second-order punishment in two different ways. When subjects can migrate continuously to either community, we identify a bias toward institutions that do not punish tax evaders. When subjects have to vote once for all rounds of the game and have to accept the decision of the majority, they prefer a society with second-order punishment. These findings uncover the existence of a democracy premium. The majority-voting rule allows subjects to commit themselves and to implement institutions that eventually lead to a higher welfare for all.
@article{hilbeDemocraticDecisionsEstablish2013,
title = {Democratic Decisions Establish Stable Authorities That Overcome the Paradox of Second-Order Punishment},
author = {Hilbe, Christian and Traulsen, Arne and Röhl, Torsten and Milinski, Manfred},
date = {2013-01},
journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
volume = {111},
pages = {201315273--756},
issn = {1091-6490},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1315273111},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1315273111},
abstract = {[Significance]
Humans usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. However, such second-order punishment is essential to maintain cooperation. The central authorities established in modern societies punish both free riders and tax evaders. This is a paradox: would individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment strive for an authority that does? We address this puzzle with a mathematical model and an economic experiment. When individuals can choose between authorities by migrating between different communities, we find a costly bias against second-order punishment. When subjects use a majority vote instead, they vote for an authority with second-order punishment. These findings also suggest that other pressing social dilemmas could be solved by democratic voting. [Abstract]
Individuals usually punish free riders but refuse to sanction those who cooperate but do not punish. This missing second-order peer punishment is a fundamental problem for the stabilization of cooperation. To solve this problem, most societies today have implemented central authorities that punish free riders and tax evaders alike, such that second-order punishment is fully established. The emergence of such stable authorities from individual decisions, however, creates a new paradox: it seems absurd to expect individuals who do not engage in second-order punishment to strive for an authority that does. Herein, we provide a mathematical model and experimental results from a public goods game where subjects can choose between a community with and without second-order punishment in two different ways. When subjects can migrate continuously to either community, we identify a bias toward institutions that do not punish tax evaders. When subjects have to vote once for all rounds of the game and have to accept the decision of the majority, they prefer a society with second-order punishment. These findings uncover the existence of a democracy premium. The majority-voting rule allows subjects to commit themselves and to implement institutions that eventually lead to a higher welfare for all.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-12921529,cognitive-biases,decision-making,decision-making-procedure,democracy,mathematical-reasoning,paradox,science-based-decision-making,science-policy-interface},
number = {2}
}Do Voting Advice Applications Have an Effect on Electoral Participation and Voter Turnout? Evidence from the 2007 Swiss Federal Elections. Ladner, A. & Pianzola, J. In Tambouris, E., Macintosh, A., & Glassey, O., editors, Electronic Participation, volume 6229, of Lecture Notes in Computer Science, pages 211–224. Springer Berlin Heidelberg.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) render a valuable platform for tackling one of democracy's central challenges: low voter turnout. Studies indicate that lack of information and cost-benefit considerations cause voters to abstain from voting. VAAs are online voting assistance tools which match own political preferences with those of candidates and parties in elections. By assisting voters in their decision-making process prior to casting their votes, VAAs not only rebut rational choice reasoning against voting but also narrow existing information gaps. In this paper we examine the impact of VAAs on participation and voter turnout. Specifically, we present results on how the Swiss VAA smartvote affected voter turnout in the 2007 federal elections. Our analyses suggest that smartvote does have a mobilizing capacity, especially among young voters who are usually underrepresented at polls. Moreover, the study demonstrates how VAAs such as smartvote do affect citizen's propensity to deal with politics in general.
@incollection{ladnerVotingAdviceApplications2010,
title = {Do Voting Advice Applications Have an Effect on Electoral Participation and Voter Turnout? {{Evidence}} from the 2007 {{Swiss}} Federal Elections},
booktitle = {Electronic {{Participation}}},
author = {Ladner, Andreas and Pianzola, Joëlle},
editor = {Tambouris, Efthimios and Macintosh, Ann and Glassey, Olivier},
date = {2010},
volume = {6229},
pages = {211--224},
publisher = {{Springer Berlin Heidelberg}},
doi = {10.1007/978-3-642-15158-3\\_18},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-15158-3_18},
abstract = {Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) render a valuable platform for tackling one of democracy's central challenges: low voter turnout. Studies indicate that lack of information and cost-benefit considerations cause voters to abstain from voting. VAAs are online voting assistance tools which match own political preferences with those of candidates and parties in elections. By assisting voters in their decision-making process prior to casting their votes, VAAs not only rebut rational choice reasoning against voting but also narrow existing information gaps. In this paper we examine the impact of VAAs on participation and voter turnout. Specifically, we present results on how the Swiss VAA smartvote affected voter turnout in the 2007 federal elections. Our analyses suggest that smartvote does have a mobilizing capacity, especially among young voters who are usually underrepresented at polls. Moreover, the study demonstrates how VAAs such as smartvote do affect citizen's propensity to deal with politics in general.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14088110,~to-add-doi-URL,communicating-uncertainty,democracy,digital-society,information-systems,participation,science-society-interface,technology-mediated-communication,web-and-information-technologies},
series = {Lecture {{Notes}} in {{Computer Science}}}
}Equality Bias Impairs Collective Decision-Making across Cultures. Mahmoodi, A., Bang, D., Olsen, K., Zhao, Y. A., Shi, Z., Broberg, K., Safavi, S., Han, S., Ahmadabadi, M. N., Frith, C. D., Roepstorff, A., Rees, G., & Bahrami, B. 112(12):3835–3840.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex [Significance] When making decisions together, we tend to give everyone an equal chance to voice their opinion. To make the best decisions, however, each opinion must be scaled according to its reliability. Using behavioral experiments and computational modelling, we tested (in Denmark, Iran, and China) the extent to which people follow this latter, normative strategy. We found that people show a strong equality bias: they weight each other's opinion equally regardless of differences in their reliability, even when this strategy was at odds with explicit feedback or monetary incentives. [Abstract] We tend to think that everyone deserves an equal say in a debate. This seemingly innocuous assumption can be damaging when we make decisions together as part of a group. To make optimal decisions, group members should weight their differing opinions according to how competent they are relative to one another; whenever they differ in competence, an equal weighting is suboptimal. Here, we asked how people deal with individual differences in competence in the context of a collective perceptual decision-making task. We developed a metric for estimating how participants weight their partner's opinion relative to their own and compared this weighting to an optimal benchmark. Replicated across three countries (Denmark, Iran, and China), we show that participants assigned nearly equal weights to each other's opinions regardless of true differences in their competence – even when informed by explicit feedback about their competence gap or under monetary incentives to maximize collective accuracy. This equality bias, whereby people behave as if they are as good or as bad as their partner, is particularly costly for a group when a competence gap separates its members.
@article{mahmoodiEqualityBiasImpairs2015,
title = {Equality Bias Impairs Collective Decision-Making across Cultures},
author = {Mahmoodi, Ali and Bang, Dan and Olsen, Karsten and Zhao, Yuanyuan A. and Shi, Zhenhao and Broberg, Kristina and Safavi, Shervin and Han, Shihui and Ahmadabadi, Majid N. and Frith, Chris D. and Roepstorff, Andreas and Rees, Geraint and Bahrami, Bahador},
date = {2015-03},
journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
volume = {112},
pages = {3835--3840},
issn = {1091-6490},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1421692112},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1421692112},
abstract = {[Significance]
When making decisions together, we tend to give everyone an equal chance to voice their opinion. To make the best decisions, however, each opinion must be scaled according to its reliability. Using behavioral experiments and computational modelling, we tested (in Denmark, Iran, and China) the extent to which people follow this latter, normative strategy. We found that people show a strong equality bias: they weight each other's opinion equally regardless of differences in their reliability, even when this strategy was at odds with explicit feedback or monetary incentives.
[Abstract]
We tend to think that everyone deserves an equal say in a debate. This seemingly innocuous assumption can be damaging when we make decisions together as part of a group. To make optimal decisions, group members should weight their differing opinions according to how competent they are relative to one another; whenever they differ in competence, an equal weighting is suboptimal. Here, we asked how people deal with individual differences in competence in the context of a collective perceptual decision-making task. We developed a metric for estimating how participants weight their partner's opinion relative to their own and compared this weighting to an optimal benchmark. Replicated across three countries (Denmark, Iran, and China), we show that participants assigned nearly equal weights to each other's opinions regardless of true differences in their competence -- even when informed by explicit feedback about their competence gap or under monetary incentives to maximize collective accuracy. This equality bias, whereby people behave as if they are as good or as bad as their partner, is particularly costly for a group when a competence gap separates its members.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13545322,~to-add-doi-URL,cognitive-biases,decision-making,decision-making-procedure,democracy,feedback,knowledge-integration,science-based-decision-making,science-policy-interface,weighting},
number = {12}
}Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future. Morin, E. UNESCO.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.
@book{morinSevenComplexLessons2001,
title = {Seven Complex Lessons in Education for the Future},
author = {Morin, Edgar},
date = {2001},
publisher = {{UNESCO}},
url = {http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001230/123074e.pdf},
abstract = {Examines fundamental problems often overlooked or neglected in education. These problems are presented as "seven complex lessons" that should be covered in an education of the future in all societies in every culture, according to means and rules appropriate to those societies and cultures.},
isbn = {92-3-103778-1},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13337437,control-problem,democracy,education,feedback,science-ethics,system-theory}
}Science and Culture: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board. Ornes, S. 115(26):6515–6517.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex [UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases – one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland – were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases – in Texas and North Carolina – that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps. [Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering – the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.
@article{ornesScienceCultureMath2018,
title = {Science and {{Culture}}: Math Tools Send Legislators Back to the Drawing Board},
author = {Ornes, Stephen},
date = {2018-06},
journaltitle = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
volume = {115},
pages = {6515--6517},
issn = {1091-6490},
doi = {10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1807901115},
abstract = {[UPDATE] On June 18, 2018, after this article went to press, the Supreme Court of the United States ruled on two high-profile cases related to partisan gerrymandering. In effect, the rulings sidestepped the issue of when partisan gerrymandering is unconstitutional. Both cases -- one concerning voting districts in Wisconsin, the other in Maryland -- were sent back to lower courts. On June 25, the SCOTUS ruled on two other cases -- in Texas and North Carolina -- that will mostly let stand the use of purportedly gerrymandered maps.
[Abstract] On January 9, 2018, a trio of federal judges made history when they ruled that the boundaries of North Carolina's congressional voting districts gave an unfair advantage to Republican candidates. It was the first case in the nation in which a federal court had declared congressional maps unconstitutional because of intentional bias in favor of one party. The case was all the more remarkable because the court decision relied in part on mathematical tools that can probe the practice of gerrymandering -- the drawing of voting districts to give an intentional advantage to one party.},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14608074,~to-add-doi-URL,antipattern,cherry-picking,crisp-vs-fuzzy,democracy,gerrymandering,indicator-driven-bias,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,spatial-pattern,technology-mediated-communication,trade-offs},
number = {26}
}Communication: Science Censorship Is a Global Issue. Ritchie, E. G., Driscoll, D. A., & Maron, M. 542(7640):165.
Paper doi abstract bibtex
Paper doi abstract bibtex [Excerpt] [...] Regrettably, suppression of public scientific information is already the norm, or is being attempted, in many countries [...]. We fear that such gagging orders could encourage senior bureaucrats to use funding as a tool with which to rein in academic freedoms. [...] The response of scientists to this type of coercion has been to share scientific information widely and openly using such legal means as social media to defend facts and transparency [...]
@article{ritchieCommunicationScienceCensorship2017,
title = {Communication: Science Censorship Is a Global Issue},
author = {Ritchie, Euan G. and Driscoll, Don A. and Maron, Martine},
date = {2017-02},
journaltitle = {Nature},
volume = {542},
pages = {165},
issn = {0028-0836},
doi = {10.1038/542165b},
url = {https://doi.org/10.1038/542165b},
abstract = {[Excerpt] [...] Regrettably, suppression of public scientific information is already the norm, or is being attempted, in many countries [...]. We fear that such gagging orders could encourage senior bureaucrats to use funding as a tool with which to rein in academic freedoms. [...] The response of scientists to this type of coercion has been to share scientific information widely and openly using such legal means as social media to defend facts and transparency [...]},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-14274907,~to-add-doi-URL,confirmation-bias,democracy,ethics,free-scientific-knowledge,freedom,global-scale,knowledge-freedom,publication-bias,research-funding,science-ethics,science-policy-interface,science-society-interface,scientific-communication,scientific-knowledge-sharing,scientific-misconduct},
number = {7640}
}Privacy, Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement. Strandburg, K. J., Barocas, S., Nissenbaum, H., Acquisti, A., Ohm, P., Stodden, V., Koonin, S. E., Holland, M. J., Goerge, R. M., Elias, P., Greenwood, D., Stopczynski, A., Sweatt, B., Hardjono, T., Pentland, A., Landwehr, C., Wilbanks, J., Kreuter, F., Peng, R., Karr, A. F., Reiter, J. P., & Dwork, C. Cambridge University Press.
Paper abstract bibtex
Paper abstract bibtex Massive amounts of new data on human beings can now be accessed and analyzed. Much has been made of the many uses of such data for pragmatic purposes, including selling goods and services, winning political campaigns, and identifying possible terrorists. Yet ” big data” can also be harnessed to serve the public good: scientists can use new forms of data to do research that improves the lives of human beings, federal, state and local governments can use data to improve services and reduce taxpayer costs, and public organizations can use information to advocate for public causes. Much has also been made of the privacy and confidentiality issues associated with access. A survey of statisticians at the 2013 Joint Statistical Meeting found that the majority thought consumers should worry about privacy issues, and that an ethical framework should be in place to guide data scientists. Yet there are many unanswered questions. What are the ethical and legal requirements for scientists and government officials seeking to serve the public good without harming individual citizens? What are the rules of engagement? What are the best ways to provide access while protecting confidentiality? Are there reasonable mechanisms to compensate citizens for privacy loss? The goal of this book is to answer some of these questions. The book's authors paint an intellectual landscape that includes the legal, economic and statistical context necessary to frame the many privacy issues, including the value to the public of data access. The authors also identify core practical approaches that use new technologies to simultaneously maximize the utility of data access while minimizing information risk. As is appropriate for such a new and evolving field, each chapter also identifies important questions that require future research. The work in this book is also intended to be accessible to an audience broader than the academy. In addition to informing the public, we hope that the book will be useful to people trying to provide data access but protect confidentiality in the roles as data custodians for federal, state and local agencies, or decision makers on institutional review boards.
@book{strandburgPrivacyBigData2014,
title = {Privacy, Big Data, and the Public Good: Frameworks for Engagement},
author = {Strandburg, Katherine J. and Barocas, Solon and Nissenbaum, Helen and Acquisti, Alessandro and Ohm, Paul and Stodden, Victoria and Koonin, Steven E. and Holland, Michael J. and Goerge, Robert M. and Elias, Peter and Greenwood, Daniel and Stopczynski, Arkadiusz and Sweatt, Brian and Hardjono, Thomas and Pentland, Alex and Landwehr, Carl and Wilbanks, John and Kreuter, Frauke and Peng, Roger and Karr, Alan F. and Reiter, Jerome P. and Dwork, Cynthia},
editor = {Lane, Julia I. and Stodden, Victoria and Bender, Stefan and Nissenbaum, Helen},
date = {2014},
publisher = {{Cambridge University Press}},
url = {http://www.dataprivacybook.org/book-contents},
abstract = {Massive amounts of new data on human beings can now be accessed and analyzed. Much has been made of the many uses of such data for pragmatic purposes, including selling goods and services, winning political campaigns, and identifying possible terrorists. Yet ” big data” can also be harnessed to serve the public good: scientists can use new forms of data to do research that improves the lives of human beings, federal, state and local governments can use data to improve services and reduce taxpayer costs, and public organizations can use information to advocate for public causes.
Much has also been made of the privacy and confidentiality issues associated with access. A survey of statisticians at the 2013 Joint Statistical Meeting found that the majority thought consumers should worry about privacy issues, and that an ethical framework should be in place to guide data scientists. Yet there are many unanswered questions. What are the ethical and legal requirements for scientists and government officials seeking to serve the public good without harming individual citizens? What are the rules of engagement? What are the best ways to provide access while protecting confidentiality? Are there reasonable mechanisms to compensate citizens for privacy loss?
The goal of this book is to answer some of these questions. The book's authors paint an intellectual landscape that includes the legal, economic and statistical context necessary to frame the many privacy issues, including the value to the public of data access. The authors also identify core practical approaches that use new technologies to simultaneously maximize the utility of data access while minimizing information risk. As is appropriate for such a new and evolving field, each chapter also identifies important questions that require future research.
The work in this book is also intended to be accessible to an audience broader than the academy. In addition to informing the public, we hope that the book will be useful to people trying to provide data access but protect confidentiality in the roles as data custodians for federal, state and local agencies, or decision makers on institutional review boards.},
isbn = {978-1-107-06735-6},
keywords = {*imported-from-citeulike-INRMM,~INRMM-MiD:c-13164441,big-data,democracy,freedom,knowledge-freedom,legal-issues,legislation,science-ethics,science-policy-interface}
}