@unpublished{
 title = {Racial Inequality in the Labor Market},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2025},
 websites = {https://www.nber.org/papers/w33372},
 institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
 series = {NBER Working Paper Series},
 revision = {33372},
 id = {f0a34e6e-b0eb-332f-b628-cdcc54f2f76c},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:25.528Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:25.528Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In this chapter, we introduce a new framework for studying the evolution of racial inequality in the labor market. The framework encompasses two broad forces–distributional and positional–that affect labor market gaps by racial and ethnic identity over time. We provide long-run results on the evolution of Black-White earnings gaps, including new results for Black and White women, and we review the evidence on historical factors affecting racial gaps. We then provide new results on racial gaps among other groups in the US and discuss the evidence on racial gaps outside the US We then discuss the role of prejudice-based discrimination in driving racial gaps, particularly in the post-civil-rights era, a period when such discrimination has been thought to play a declining role in racial inequality. We describe forces that can amplify existing discrimination, such as monopsony and workers’ perceptions of prejudice in the economy, and we discuss recent literature directly measuring discrimination through expanded audit studies and quasi-experimental variation. We conclude with a discussion of existing and new frontiers on race in the labor market, including stratification, reformulations of prejudice, and understanding the way race has shaped purportedly race-neutral institutions throughout the economy.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Bayer, Patrick and Charles, Kerwin Kofi and Derenoncourt, Ellora},
 doi = {10.3386/w33372}
}

In this chapter, we introduce a new framework for studying the evolution of racial inequality in the labor market. The framework encompasses two broad forces–distributional and positional–that affect labor market gaps by racial and ethnic identity over time. We provide long-run results on the evolution of Black-White earnings gaps, including new results for Black and White women, and we review the evidence on historical factors affecting racial gaps. We then provide new results on racial gaps among other groups in the US and discuss the evidence on racial gaps outside the US We then discuss the role of prejudice-based discrimination in driving racial gaps, particularly in the post-civil-rights era, a period when such discrimination has been thought to play a declining role in racial inequality. We describe forces that can amplify existing discrimination, such as monopsony and workers’ perceptions of prejudice in the economy, and we discuss recent literature directly measuring discrimination through expanded audit studies and quasi-experimental variation. We conclude with a discussion of existing and new frontiers on race in the labor market, including stratification, reformulations of prejudice, and understanding the way race has shaped purportedly race-neutral institutions throughout the economy.

@article{
 title = {Community Engagement with Law Enforcement after High-Profile Acts of Police Violence},
 type = {article},
 year = {2025},
 pages = {124-140},
 volume = {7},
 websites = {https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/aeri.20230572},
 id = {92acd8a1-7417-3329-9a0c-22ce506b21b3},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:26.161Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:26.161Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We document a sharp rise in gunshots coupled with declining 911 call volume across 13 major US cities in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd. National survey data also indicate that victims of crime became less likely to report their victimization to law enforcement due to mistrust of police. Our results suggest that high-profile acts of police violence may erode community engagement with law enforcement and highlight the call-to-shot ratio as a natural measure of attitudes toward the police.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Ang, Desmond and Bencsik, Panka and Bruhn, Jesse and Derenoncourt, Ellora},
 doi = {10.1257/aeri.20230572},
 journal = {American Economic Review: Insights},
 number = {1}
}

We document a sharp rise in gunshots coupled with declining 911 call volume across 13 major US cities in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd. National survey data also indicate that victims of crime became less likely to report their victimization to law enforcement due to mistrust of police. Our results suggest that high-profile acts of police violence may erode community engagement with law enforcement and highlight the call-to-shot ratio as a natural measure of attitudes toward the police.

@article{
 title = {Atlantic Slavery's Impact on European and British Economic Development},
 type = {article},
 year = {2025},
 pages = {1-19},
 volume = {5},
 websites = {http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/115.00000086},
 id = {70f34c9f-d515-339d-8e6c-7f7b3eae40f5},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:27.016Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:27.016Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The economics literature on Atlantic slavery attests to its negative long-run impact on development outcomes in Africa and the Americas. What was slavery's impact on Europe? In this paper, I test the hypothesis that slavery contributed to modern economic growth in Europe using data on European participation in the Atlantic slave trade. I estimate a panel fixed effects model and show that the number of slaving voyages is positively associated with European city growth from 1600 to 1850. A 10% increase in slaving voyages is associated with a 1.1% increase in port city population. Using a newly created dataset on British port-level trade, I show that for the UK, this effect is distinct from that of general overseas trade, which also increased during this period.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora},
 doi = {10.1561/115.00000086},
 journal = {Journal of Historical Political Economy},
 number = {1}
}

The economics literature on Atlantic slavery attests to its negative long-run impact on development outcomes in Africa and the Americas. What was slavery's impact on Europe? In this paper, I test the hypothesis that slavery contributed to modern economic growth in Europe using data on European participation in the Atlantic slave trade. I estimate a panel fixed effects model and show that the number of slaving voyages is positively associated with European city growth from 1600 to 1850. A 10% increase in slaving voyages is associated with a 1.1% increase in port city population. Using a newly created dataset on British port-level trade, I show that for the UK, this effect is distinct from that of general overseas trade, which also increased during this period.

@misc{
 title = {Beliefs about What Disadvantaged Groups Would Do with Power Shape Advantaged Groups’ (Un)Willingness to Relinquish it},
 type = {misc},
 year = {2025},
 websites = {https://osf.io/mjtvc_v2},
 publisher = {OSF},
 id = {c35b731b-a6ed-3789-a9d8-40c953813e23},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:28.565Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:28.565Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Dominant groups often resist possible changes to the hierarchical status quo. Might such tendencies be partly rooted in negative—yet potentially malleable—meta-beliefs about how disempowered groups would use power if they gained control? We investigate these questions across three studies and eight independent samples (Total N = 7,460 analyzed responses) in the context of Black-White relations in the United States. Specifically, we examine White Americans’ meta-beliefs about whether Black Americans desire power to structure society into a hierarchy in which they are dominant versus to institute equality for all groups (i.e., meta-dominance beliefs). Across 6 cross-sectional sub-samples (Study 1, Samples A-F; N = 3,383), we developed and validated a measure of meta-dominance, and found that White Americans varied substantially in their beliefs about how Black Americans would use power. Critically, Whites’ meta-dominance beliefs were uniquely related to their opposition to policies empowering Black Americans as well as their support for efforts to maintain Whites’ position atop the social hierarchy, even when controlling for a range of relevant constructs. In two pre-registered experiments among White Americans (Studies 2-3; N = 4,077), one of which was a registered report, we tested two possible causal pathways that might explain this relation: (1) “Meta-Dominance Beliefs leads to Opposition to Black Empowerment” and (2) “Opposition to Black Empowerment leads to Meta-Dominance Beliefs”. We found evidence in support of the “Meta-Dominance Beliefs leads to Opposition to Black Empowerment” pathway, but not for the latter Opposition to Black Empowerment leads to Meta-Dominance Beliefs” pathway. We discuss our findings’ implications for theories of hierarchy-maintenance.},
 bibtype = {misc},
 author = {Kachanoff, Frank and Sheehy-Skeffington, Jennifer and Ho, Arnold and Richeson, Jennifer and Kteily, Nour},
 doi = {10.31234/osf.io/mjtvc_v2}
}

Dominant groups often resist possible changes to the hierarchical status quo. Might such tendencies be partly rooted in negative—yet potentially malleable—meta-beliefs about how disempowered groups would use power if they gained control? We investigate these questions across three studies and eight independent samples (Total N = 7,460 analyzed responses) in the context of Black-White relations in the United States. Specifically, we examine White Americans’ meta-beliefs about whether Black Americans desire power to structure society into a hierarchy in which they are dominant versus to institute equality for all groups (i.e., meta-dominance beliefs). Across 6 cross-sectional sub-samples (Study 1, Samples A-F; N = 3,383), we developed and validated a measure of meta-dominance, and found that White Americans varied substantially in their beliefs about how Black Americans would use power. Critically, Whites’ meta-dominance beliefs were uniquely related to their opposition to policies empowering Black Americans as well as their support for efforts to maintain Whites’ position atop the social hierarchy, even when controlling for a range of relevant constructs. In two pre-registered experiments among White Americans (Studies 2-3; N = 4,077), one of which was a registered report, we tested two possible causal pathways that might explain this relation: (1) “Meta-Dominance Beliefs leads to Opposition to Black Empowerment” and (2) “Opposition to Black Empowerment leads to Meta-Dominance Beliefs”. We found evidence in support of the “Meta-Dominance Beliefs leads to Opposition to Black Empowerment” pathway, but not for the latter Opposition to Black Empowerment leads to Meta-Dominance Beliefs” pathway. We discuss our findings’ implications for theories of hierarchy-maintenance.

@unpublished{
 title = {Framing Intergroup Inequality as Structural Improves White American Support for Equity-Enhancing Policy},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2025},
 websites = {https://www.ipr.northwestern.edu/documents/working-papers/2025/wp-25-17.pdf},
 institution = {Northwestern Institute for Policy Research},
 series = {IPR Working Paper Series},
 revision = {25-17},
 id = {5d340e64-46f8-30b0-a2dc-baba4fa9f82f},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:29.064Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:29.064Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Economic inequality harms the majority of Americans, yet psychological processes can hinder White Americans’ recognition of its racial patterning and structural causes, which has implications for support of equity-enhancing policies. The researchers hypothesized that making the racial components of inequality salient would, all else equal, decrease White Americans’ support for policies aimed at ensuring economic equality. However, they also hypothesized that providing context for racial inequality, by highlighting its structural causes, would increase White Americans’ support for policies aimed at ensuring economic equality. Though the individual study results were idiosyncratic, these hypotheses were supported in a meta-analysis across two experiments (N1= 873; N2= 756) that manipulated both the racial salience of inequality and the provision of structural context. The studies indicate that intergroup concerns among White Americans can impede efforts to address inequality, but contextualizing racial inequality as structurally-derived can help to overcome such obstacles.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Burns, Megan and Callaghan, Bennett and Rucker, Julian and Richeson, Jennifer and Kraus, Michael}
}

Economic inequality harms the majority of Americans, yet psychological processes can hinder White Americans’ recognition of its racial patterning and structural causes, which has implications for support of equity-enhancing policies. The researchers hypothesized that making the racial components of inequality salient would, all else equal, decrease White Americans’ support for policies aimed at ensuring economic equality. However, they also hypothesized that providing context for racial inequality, by highlighting its structural causes, would increase White Americans’ support for policies aimed at ensuring economic equality. Though the individual study results were idiosyncratic, these hypotheses were supported in a meta-analysis across two experiments (N1= 873; N2= 756) that manipulated both the racial salience of inequality and the provision of structural context. The studies indicate that intergroup concerns among White Americans can impede efforts to address inequality, but contextualizing racial inequality as structurally-derived can help to overcome such obstacles.

@unpublished{
 title = {The Role of Single Motherhood in America’s High Child Poverty},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2024},
 source = {LIS Working Paper Series},
 websites = {https://www.lisdatacenter.org/wps/liswps/881.pdf},
 institution = {LIS},
 series = {LIS Working Paper Series},
 revision = {881},
 id = {3ba5ca14-abfd-3be8-87b8-9ad0f48aa8de},
 created = {2024-07-29T15:47:45.379Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T15:47:45.379Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Brady2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Many claim a high prevalence of single motherhood plays a significant role in America’s high child poverty. Using the Luxembourg Income Study, we compare the “prevalences and penalties” for child poverty across 30 rich democracies and over-time within the U.S. 1979-2019. Several descriptive patterns contradict the importance of single motherhood. The U.S. prevalence of single motherhood is cross-nationally moderate and typical, and historically stable. Also, child poverty and the prevalence of single motherhood have trended in opposite directions in recent decades in the U.S. More important than the prevalence of single motherhood, the U.S. stands out for having the highest penalty across 30 rich democracies. Counterfactual simulations demonstrate that reducing single motherhood would not substantially reduce child poverty. Even if there was zero single motherhood: (a) the U.S. would not change from having the fourth highest child poverty rate; (b) the 41-year trend in child poverty would be very similar; and (c) the extreme racial inequalities in child poverty would not decline. Rather than the prevalence of single motherhood, the high penalty for single motherhood and extremely high Black and Latino child poverty rates – that exist regardless of single motherhood – are far more important to America’s high child poverty.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Brady, David and Baker, Regina and Finnigan, Ryan}
}

Many claim a high prevalence of single motherhood plays a significant role in America’s high child poverty. Using the Luxembourg Income Study, we compare the “prevalences and penalties” for child poverty across 30 rich democracies and over-time within the U.S. 1979-2019. Several descriptive patterns contradict the importance of single motherhood. The U.S. prevalence of single motherhood is cross-nationally moderate and typical, and historically stable. Also, child poverty and the prevalence of single motherhood have trended in opposite directions in recent decades in the U.S. More important than the prevalence of single motherhood, the U.S. stands out for having the highest penalty across 30 rich democracies. Counterfactual simulations demonstrate that reducing single motherhood would not substantially reduce child poverty. Even if there was zero single motherhood: (a) the U.S. would not change from having the fourth highest child poverty rate; (b) the 41-year trend in child poverty would be very similar; and (c) the extreme racial inequalities in child poverty would not decline. Rather than the prevalence of single motherhood, the high penalty for single motherhood and extremely high Black and Latino child poverty rates – that exist regardless of single motherhood – are far more important to America’s high child poverty.

@article{
 title = {Family Tree Branches and Southern Roots: Contemporary Racial Differences in Marriage in Intergenerational and Contextual Perspective},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {1084–1135},
 volume = {129},
 websites = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/728735},
 id = {388d00dd-0ed0-368e-97b5-b4a01c68ab84},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.087Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.087Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Bloome2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Individuals’ life outcomes are rooted in their parents’ and grandparents’ experiences, which, in turn, are rooted in the places where they grew up. In the United States, Black (grand)parents were more likely than White (grand)parents to grow up in the South. Intergenerational theories predict that this racial difference in southern family lineages will shape racial differences in many life outcomes. The authors test this hypothesis using marriage as a case study. Linking Panel Study of Income Dynamics’ data to external sources, they document that southern family lineages positively predict marriage, they trace the implications of this prediction for marriage inequalities, and they provide some insights into the factors driving this prediction. Within each birth cohort, greater exposure to southern lineage’s marriage pressures among Black than White people is associated with smaller marriage inequalities. Across cohorts, larger declines in this exposure among Black than White people, due to the Great Migration out of the South, are associated with larger marriage inequalities. The authors show how family dynamics channel historical place-based inequalities into contemporary racial inequalities, by combining intergenerational and contextual approaches. Other researchers could employ this combined intergenerational-contextual approach to further illuminate how the past shapes the present.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Bloome, Deirdre and Pace, Garrett T.},
 doi = {10.1086/728735},
 journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
 number = {4}
}

Individuals’ life outcomes are rooted in their parents’ and grandparents’ experiences, which, in turn, are rooted in the places where they grew up. In the United States, Black (grand)parents were more likely than White (grand)parents to grow up in the South. Intergenerational theories predict that this racial difference in southern family lineages will shape racial differences in many life outcomes. The authors test this hypothesis using marriage as a case study. Linking Panel Study of Income Dynamics’ data to external sources, they document that southern family lineages positively predict marriage, they trace the implications of this prediction for marriage inequalities, and they provide some insights into the factors driving this prediction. Within each birth cohort, greater exposure to southern lineage’s marriage pressures among Black than White people is associated with smaller marriage inequalities. Across cohorts, larger declines in this exposure among Black than White people, due to the Great Migration out of the South, are associated with larger marriage inequalities. The authors show how family dynamics channel historical place-based inequalities into contemporary racial inequalities, by combining intergenerational and contextual approaches. Other researchers could employ this combined intergenerational-contextual approach to further illuminate how the past shapes the present.

@article{
 title = {The Economic Context of Higher Education Expansion: Race, Gender, and Household Finances Across Cohorts and Generations},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {430–443},
 volume = {45},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10834-023-09918-8},
 id = {89eb5bee-0223-35ba-9c9a-f3439808809d},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.090Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.090Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Quadlin2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This article assesses how the economic context of higher education expansion since the mid-20th century has shaped families’ financial lives—in terms of income and wealth/debt—as well as how these trends have differed for Black and White women and men. We use data from the NLSY-79 (comprising trailing-edge Baby Boomers) and NLSY-97 (comprising early Millennials) to show how academically similar students in these two cohorts fared in terms of educational attainment, household income, household wealth, and total student debt accrued by age 35. While we discuss findings across race-gender groups, our results call attention to the education-related economic disadvantages faced by Black women that have accelerated across cohorts. Over time, Black women’s educational attainment has increased substantially, and high-achieving Black women, in particular, have become uniquely likely to progress beyond the BA. But while high-achieving Black women have made many advances in higher education, they also have become more likely than similarly high-achieving White men, White women, and Black men to have zero or negative wealth at the household level, and to accrue student debt for themselves and for their children. Our findings demonstrate that the costs of expanded access to credit for higher education have not been borne equally across race, gender, and achievement, and that these patterns have multigenerational financial consequences for college attendees and their families.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Quadlin, Natasha and Conwell, Jordan A. and Rouhani, Shiva},
 doi = {10.1007/s10834-023-09918-8},
 journal = {Journal of Family and Economic Issues},
 number = {2}
}

This article assesses how the economic context of higher education expansion since the mid-20th century has shaped families’ financial lives—in terms of income and wealth/debt—as well as how these trends have differed for Black and White women and men. We use data from the NLSY-79 (comprising trailing-edge Baby Boomers) and NLSY-97 (comprising early Millennials) to show how academically similar students in these two cohorts fared in terms of educational attainment, household income, household wealth, and total student debt accrued by age 35. While we discuss findings across race-gender groups, our results call attention to the education-related economic disadvantages faced by Black women that have accelerated across cohorts. Over time, Black women’s educational attainment has increased substantially, and high-achieving Black women, in particular, have become uniquely likely to progress beyond the BA. But while high-achieving Black women have made many advances in higher education, they also have become more likely than similarly high-achieving White men, White women, and Black men to have zero or negative wealth at the household level, and to accrue student debt for themselves and for their children. Our findings demonstrate that the costs of expanded access to credit for higher education have not been borne equally across race, gender, and achievement, and that these patterns have multigenerational financial consequences for college attendees and their families.

@unpublished{
 title = {The Evolution of Black-White Differences in Occupational Mobility Across Post-Civil War America},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2024},
 source = {NBER Working Papers},
 websites = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w32370.pdf},
 institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
 series = {NBER Working Papers},
 revision = {32370},
 id = {82185e06-ad13-388f-b977-31810a89c3ba},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.283Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.283Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Durlauf2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This paper studies long-run differences in intergenerational occupational mobility between Black and White Americans. Combining data from linked historical censuses and contemporary large-scale surveys, we provide a comprehensive set of mobility measures based on Markov chains that trace the short- and long-run dynamics of occupational differences. Our findings highlight the unique importance of changes in mobility experienced by the 1940–1950 birth cohort in shaping the current occupational distribution and reducing the racial occupational gap. We further explore the properties of continuing occupational inequalities and argue that these disparities are better understood by a lack of exchange mobility rather than structural mobility. Thus, contemporary occupational disparities cannot be expected to disappear based on the occupational dynamics seen historically.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Durlauf, Steven and Kim, Gueyon and Lee, Dohyeon and Song, Xi},
 doi = {10.3386/w32370}
}

This paper studies long-run differences in intergenerational occupational mobility between Black and White Americans. Combining data from linked historical censuses and contemporary large-scale surveys, we provide a comprehensive set of mobility measures based on Markov chains that trace the short- and long-run dynamics of occupational differences. Our findings highlight the unique importance of changes in mobility experienced by the 1940–1950 birth cohort in shaping the current occupational distribution and reducing the racial occupational gap. We further explore the properties of continuing occupational inequalities and argue that these disparities are better understood by a lack of exchange mobility rather than structural mobility. Thus, contemporary occupational disparities cannot be expected to disappear based on the occupational dynamics seen historically.

@article{
 title = {Wealth of Two Nations: The U.S. Racial Wealth Gap, 1860–2020},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {693–750},
 volume = {139},
 websites = {https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/139/2/693/7276493},
 id = {bfd8cb4b-fa1a-3eeb-a1fd-9098ddaacd4a},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.298Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.298Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The racial wealth gap is the largest of the economic disparities between Black and white Americans, with a white-to-Black per capita wealth ratio of 6 to 1. It is also among the most persistent. In this article, we construct the first continuous series on white-to-Black per capita wealth ratios from 1860 to 2020, drawing on historical census data, early state tax records, and historical waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances, among other sources. Incorporating these data into a parsimonious model of wealth accumulation for each racial group, we document the role played by initial conditions, income growth, savings behavior, and capital returns in the evolution of the gap. Given vastly different starting conditions under slavery, racial wealth convergence would remain a distant scenario, even if wealth-accumulating conditions had been equal across the two groups since Emancipation. Relative to this equal-conditions benchmark, we find that observed convergence has followed an even slower path over the past 150 years, with convergence stalling after 1950. Since the 1980s, the wealth gap has widened again as capital gains have predominantly benefited white households, and convergence via income growth and savings has come to a halt.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora and Kim, Chi Hyun and Kuhn, Moritz and Schularick, Moritz},
 doi = {10.1093/qje/qjad044},
 journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
 number = {2}
}

The racial wealth gap is the largest of the economic disparities between Black and white Americans, with a white-to-Black per capita wealth ratio of 6 to 1. It is also among the most persistent. In this article, we construct the first continuous series on white-to-Black per capita wealth ratios from 1860 to 2020, drawing on historical census data, early state tax records, and historical waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances, among other sources. Incorporating these data into a parsimonious model of wealth accumulation for each racial group, we document the role played by initial conditions, income growth, savings behavior, and capital returns in the evolution of the gap. Given vastly different starting conditions under slavery, racial wealth convergence would remain a distant scenario, even if wealth-accumulating conditions had been equal across the two groups since Emancipation. Relative to this equal-conditions benchmark, we find that observed convergence has followed an even slower path over the past 150 years, with convergence stalling after 1950. Since the 1980s, the wealth gap has widened again as capital gains have predominantly benefited white households, and convergence via income growth and savings has come to a halt.

@article{
 title = {The Racial Wealth Gap in South Africa and the United States},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 keywords = {Race,South Africa,United States,household,wealth},
 pages = {423-440},
 volume = {36},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09538259.2024.2318962},
 id = {19ff212e-fd4a-3f86-8a39-006fa3980da1},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.406Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.406Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Chelwa2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We present evidence on the Black–White Racial Wealth Gap in South Africa and compare it to the well-known patterns of the same gap in the United States. We find that the patterns in the overall racial wealth gap are similar between the two countries. In South Africa, the typical Black household owns 5 per cent of the wealth held by the typical White household. In the US, the typical Black household owns 6 per cent of the wealth held by the typical White household. In both countries, a racial wealth gap exists at different levels of education and income. The fact that the racial wealth gap in the US is similar to that of a country that recently emerged from apartheid is a sobering indictment. Conversely, the US presents a grim outlook of the future course of the racial wealth gap in South Africa, especially in the absence of economic redress. The similarities in the evidence between the two countries points to the potential utility of using the Identity Group Stratification framework for understanding racial wealth dynamics in South Africa, an approach that is absent in the literature.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chelwa, Grieve and Maboshe, Mashekwa and Hamilton, Darrick},
 doi = {10.1080/09538259.2024.2318962},
 journal = {Review of Political Economy},
 number = {2}
}

We present evidence on the Black–White Racial Wealth Gap in South Africa and compare it to the well-known patterns of the same gap in the United States. We find that the patterns in the overall racial wealth gap are similar between the two countries. In South Africa, the typical Black household owns 5 per cent of the wealth held by the typical White household. In the US, the typical Black household owns 6 per cent of the wealth held by the typical White household. In both countries, a racial wealth gap exists at different levels of education and income. The fact that the racial wealth gap in the US is similar to that of a country that recently emerged from apartheid is a sobering indictment. Conversely, the US presents a grim outlook of the future course of the racial wealth gap in South Africa, especially in the absence of economic redress. The similarities in the evidence between the two countries points to the potential utility of using the Identity Group Stratification framework for understanding racial wealth dynamics in South Africa, an approach that is absent in the literature.

@unpublished{
 title = {Asian American’s Endorsement of the Model Minority Myth & Solidarity with Other Minoritized Racial Groups},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2024},
 keywords = {Asian Americans,intraminority coalitions,model minority myth,stigma-based solidarity},
 websites = {https://osf.io/preprints/psyarxiv/atwsc},
 id = {c20c37a1-435f-33bb-ba10-4ccce10df887},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.322Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:36:24.541Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kuo2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Objective: The narrative of Asian Americans as a "model minority" contrasts the group against other minoritized racial groups likely undermining cross-racial solidarity. However, there is limited research assessing the connection between the internalization of model minority myth beliefs (IMMM) among Asian Americans and their interest in cross-racial solidarity. Method: We recruited 500 Asian Americans (48% women, 51% men, Mage = 27.66) and examined whether levels of IMMM predict attitudes toward, and intent to build coalitions with, other racial minorities, as well as support for policies that address racial discrimination. Results: We found that greater IMMM was related to lower warmth toward, perceived similarity with, perceptions of discrimination toward, and intent to form coalitions with other racial minorities. Greater IMMM was also related to less support for policies to address discrimination. Furthermore, the subcomponents of IMMM were differentially associated with the intergroup attitudes examined. Conclusions: Understanding Asian Americans’ model minority beliefs is likely key to fostering more positive cross-racial coalitions.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Kuo, E. Enya and Hudson, Sa-kiera T. J. and Richeson, Jennifer},
 doi = {10.31234/osf.io/atwsc}
}

Objective: The narrative of Asian Americans as a "model minority" contrasts the group against other minoritized racial groups likely undermining cross-racial solidarity. However, there is limited research assessing the connection between the internalization of model minority myth beliefs (IMMM) among Asian Americans and their interest in cross-racial solidarity. Method: We recruited 500 Asian Americans (48% women, 51% men, Mage = 27.66) and examined whether levels of IMMM predict attitudes toward, and intent to build coalitions with, other racial minorities, as well as support for policies that address racial discrimination. Results: We found that greater IMMM was related to lower warmth toward, perceived similarity with, perceptions of discrimination toward, and intent to form coalitions with other racial minorities. Greater IMMM was also related to less support for policies to address discrimination. Furthermore, the subcomponents of IMMM were differentially associated with the intergroup attitudes examined. Conclusions: Understanding Asian Americans’ model minority beliefs is likely key to fostering more positive cross-racial coalitions.

@article{
 title = {Varieties of White Working-Class Identity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {432–452},
 volume = {27},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13684302221144735},
 id = {1755ee64-bb19-3b56-82af-aac2a0817428},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.324Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:36:24.753Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Knowles2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The present work demonstrates that, contrary to popular political narratives, working-class White Americans are far from monolithic in their class identities, social attitudes, and political preferences. Latent profile analysis is used to distinguish three types of identity in a nationally representative sample of working-class Whites: Working Class Patriots, who valorize responsibility, embrace national identity, and disparage the poor; Class Conflict Aware, who regard social class as a structural phenomenon and ascribe elitist attitudes to higher classes; and Working Class Connected, who embrace working-class identity, sympathize with the poor, and feel disrespected because of the work they do. This identity typology appears unique to working-class Whites and is associated with distinct patterns of attitudes regarding immigration, race, and politics, such that Class Conflict Aware and Working Class Connected Whites are considerably more progressive than are Working Class Patriots. Implications for electoral politics and race relations are discussed.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Knowles, Eric D. and McDermott, Monica and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 doi = {10.1177/13684302221144735},
 journal = {Group Processes & Intergroup Relations},
 number = {2}
}

The present work demonstrates that, contrary to popular political narratives, working-class White Americans are far from monolithic in their class identities, social attitudes, and political preferences. Latent profile analysis is used to distinguish three types of identity in a nationally representative sample of working-class Whites: Working Class Patriots, who valorize responsibility, embrace national identity, and disparage the poor; Class Conflict Aware, who regard social class as a structural phenomenon and ascribe elitist attitudes to higher classes; and Working Class Connected, who embrace working-class identity, sympathize with the poor, and feel disrespected because of the work they do. This identity typology appears unique to working-class Whites and is associated with distinct patterns of attitudes regarding immigration, race, and politics, such that Class Conflict Aware and Working Class Connected Whites are considerably more progressive than are Working Class Patriots. Implications for electoral politics and race relations are discussed.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {190–196},
 publisher = {The Guilford Press},
 edition = {3rd editio},
 chapter = {Emotion Regulation in the Context of Discrimination: Progress and Challenges},
 id = {a1b5a453-ebc1-3c1a-9a5e-c71c8d44d3d2},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.337Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.337Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Green2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {There are large and persistent health disparities between people based on their sociodemographic characteristics, including race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, and socioeconomic status, among other factors. These health inequities are due, at least in part, to a broad class of factors that epidemiologists call "social determinants of health". This chapter reviews the role that emotion regulation plays in shaping the affective outcomes of interpersonal discrimination. It begins with the premise that stigma-based stressors, such as discrimination, typically lead people to engage in certain forms of emotion regulation (e.g., suppression) that, in turn, increase the risk of negative psychological and physical health outcomes. It also considers the efficacy of various forms of emotion regulation to promote more positive psychological outcomes of contending with group-based discrimination, noting potential constraints associated with the discrimination context that may limit efficacy. The chapter follows this discussion with a charge to broaden the scope of the types of outcomes considered when assessing whether an emotion regulation strategy is adaptive. It closes with a call for greater engagement between scholars of the psychology of intergroup relations, stigma and prejudice, and affective science in order to reduce the burden of discrimination on its victims.},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Green, Dorainne J. and Duker, Ajua and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 editor = {Ford, James J. Gross and Brett Q.},
 title = {Handbook of Emotion Regulation}
}

There are large and persistent health disparities between people based on their sociodemographic characteristics, including race/ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, and socioeconomic status, among other factors. These health inequities are due, at least in part, to a broad class of factors that epidemiologists call "social determinants of health". This chapter reviews the role that emotion regulation plays in shaping the affective outcomes of interpersonal discrimination. It begins with the premise that stigma-based stressors, such as discrimination, typically lead people to engage in certain forms of emotion regulation (e.g., suppression) that, in turn, increase the risk of negative psychological and physical health outcomes. It also considers the efficacy of various forms of emotion regulation to promote more positive psychological outcomes of contending with group-based discrimination, noting potential constraints associated with the discrimination context that may limit efficacy. The chapter follows this discussion with a charge to broaden the scope of the types of outcomes considered when assessing whether an emotion regulation strategy is adaptive. It closes with a call for greater engagement between scholars of the psychology of intergroup relations, stigma and prejudice, and affective science in order to reduce the burden of discrimination on its victims.

@unpublished{
 title = {Schooling and Political Activism in the Early Civil Rights Era},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2024},
 source = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Papers},
 keywords = {NAACP,Rosenwald,Schools,civil rights,civil rights movement,education,human capital,political participation,social returns to education},
 websites = {https://www.chicagofed.org/publications/working-papers/2024/2024-06},
 institution = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago},
 series = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Papers},
 revision = {2024-06},
 id = {1df35cd7-f567-38da-84ed-b0022edbb15b},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.510Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.510Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Aaronson2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Does education lead to political engagement? The empirical literature is mixed. Theory suggests economic context matters. Individuals unable to take advantage of education in the labor market are more likely to engage in political activity. We find support for this channel during the rapid expansion of NAACP branches in the South around WWII. Branch growth was stronger where Black workers were denied returns to schooling due to Jim Crow occupational discrimination. We further show that a pre-1931 large-scale school construction program caused greater NAACP activity during the 1940s and 1950s when many former students were in their prime working years.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Aaronson, Daniel and Borgschulte, Mark and Liu, Sunny and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 doi = {10.21033/wp-2024-06}
}

Does education lead to political engagement? The empirical literature is mixed. Theory suggests economic context matters. Individuals unable to take advantage of education in the labor market are more likely to engage in political activity. We find support for this channel during the rapid expansion of NAACP branches in the South around WWII. Branch growth was stronger where Black workers were denied returns to schooling due to Jim Crow occupational discrimination. We further show that a pre-1931 large-scale school construction program caused greater NAACP activity during the 1940s and 1950s when many former students were in their prime working years.

@article{
 title = {Structurally Unjust: How Lay Beliefs About Racism Relate to Responses to Racial Inequality in the Criminal Legal System},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 keywords = {Social Dominance Orientation (SDO),criminal legal system,lay beliefs,racial inequality,racism},
 volume = {2},
 websites = {https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/frsps.2024.1332527/full},
 id = {d873e7d2-a61b-3d65-a913-c04ff318f821},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.525Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.525Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Rucker2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Racial inequality has been a persistent component of American society since its inception. The present research investigates how lay beliefs about the nature of racism—as primarily caused by prejudiced individuals or, rather, to structural factors (i.e., policies, institutional practices) that disadvantage members of marginalized racial groups—predict reactions to evidence of racial inequality in the criminal legal system (Studies 1–3). Specifically, the current research suggests that holding a more structural (vs. interpersonal) view of racism predicts a greater tendency to perceive racial inequality in criminal legal outcomes. Moreover, White Americans' lay beliefs regarding racism, coupled with their general degree of preference for societal hierarchy, predict support for policies that would impact disparities in the U.S. prison population. Together, this work suggests that an appreciation of structural racism plays an important role in how people perceive and respond to racial inequality.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Rucker, Julian Michael and Duker, Ajua and Richeson, Jennifer Anne},
 doi = {10.3389/frsps.2024.1332527},
 journal = {Frontiers in Social Psychology}
}

Racial inequality has been a persistent component of American society since its inception. The present research investigates how lay beliefs about the nature of racism—as primarily caused by prejudiced individuals or, rather, to structural factors (i.e., policies, institutional practices) that disadvantage members of marginalized racial groups—predict reactions to evidence of racial inequality in the criminal legal system (Studies 1–3). Specifically, the current research suggests that holding a more structural (vs. interpersonal) view of racism predicts a greater tendency to perceive racial inequality in criminal legal outcomes. Moreover, White Americans' lay beliefs regarding racism, coupled with their general degree of preference for societal hierarchy, predict support for policies that would impact disparities in the U.S. prison population. Together, this work suggests that an appreciation of structural racism plays an important role in how people perceive and respond to racial inequality.

@article{
 title = {Interactive Effects of Participant and Stimulus Race on Cognitive Performance in Youth: Insights from the ABCD study},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 keywords = {Attention,Children,Cognition,Memory,Racial bias},
 volume = {67},
 websites = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1878929324000549},
 id = {bc69971c-a158-338f-bd8f-c3b087483892},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.657Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:36:24.552Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Rubien-Thomas2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {An extensive literature shows that race information can impact cognitive performance. Two key findings include an attentional bias to Black racial cues in U.S. samples and diminished recognition of other-race faces compared to same-race faces in predominantly White adult samples. Yet face stimuli are increasingly used in psychological research often unrelated to race (Conley et al., 2018) or without consideration for how race information may influence cognitive performance, especially among developmental participants from different racial groups. In the current study we used open-access data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive DevelopmentSM (ABCD) Study® 4.0.1 release to test for developmentally similar other- and same-race effects of Black and White face stimuli on attention, working memory, and recognition memory in 9- and 10-year-old Black and White children (n=5,659) living in the U.S. Black and White children showed better performance when attending to Black versus White faces. We also show an advantage in recognition memory of same-race compared to other-race faces in White children that did not generalize to Black children. Together the findings highlight how race information, even when irrelevant to an experiment, may indirectly lead to misinterpretation of group differences in cognitive performance in children of different racial backgrounds.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Rubien-Thomas, Estée and Lin, Yen-Chu and Chan, Ivan and Conley, May I. and Skalaban, Lena and Kopp, Hailey and Adake, Arya and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Gee, Dylan G. and Baskin-Sommers, Arielle and Casey, BJ},
 doi = {10.1016/j.dcn.2024.101393},
 journal = {Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience}
}

An extensive literature shows that race information can impact cognitive performance. Two key findings include an attentional bias to Black racial cues in U.S. samples and diminished recognition of other-race faces compared to same-race faces in predominantly White adult samples. Yet face stimuli are increasingly used in psychological research often unrelated to race (Conley et al., 2018) or without consideration for how race information may influence cognitive performance, especially among developmental participants from different racial groups. In the current study we used open-access data from the Adolescent Brain Cognitive DevelopmentSM (ABCD) Study® 4.0.1 release to test for developmentally similar other- and same-race effects of Black and White face stimuli on attention, working memory, and recognition memory in 9- and 10-year-old Black and White children (n=5,659) living in the U.S. Black and White children showed better performance when attending to Black versus White faces. We also show an advantage in recognition memory of same-race compared to other-race faces in White children that did not generalize to Black children. Together the findings highlight how race information, even when irrelevant to an experiment, may indirectly lead to misinterpretation of group differences in cognitive performance in children of different racial backgrounds.

@article{
 title = {The Misperception of Organizational Racial Progress Toward Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {581–592},
 volume = {79},
 websites = {https://doi.apa.org/doi/10.1037/amp0001309},
 id = {69b12250-a562-349c-b841-4d9c0b154280},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.688Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:36:24.554Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Torrez2024},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Despite a checkered racial history, people in the United States generally believe the nation has made steady, incremental progress toward achieving racial equality. In this article, we investigate whether this U.S. racial progress narrative will extend to how the workforce views the effectiveness of organizational efforts surrounding diversity, equity, and inclusion. Across three studies (N = 1,776), we test whether Black and White U.S. workers overestimate organizational racial progress in executive representation. We also examine whether these misperceptions, surrounding organizational progress, drive misunderstandings regarding the relative ineffectiveness of common organizational diversity policies. Overall, we find evidence that U.S. workers largely overestimate organizational racial progress, believe that organizational progress will naturally improve over time, and that these misperceptions of organizational racial progress may drive beliefs in the effectiveness of diversity, equity, and inclusion policies.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Torrez, Brittany and Hollie, LaStarr and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Kraus, Michael W.},
 doi = {10.1037/amp0001309},
 journal = {American Psychologist},
 number = {4}
}

Despite a checkered racial history, people in the United States generally believe the nation has made steady, incremental progress toward achieving racial equality. In this article, we investigate whether this U.S. racial progress narrative will extend to how the workforce views the effectiveness of organizational efforts surrounding diversity, equity, and inclusion. Across three studies (N = 1,776), we test whether Black and White U.S. workers overestimate organizational racial progress in executive representation. We also examine whether these misperceptions, surrounding organizational progress, drive misunderstandings regarding the relative ineffectiveness of common organizational diversity policies. Overall, we find evidence that U.S. workers largely overestimate organizational racial progress, believe that organizational progress will naturally improve over time, and that these misperceptions of organizational racial progress may drive beliefs in the effectiveness of diversity, equity, and inclusion policies.

@article{
 title = {Diverging Paths: Heterogeneities in Single Parenthood and Consequences for Child Poverty},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 volume = {10},
 websites = {https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/23780231241299013},
 id = {467048cd-e1f8-3541-87d7-d07a99a76855},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:24.182Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:24.182Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The authors propose an expanded conceptualization of single parenthood that acknowledges within-group heterogeneity and investigate differential short- and long-term poverty outcomes on the basis of pathways into single parenthood. Using representative panel data for the United States, the authors present descriptive trends in the evolution of four pathways into single parenthood (divorce, separation, widowhood, and never getting married) and the diversity of demographic characteristics across these pathways. The authors then identify the associations between pathways into single parenthood and child poverty. In 2019, most single parents were single because they had never been married, compared with the 1970s, when the most common pathway into single parenthood was divorce. Moreover, the authors find large heterogeneities by age, race/ethnicity, and education across the pathways. Never getting married and separation are associated with the most negative consequences for child poverty. In contrast, no statistical differences emerge in children’s later life poverty for those raised by divorced or widowed single parents compared with children raised in two-parent families. The findings demonstrate that studies treating single parenthood as a homogenous demographic overlook meaningful within-group differences. The negative effects of single parenthood are not uniformly distributed among children of single parents. However, a nontrivial part of the heterogeneities between pathways is a result of compositional differences, and the authors do not argue that some single parenthood types are “better or worse” for child poverty outcomes.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Burciu, Roxana-Diana and Parolin, Zachary},
 doi = {10.1177/23780231241299013},
 journal = {Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World}
}

The authors propose an expanded conceptualization of single parenthood that acknowledges within-group heterogeneity and investigate differential short- and long-term poverty outcomes on the basis of pathways into single parenthood. Using representative panel data for the United States, the authors present descriptive trends in the evolution of four pathways into single parenthood (divorce, separation, widowhood, and never getting married) and the diversity of demographic characteristics across these pathways. The authors then identify the associations between pathways into single parenthood and child poverty. In 2019, most single parents were single because they had never been married, compared with the 1970s, when the most common pathway into single parenthood was divorce. Moreover, the authors find large heterogeneities by age, race/ethnicity, and education across the pathways. Never getting married and separation are associated with the most negative consequences for child poverty. In contrast, no statistical differences emerge in children’s later life poverty for those raised by divorced or widowed single parents compared with children raised in two-parent families. The findings demonstrate that studies treating single parenthood as a homogenous demographic overlook meaningful within-group differences. The negative effects of single parenthood are not uniformly distributed among children of single parents. However, a nontrivial part of the heterogeneities between pathways is a result of compositional differences, and the authors do not argue that some single parenthood types are “better or worse” for child poverty outcomes.

@article{
 title = {Getting out the Vote in the Projects: Lessons from a Community Organizing Experiment},
 type = {article},
 year = {2024},
 pages = {245-256},
 volume = {12},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2022.2092015},
 id = {b96f7c20-6ea3-3b66-aa5c-2bac2dee5b33},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:25.084Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:25.084Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We analyze the effects of a community organizing initiative in low-income public housing on voter turnout among race-class subjugated communities. Get-out-the-vote campaigns and voter turnout are among the most heavily studied topics in empirical political science. Yet, we know much less about how to increase turnout among race-class subjugated communities, where community-level (as opposed to individual or household-level) interventions are necessary to mitigate long-standing legacies of structural inequity. Our results suggest that an organizing treatment, randomly assigned at the housing complex level, had a 3.1 percentage point effect on validated voter turnout in the 2018 midterm election. Although the treatment effect estimate is not statistically significant due to the small sample size, the qualitative data provide additional support for the effectiveness of the intervention. This study provides limited but difficult to obtain evidence about a participatory intervention in marginalized communities, as well as practical and ethical considerations for further study.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Grumbach, Jacob M. and Han, Hahrie and Warren, Dorian T.},
 doi = {10.1080/21565503.2022.2092015},
 journal = {Politics, Groups, and Identities},
 number = {1}
}

We analyze the effects of a community organizing initiative in low-income public housing on voter turnout among race-class subjugated communities. Get-out-the-vote campaigns and voter turnout are among the most heavily studied topics in empirical political science. Yet, we know much less about how to increase turnout among race-class subjugated communities, where community-level (as opposed to individual or household-level) interventions are necessary to mitigate long-standing legacies of structural inequity. Our results suggest that an organizing treatment, randomly assigned at the housing complex level, had a 3.1 percentage point effect on validated voter turnout in the 2018 midterm election. Although the treatment effect estimate is not statistically significant due to the small sample size, the qualitative data provide additional support for the effectiveness of the intervention. This study provides limited but difficult to obtain evidence about a participatory intervention in marginalized communities, as well as practical and ethical considerations for further study.

@inproceedings{
 title = {Medicaid Expansions and Black-White Inequalities in Augmented Income Poverty},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2024},
 publisher = {APPAM},
 id = {fdec4066-dbcf-3768-b541-1c48547141ac},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:27.559Z},
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 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
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 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:27.559Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Black people under age 65 were approximately three times more likely to be poor than white people in 2009-2019. Despite valuable research on racial inequalities, no study has incorporated the value of health insurance in the calculation of Black-white gaps in poverty. This study investigates the consequences of monetizing health insurance generally and state-level Medicaid expansions specifically for Black-white inequalities in poverty.
We use the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) for over 8100 Black and white under-65 individuals observed bi-annually 2009-2019. Using the Cross-National Equivalent File’s additions to the PSID, we start with post-fisc income (i.e. all income sources, taxes, transfers and tax credits). Following Remler and Korenman’s pioneering method, we assign a dollar value to Medicaid and Medicare based on the second lowest cost Silver plan in the state-year specific Obamacare exchanges. Using data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, we also assign the year-specific average dollar values of employer contributions to employer-provided and military-provided health insurance. We then recalculate “augmented” household income and adjust for household size. We then construct measures of year-specific augmented relative and anchored poverty.

Similar small shares of Black and white people resided in the earliest states to expand Medicaid. Since 2009 however, the share of white people in Medicaid expansion states grew faster than the share of Black people. By 2019, almost 80% of white people but barely 60% of Black people resided in Medicaid expansion states. While a greater share of Black people receive Medicaid and Medicare, a greater share of white people receive even more fiscally valuable employer-provided health insurance. Further, Black people are more than twice as likely as white people to lack health insurance. Despite these patterns, we show there is an even more pronounced decline in Black-white inequalities in augmented poverty than in poverty omitting health insurance.

We use three-way fixed effects (person, state, year) linear probability models to test the effect of Medicaid expansions. We find Medicaid expansions significantly reduced the Black-white gap in augmented relative and anchored poverty. Compared to the mean gap 2009-2019 of about 20 percentage points, Medicaid expansions are associated with an approximately 5 percentage point reduction in Black poverty compared to white poverty. Hence, Medicaid expansions reduced by about one-quarter the Black-white gap in poverty. This result is robust across various model specifications and sample comparisons. This result is also robust across a variety of alternative estimators. There is some non-robust evidence that Medicaid expansions induced slightly higher white poverty. However, there is stronger evidence that Medicaid expansions raised the value of health insurance for Black people and there is no evidence of effects on Black-white employment differences. There is also evidence that Medicaid expansion narrowed Black-white gaps in marriage and the number of children, both of which influence poverty. Other analyses show there was no effect of Medicaid expansions on poverty for all. We conclude that failing to augment income with monetized health insurance would underestimate how Medicaid expansions reduced Black-white inequalities in poverty.},
 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Brady, David and Mekonnen, Hemen and Kaestner, Robert},
 booktitle = {2024 APPAM Fall Research Conference}
}

Black people under age 65 were approximately three times more likely to be poor than white people in 2009-2019. Despite valuable research on racial inequalities, no study has incorporated the value of health insurance in the calculation of Black-white gaps in poverty. This study investigates the consequences of monetizing health insurance generally and state-level Medicaid expansions specifically for Black-white inequalities in poverty. We use the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) for over 8100 Black and white under-65 individuals observed bi-annually 2009-2019. Using the Cross-National Equivalent File’s additions to the PSID, we start with post-fisc income (i.e. all income sources, taxes, transfers and tax credits). Following Remler and Korenman’s pioneering method, we assign a dollar value to Medicaid and Medicare based on the second lowest cost Silver plan in the state-year specific Obamacare exchanges. Using data from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, we also assign the year-specific average dollar values of employer contributions to employer-provided and military-provided health insurance. We then recalculate “augmented” household income and adjust for household size. We then construct measures of year-specific augmented relative and anchored poverty. Similar small shares of Black and white people resided in the earliest states to expand Medicaid. Since 2009 however, the share of white people in Medicaid expansion states grew faster than the share of Black people. By 2019, almost 80% of white people but barely 60% of Black people resided in Medicaid expansion states. While a greater share of Black people receive Medicaid and Medicare, a greater share of white people receive even more fiscally valuable employer-provided health insurance. Further, Black people are more than twice as likely as white people to lack health insurance. Despite these patterns, we show there is an even more pronounced decline in Black-white inequalities in augmented poverty than in poverty omitting health insurance. We use three-way fixed effects (person, state, year) linear probability models to test the effect of Medicaid expansions. We find Medicaid expansions significantly reduced the Black-white gap in augmented relative and anchored poverty. Compared to the mean gap 2009-2019 of about 20 percentage points, Medicaid expansions are associated with an approximately 5 percentage point reduction in Black poverty compared to white poverty. Hence, Medicaid expansions reduced by about one-quarter the Black-white gap in poverty. This result is robust across various model specifications and sample comparisons. This result is also robust across a variety of alternative estimators. There is some non-robust evidence that Medicaid expansions induced slightly higher white poverty. However, there is stronger evidence that Medicaid expansions raised the value of health insurance for Black people and there is no evidence of effects on Black-white employment differences. There is also evidence that Medicaid expansion narrowed Black-white gaps in marriage and the number of children, both of which influence poverty. Other analyses show there was no effect of Medicaid expansions on poverty for all. We conclude that failing to augment income with monetized health insurance would underestimate how Medicaid expansions reduced Black-white inequalities in poverty.

@inproceedings{
 title = {The Color of Wealth in Chicago: Wealth Disparities Among Older Residents by Race and Ethnicity},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2024},
 websites = {https://crr.bc.edu/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/2024-RDRC-Booklet_FOR-WEB_.pdf#page=134},
 id = {ec4c0dc3-bf18-3d52-91f4-cc4267fabf3e},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:28.048Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:28.048Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In the US, the average Black and Hispanic or Latino household owns about 15% to 20% as much net wealth as the average White household (Aladangady and Forde 2021). An in-depth understanding of the barriers to wealth accumulation among people of color could shed light on the financial vulnerability that extends to advanced ages.},
 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Williams, Malcolm V. and Rohwedder, Susann and Bhaskaran, Suparna and Hamilton, Darrick and Hayes, Jessica},
 booktitle = {26th Annual Meeting of the Retirement and Disability Research Consortium August 7-9, 2024}
}

In the US, the average Black and Hispanic or Latino household owns about 15% to 20% as much net wealth as the average White household (Aladangady and Forde 2021). An in-depth understanding of the barriers to wealth accumulation among people of color could shed light on the financial vulnerability that extends to advanced ages.

@article{
 title = {Barriers to Racial Wealth Equality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 volume = {48},
 websites = {https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/wealth-disparities-in-civil-rights/barriers-to-racial-wealth-equality/},
 id = {3d171d51-84d4-35ae-b8f8-3c71fedbfb4a},
 created = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.401Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.401Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In the United States, racial wealth inequality, particularly the Black-white wealth gap, is massive. In 2019, the median wealth for white households was $188,200, compared to $24,100 and $36,100 for Black and Hispanic households, respectively (Bhutta et al., 2020). To better understand the ongoing persistence of this racial wealth inequality, we outline several historical and contemporary mechanisms that have predominantly supported wealth accumulation for white Americans and/or impeded or exploited wealth opportunities for Black Americans.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Baker, Regina S. and Addo, Fenaba R.},
 journal = {ABA Human Rights Magazine},
 number = {2}
}

In the United States, racial wealth inequality, particularly the Black-white wealth gap, is massive. In 2019, the median wealth for white households was $188,200, compared to $24,100 and $36,100 for Black and Hispanic households, respectively (Bhutta et al., 2020). To better understand the ongoing persistence of this racial wealth inequality, we outline several historical and contemporary mechanisms that have predominantly supported wealth accumulation for white Americans and/or impeded or exploited wealth opportunities for Black Americans.

@article{
 title = {The Economic Context of Higher Education Expansion: Race, Gender, and Household Finances Across Cohorts and Generations},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10834-023-09918-8},
 id = {4c3e5dde-70c7-3ce5-bb03-f9f3201cfcaa},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.480Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:39:36.193Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Quadlin2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This article assesses how the economic context of higher education expansion since the mid-20th century has shaped families’ financial lives—in terms of income and wealth/debt—as well as how these trends have differed for Black and White women and men. We use data from the NLSY-79 (comprising trailing-edge Baby Boomers) and NLSY-97 (comprising early Millennials) to show how academically similar students in these two cohorts fared in terms of educational attainment, household income, household wealth, and total student debt accrued by age 35. While we discuss findings across race-gender groups, our results call attention to the education-related economic disadvantages faced by Black women that have accelerated across cohorts. Over time, Black women’s educational attainment has increased substantially, and high-achieving Black women, in particular, have become uniquely likely to progress beyond the BA. But while high-achieving Black women have made many advances in higher education, they also have become more likely than similarly high-achieving White men, White women, and Black men to have zero or negative wealth at the household level, and to accrue student debt for themselves and for their children. Our findings demonstrate that the costs of expanded access to credit for higher education have not been borne equally across race, gender, and achievement, and that these patterns have multigenerational financial consequences for college attendees and their families.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Quadlin, Natasha and Conwell, Jordan A. and Rouhani, Shiva},
 doi = {10.1007/s10834-023-09918-8},
 journal = {Journal of Family and Economic Issues}
}

This article assesses how the economic context of higher education expansion since the mid-20th century has shaped families’ financial lives—in terms of income and wealth/debt—as well as how these trends have differed for Black and White women and men. We use data from the NLSY-79 (comprising trailing-edge Baby Boomers) and NLSY-97 (comprising early Millennials) to show how academically similar students in these two cohorts fared in terms of educational attainment, household income, household wealth, and total student debt accrued by age 35. While we discuss findings across race-gender groups, our results call attention to the education-related economic disadvantages faced by Black women that have accelerated across cohorts. Over time, Black women’s educational attainment has increased substantially, and high-achieving Black women, in particular, have become uniquely likely to progress beyond the BA. But while high-achieving Black women have made many advances in higher education, they also have become more likely than similarly high-achieving White men, White women, and Black men to have zero or negative wealth at the household level, and to accrue student debt for themselves and for their children. Our findings demonstrate that the costs of expanded access to credit for higher education have not been borne equally across race, gender, and achievement, and that these patterns have multigenerational financial consequences for college attendees and their families.

@unpublished{
 title = {Analytic Approaches to Measuring the Black-White Wealth Gap},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2023},
 source = {The University of Chicago Stone Center Working Paper Series},
 pages = {17},
 websites = {https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=4635405},
 institution = {The University of Chicago Stone Center},
 series = {The University of Chicago Stone Center Working Paper Series},
 revision = {23-01},
 id = {f10dd94d-a51c-3d06-a2ef-e8f34955b408},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.646Z},
 file_attached = {false},
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 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.646Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Toney2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {While wealth inequality is large and growing, racial wealth inequality is even larger and persistent. Yet, the scope of the discussion on racial wealth inequality is hindered, in part, due to data and measurement issues. By comparing data from the Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), we contrast the traditional mean Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition to the distributional Recentered Influence Function (RIF) methods developed by Firpo et al. (2018), while also exploring estimates for varied transformations of the wealth distribution. We notice a remarkable similarity among the untransformed, logarithm-transformed, and inverse hyperbolic sine-transformed versions in both the SCF and PSID data sets. The Oaxaca-Blinder (mean) model shows that disparities in receiving an inheritance explain a larger portion of the racial wealth gap than variations in educational attainment. Conversely, the RIF model at the median indicates that disparities in educational attainment account for more of the wealth gap than differences in inheritance receipt. We show how measurement of the racial wealth gap shifts depending on the regression decomposition method and wealth transformation measure used.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Toney, Jermaine and Addo, Fenaba R. and Hamilton, Darrick},
 doi = {10.2139/ssrn.4635405}
}

While wealth inequality is large and growing, racial wealth inequality is even larger and persistent. Yet, the scope of the discussion on racial wealth inequality is hindered, in part, due to data and measurement issues. By comparing data from the Survey of Consumer Finances (SCF) and the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), we contrast the traditional mean Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition to the distributional Recentered Influence Function (RIF) methods developed by Firpo et al. (2018), while also exploring estimates for varied transformations of the wealth distribution. We notice a remarkable similarity among the untransformed, logarithm-transformed, and inverse hyperbolic sine-transformed versions in both the SCF and PSID data sets. The Oaxaca-Blinder (mean) model shows that disparities in receiving an inheritance explain a larger portion of the racial wealth gap than variations in educational attainment. Conversely, the RIF model at the median indicates that disparities in educational attainment account for more of the wealth gap than differences in inheritance receipt. We show how measurement of the racial wealth gap shifts depending on the regression decomposition method and wealth transformation measure used.

@article{
 title = {Intergenerational Mobility and Racial Inequality: The Case for a More Holistic Approach},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 volume = {17},
 websites = {https://compass.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/soc4.13128},
 id = {925164db-ce20-348a-8d0e-95fe8387fc7f},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.846Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.244Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Easley2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Intergenerational social mobility studies have largely explored the relationship between one aspect of parent background (e.g., education, income, occupational status, wealth, or neighborhood context) and the corresponding aspect of that parent's child once they reach adulthood. Studies examining these various measures have provided differing conclusions about the extent that social origins constrain attainment in the U.S. In contrast, the persistence of racial inequality in intergenerational mobility is one consistent finding. For instance, across various measures, research demonstrates Black individuals are more likely than White individuals to experience downward mobility, and less likely to exceed the socioeconomic standings of their parents. In this article, we argue that a more holistic measure of both origin and destination, one that combines the above‐mentioned indicators, is necessary to advance our understanding of the extent that origin constrains future attainment. We summarize lessons gleaned from one‐dimensional estimates, and from other approaches that either combine some dimensions of socioeconomic background or attempt to capture a more holistic background in other ways. We then make a recommendation for methodological interventions to accomplish this more holistic approach and conclude with research and policy implications.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Easley, Janeria A. and Baker, Regina S.},
 doi = {10.1111/soc4.13128},
 journal = {Sociology Compass},
 number = {10}
}

Intergenerational social mobility studies have largely explored the relationship between one aspect of parent background (e.g., education, income, occupational status, wealth, or neighborhood context) and the corresponding aspect of that parent's child once they reach adulthood. Studies examining these various measures have provided differing conclusions about the extent that social origins constrain attainment in the U.S. In contrast, the persistence of racial inequality in intergenerational mobility is one consistent finding. For instance, across various measures, research demonstrates Black individuals are more likely than White individuals to experience downward mobility, and less likely to exceed the socioeconomic standings of their parents. In this article, we argue that a more holistic measure of both origin and destination, one that combines the above‐mentioned indicators, is necessary to advance our understanding of the extent that origin constrains future attainment. We summarize lessons gleaned from one‐dimensional estimates, and from other approaches that either combine some dimensions of socioeconomic background or attempt to capture a more holistic background in other ways. We then make a recommendation for methodological interventions to accomplish this more holistic approach and conclude with research and policy implications.

@article{
 title = {Childhood Family Instability and Young-Adult Union Experiences: Black–White Differences in Outcomes and Effects},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {379–410},
 volume = {60},
 websites = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/demography/article/60/2/379/343515/Childhood-Family-Instability-and-Young-Adult-Union},
 id = {2c9c35eb-5bd4-3070-b59e-ace2f746877d},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.846Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.285Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Bloome2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Today's young adults have diverse union experiences; some enter enduring marital or cohabiting unions at young ages, but many delay or dissolve their unions or remain single. Childhood family instability—defined as parents' transitions into or out of romantic coresidential unions—offers one explanation for why some people are more likely than others to enter and exit unions. We evaluate whether this family instability hypothesis—a union-specific version of the general hypothesis that instability affects people across multiple life domains—can explain Black and White young adults' union formation and dissolution. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics' Transition into Adulthood Supplement (birth cohorts 1989–1999), we find that the marginal effects of childhood family instability on cohabitation and marriage are weaker for Black than for White youth. Further, Black–White differences in childhood family instability's prevalence are small. Consequently, novel decompositions that account for racial differences in instability's prevalence and marginal effects reveal that childhood family instability contributes little to Black–White inequality in young adults' union outcomes. Our results challenge the generalizability of the family instability hypothesis across racialized groups in the union domain. Explanations for Black–White differences in young-adult marriage and cohabitation reside beyond childhood family dynamics.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Bloome, Deirdre and Fomby, Paula and Zhang, Yang},
 doi = {10.1215/00703370-10571816},
 journal = {Demography},
 number = {2}
}

Today's young adults have diverse union experiences; some enter enduring marital or cohabiting unions at young ages, but many delay or dissolve their unions or remain single. Childhood family instability—defined as parents' transitions into or out of romantic coresidential unions—offers one explanation for why some people are more likely than others to enter and exit unions. We evaluate whether this family instability hypothesis—a union-specific version of the general hypothesis that instability affects people across multiple life domains—can explain Black and White young adults' union formation and dissolution. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics' Transition into Adulthood Supplement (birth cohorts 1989–1999), we find that the marginal effects of childhood family instability on cohabitation and marriage are weaker for Black than for White youth. Further, Black–White differences in childhood family instability's prevalence are small. Consequently, novel decompositions that account for racial differences in instability's prevalence and marginal effects reveal that childhood family instability contributes little to Black–White inequality in young adults' union outcomes. Our results challenge the generalizability of the family instability hypothesis across racialized groups in the union domain. Explanations for Black–White differences in young-adult marriage and cohabitation reside beyond childhood family dynamics.

@article{
 title = {Poverty, Not the Poor},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adg1469},
 id = {086079a8-0682-3340-8f4e-d6e9d43cb158},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.848Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.242Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Brady2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This review explains how and why the United States has systemically high poverty. Descriptive evidence shows that U.S. poverty is (i) a huge share of the population, (ii) a perennial outlier among rich democracies, (iii) staggeringly high for certain groups, (iv) unexpectedly high for those who “play by the rules,” and (v) pervasive across various groups and places. This review then discusses and critiques three prevailing approaches focused on the individual poor rather than the systemically high poverty: (i) behavioral explanations “fixing the poor,” (ii) emotive compassion “dramatizing the poor,” and (iii) cultural explanations both dramatizing and fixing the poor. The essay then reviews political explanations that emphasize the essential role of social policy generosity, political choices to penalize risks, power resources of collective political actors, and institutions. This review demonstrates a long emerging but ascending and warranted shift away from individualistic explanations of the poor toward political explanations of poverty.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Brady, David},
 doi = {10.1126/sciadv.adg1469},
 journal = {Science Advances},
 number = {34}
}

This review explains how and why the United States has systemically high poverty. Descriptive evidence shows that U.S. poverty is (i) a huge share of the population, (ii) a perennial outlier among rich democracies, (iii) staggeringly high for certain groups, (iv) unexpectedly high for those who “play by the rules,” and (v) pervasive across various groups and places. This review then discusses and critiques three prevailing approaches focused on the individual poor rather than the systemically high poverty: (i) behavioral explanations “fixing the poor,” (ii) emotive compassion “dramatizing the poor,” and (iii) cultural explanations both dramatizing and fixing the poor. The essay then reviews political explanations that emphasize the essential role of social policy generosity, political choices to penalize risks, power resources of collective political actors, and institutions. This review demonstrates a long emerging but ascending and warranted shift away from individualistic explanations of the poor toward political explanations of poverty.

@article{
 title = {The Unequal Landscape of Civic Opportunity in America},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 websites = {https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-023-01743-1},
 id = {5c9950de-a26d-3446-9c95-1f26486c7d5f},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:39:35.722Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.049Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {DeVries2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The hollowing of civil society has threatened effective implementation of scientific solutions to pressing public challenges—which often depend on cultivating pro-social orientations commonly studied under the broad umbrella of social capital. Although robust research has studied the constituent components of social capital from the demand side (that is, the orientations people need for collective life in pluralistic societies, such as trust, cohesion and connectedness), the same precision has not been brought to the supply side. Here we define the concept of civic opportunity—opportunities people have to encounter civic experiences necessary for developing such orientations—and harness data science to map it across America. We demonstrate that civic opportunity is more highly correlated with pro-social outcomes such as mutual aid than other measures, but is unequally distributed, and its sources are underrepresented in the public dialogue. Our findings suggest greater attention to this fundamentally uneven landscape of civic opportunity.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {de Vries, Milan and Kim, Jae Yeon and Han, Hahrie},
 doi = {10.1038/s41562-023-01743-1},
 journal = {Nature Human Behaviour}
}

The hollowing of civil society has threatened effective implementation of scientific solutions to pressing public challenges—which often depend on cultivating pro-social orientations commonly studied under the broad umbrella of social capital. Although robust research has studied the constituent components of social capital from the demand side (that is, the orientations people need for collective life in pluralistic societies, such as trust, cohesion and connectedness), the same precision has not been brought to the supply side. Here we define the concept of civic opportunity—opportunities people have to encounter civic experiences necessary for developing such orientations—and harness data science to map it across America. We demonstrate that civic opportunity is more highly correlated with pro-social outcomes such as mutual aid than other measures, but is unequally distributed, and its sources are underrepresented in the public dialogue. Our findings suggest greater attention to this fundamentally uneven landscape of civic opportunity.

@article{
 title = {Principals in Urban Schools Under Pressure: Relations With Parents in the Era of Test-Based Accountability},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {2089-2117},
 volume = {58},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0042085920937764},
 id = {c4cf85c7-d9df-34ff-9c6e-177dcdd6eee5},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:39:35.726Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:58.926Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Conwell2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We conducted an inductive analysis of 166 interviews from a longitudinal study of 26 Chicago Public School principals. Test-based accountability pressures played a visible role in principals’ views of and relations with parents. Some principals reported banning parents from classrooms based on the need to protect instructional time to raise test scores; others thought more parental involvement would help their school reach its academic goals. Viewing principals in urban schools as street-level bureaucrats who have discretion in how they implement policy demands offers a way to understand variation in principals’ decisions about parent involvement.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Conwell, Jordan A. and Ispa-Landa, Simone},
 doi = {10.1177/0042085920937764},
 journal = {Urban Education},
 number = {9}
}

We conducted an inductive analysis of 166 interviews from a longitudinal study of 26 Chicago Public School principals. Test-based accountability pressures played a visible role in principals’ views of and relations with parents. Some principals reported banning parents from classrooms based on the need to protect instructional time to raise test scores; others thought more parental involvement would help their school reach its academic goals. Viewing principals in urban schools as street-level bureaucrats who have discretion in how they implement policy demands offers a way to understand variation in principals’ decisions about parent involvement.

@article{
 title = {Uncertain Threat is Associated with Greater Impulsive Actions and Neural Dissimilarity to Black Versus White Faces},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {944-956},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.3758/s13415-022-01056-2},
 id = {cbf48e6c-34f8-37cf-848d-d8e720dc76a5},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:39:35.915Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.158Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Rubien-Thomas2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Race is a social construct that contributes to group membership and heightens emotional arousal in intergroup contexts. Little is known about how emotional arousal, specifically uncertain threat, influences behavior and brain processes in response to race information. We investigated the effects of experimentally manipulated uncertain threat on impulsive actions to Black versus White faces in a community sample (n = 106) of Black and White adults. While undergoing fMRI, participants performed an emotional go/no-go task under three conditions of uncertainty: 1) anticipation of an uncertain threat (i.e., unpredictable loud aversive sound); 2) anticipation of an uncertain reward (i.e., unpredictable receipt of money); and 3) no anticipation of an uncertain event. Representational similarity analysis was used to examine the neural representations of race information across functional brain networks between conditions of uncertainty. Participants—regardless of their own race—showed greater impulsivity and neural dissimilarity in response to Black versus White faces across all functional brain networks in conditions of uncertain threat relative to other conditions. This pattern of greater neural dissimilarity under threat was enhanced in individuals with high implicit racial bias. Our results illustrate the distinct and important influence of uncertain threat on global differentiation in how race information is represented in the brain, which may contribute to racially biased behavior.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Rubien-Thomas, Estée and Berrian, Nia and M. Rapuano, Kristina and J. Skalaban, Lena and Cervera, Alessandra and Nardos, Binyam and Cohen, Alexandra O. and Lowrey, Ariel and M. Daumeyer, Natalie and Watts, Richard and Camp, Nicholas P. and Hughes, Brent L. and Eberhardt, Jennifer L. and Taylor-Thompson, Kim A. and Fair, Damien A. and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Casey, B. J.},
 doi = {10.3758/s13415-022-01056-2},
 journal = {Cognitive, Affective, & Behavioral Neuroscience},
 number = {3}
}

Race is a social construct that contributes to group membership and heightens emotional arousal in intergroup contexts. Little is known about how emotional arousal, specifically uncertain threat, influences behavior and brain processes in response to race information. We investigated the effects of experimentally manipulated uncertain threat on impulsive actions to Black versus White faces in a community sample (n = 106) of Black and White adults. While undergoing fMRI, participants performed an emotional go/no-go task under three conditions of uncertainty: 1) anticipation of an uncertain threat (i.e., unpredictable loud aversive sound); 2) anticipation of an uncertain reward (i.e., unpredictable receipt of money); and 3) no anticipation of an uncertain event. Representational similarity analysis was used to examine the neural representations of race information across functional brain networks between conditions of uncertainty. Participants—regardless of their own race—showed greater impulsivity and neural dissimilarity in response to Black versus White faces across all functional brain networks in conditions of uncertain threat relative to other conditions. This pattern of greater neural dissimilarity under threat was enhanced in individuals with high implicit racial bias. Our results illustrate the distinct and important influence of uncertain threat on global differentiation in how race information is represented in the brain, which may contribute to racially biased behavior.

@article{
 title = {Administrative Burdens and Economic Insecurity Among Black, Latino, and White Families},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {56-75},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {http://www.rsfjournal.org/lookup/doi/10.7758/RSF.2023.9.5.03},
 id = {8e1dee1c-ef81-33a3-b870-5a5a5b812c11},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:39:35.944Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:43:59.236Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Parolin2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This study investigates how administrative burdens influence differential receipt of income transfers after a family member loses a job. Using the panel component of the Current Population Survey from 1990 through 2019, we find that administrative burdens have increased in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and Unemployment Insurance programs but declined for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. These administrative burden effects generally contribute to lower income replacement rates for Black and Latino families experiencing job loss relative to White families, though results are sensitive to adjustments for benefit underreporting. Moreover, states with higher shares of White residents have smaller administrative burden effects, on average. Reducing administrative burdens in income transfer programs would likely reduce racial-ethnic inequalities in economic insecurity.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Parolin, Zachary and Cross, Christina J. and O’Brien, Rourke},
 doi = {10.7758/RSF.2023.9.5.03},
 journal = {RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences},
 number = {5}
}

This study investigates how administrative burdens influence differential receipt of income transfers after a family member loses a job. Using the panel component of the Current Population Survey from 1990 through 2019, we find that administrative burdens have increased in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and Unemployment Insurance programs but declined for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program. These administrative burden effects generally contribute to lower income replacement rates for Black and Latino families experiencing job loss relative to White families, though results are sensitive to adjustments for benefit underreporting. Moreover, states with higher shares of White residents have smaller administrative burden effects, on average. Reducing administrative burdens in income transfer programs would likely reduce racial-ethnic inequalities in economic insecurity.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {3–19},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/978-3-031-44115-8_1},
 publisher = {Springer},
 id = {bb757cd5-85ee-3f27-94ff-8d92239b2eb1},
 created = {2024-07-29T15:47:45.391Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T15:47:45.391Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2023a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The socio-historical context surrounding racism in the United States is integral to understanding the state of contemporary families. Yet the scholarship seeking to explain socioeconomic racial disparities across families has primarily focused attention on individual-level factors, particularly family structure. The late sociologist, C. Wright Mills emphasized the importance of macro- and micro-level phenomena in shaping individual lives. Drawing on Mill’s notion of “the sociological imagination,” I argue that it is critical to consider the role of broader historical and social contexts, such as structural racism, in producing and maintaining racial inequalities across families in the United States. Through examining the socio-historical context of race and structural racism, prior research on racial inequality in poverty across families, and empirical and theoretical developments in this area, I underline that more research on structural racism is necessary to effectively address enduring racial gaps.},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Baker, Regina S.},
 editor = {Witherspoon, Dawn P. and McHale, Susan M. and King, Valarie},
 doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-44115-8_1},
 chapter = {The Role of Structural Racism for Inequality in Family Poverty: Why Context Matters},
 title = {Family Socialization, Race, and Inequality in the United States}
}

The socio-historical context surrounding racism in the United States is integral to understanding the state of contemporary families. Yet the scholarship seeking to explain socioeconomic racial disparities across families has primarily focused attention on individual-level factors, particularly family structure. The late sociologist, C. Wright Mills emphasized the importance of macro- and micro-level phenomena in shaping individual lives. Drawing on Mill’s notion of “the sociological imagination,” I argue that it is critical to consider the role of broader historical and social contexts, such as structural racism, in producing and maintaining racial inequalities across families in the United States. Through examining the socio-historical context of race and structural racism, prior research on racial inequality in poverty across families, and empirical and theoretical developments in this area, I underline that more research on structural racism is necessary to effectively address enduring racial gaps.

@article{
 title = {Insecure Employment Relations in the Post-Civil Rights Period: The Persistence of Racial and Gender Gaps in Hourly Employment},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 keywords = {Race,exploitation,gender,hourly employment,intersectional},
 pages = {215–258},
 volume = {11},
 websites = {https://journals.uc.edu/index.php/isrs/article/view/8008},
 id = {b8522e43-21ba-3fc6-84ba-0daa68804f63},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.087Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.087Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Hanley2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Fundamental changes in the nature of work since the 1970s have made it difficult to assess how the role of race and gender in structuring access to secure employment relations has changed in the post–Civil Rights period. This paper focuses on different forms of workplace exploitation, represented by hourly versus salaried employment, as a key faultline of intersectional inequality. Hourly employment relations represent a form of exploitation with greater potential for economic insecurity than salaried employment due to lower pay, greater scheduling instability, and greater likelihood of involuntary part-time work. The paper assesses racial and gender differences in rates of hourly employment over time, including among workers who began their working lives in the pre- and post-Civil Rights periods. Using CPS-MORG data from 1979 to 2019, the paper shows that hourly employment is highly stratified by race, as non-Hispanic Black workers hold such positions at much higher rates than non-Hispanic White workers. Gender intersects with race to shape rates of hourly employment over time. White men’s odds of hourly employment are increasing over time, signaling rising insecurity, but at a slower rate than among Black men, White women, and Black women. Long-standing patterns of relative labor market disadvantage across racial and gender groups persist despite narrowing group differences in occupational and educational attainment and the decline of pre-Civil Rights Movement workers as a share of the labor market. In a period of deepening class-based inequalities, centering evaluation of racial and gender labor market advantage on different forms of exploitation that operate across industries, occupations, and new forms of work organization provides a more comprehensive picture of the role of race and gender in shaping access to secure employment relations.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hanley, Caroline and Branch, Enobong Hannah},
 journal = {Issues in Race & Society}
}

Fundamental changes in the nature of work since the 1970s have made it difficult to assess how the role of race and gender in structuring access to secure employment relations has changed in the post–Civil Rights period. This paper focuses on different forms of workplace exploitation, represented by hourly versus salaried employment, as a key faultline of intersectional inequality. Hourly employment relations represent a form of exploitation with greater potential for economic insecurity than salaried employment due to lower pay, greater scheduling instability, and greater likelihood of involuntary part-time work. The paper assesses racial and gender differences in rates of hourly employment over time, including among workers who began their working lives in the pre- and post-Civil Rights periods. Using CPS-MORG data from 1979 to 2019, the paper shows that hourly employment is highly stratified by race, as non-Hispanic Black workers hold such positions at much higher rates than non-Hispanic White workers. Gender intersects with race to shape rates of hourly employment over time. White men’s odds of hourly employment are increasing over time, signaling rising insecurity, but at a slower rate than among Black men, White women, and Black women. Long-standing patterns of relative labor market disadvantage across racial and gender groups persist despite narrowing group differences in occupational and educational attainment and the decline of pre-Civil Rights Movement workers as a share of the labor market. In a period of deepening class-based inequalities, centering evaluation of racial and gender labor market advantage on different forms of exploitation that operate across industries, occupations, and new forms of work organization provides a more comprehensive picture of the role of race and gender in shaping access to secure employment relations.

@article{
 title = {Changes in the Distribution of Black and White Wealth since the US Civil War},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {71–89},
 volume = {37},
 websites = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/jep.37.4.71},
 id = {3101d439-7b89-33fb-900f-a91640d45a6b},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.292Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.292Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The difference in the average wealth of Black and white Americans narrowed in the first century after the Civil War, but remained large and even widened again after 1980. Given high levels of wealth concentration both historically and today, dynamics at the average may not capture important heterogeneity in racial wealth gaps across the distribution. This paper looks into the historical evolution of the Black and white wealth distributions since Emancipation. The picture that emerges is an even starker one than racial wealth inequality at the mean. Tracing, for the first time, the evolution of wealth of the median Black household and the gap between the typical Black and white household over time, we estimate that the majority of Black households only began to dispose of measurable wealth around World War II. While the civil rights era brought substantial wealth gains for the median Black household, the gap between Black and white wealth at the median has not changed much since the 1970s. The top and the bottom of the wealth distribution show even greater persistence, with Black households consistently over-represented in the bottom half of the wealth distribution and under-represented in the top-10 percent over the past seven decades.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora and Kim, Chi Hyun and Kuhn, Moritz and Schularick, Moritz},
 doi = {10.1257/jep.37.4.71},
 journal = {Journal of Economic Perspectives},
 number = {4}
}

The difference in the average wealth of Black and white Americans narrowed in the first century after the Civil War, but remained large and even widened again after 1980. Given high levels of wealth concentration both historically and today, dynamics at the average may not capture important heterogeneity in racial wealth gaps across the distribution. This paper looks into the historical evolution of the Black and white wealth distributions since Emancipation. The picture that emerges is an even starker one than racial wealth inequality at the mean. Tracing, for the first time, the evolution of wealth of the median Black household and the gap between the typical Black and white household over time, we estimate that the majority of Black households only began to dispose of measurable wealth around World War II. While the civil rights era brought substantial wealth gains for the median Black household, the gap between Black and white wealth at the median has not changed much since the 1970s. The top and the bottom of the wealth distribution show even greater persistence, with Black households consistently over-represented in the bottom half of the wealth distribution and under-represented in the top-10 percent over the past seven decades.

@article{
 title = {Identity Group Stratification, Political Economy & Inclusive Economic Rights},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 pages = {154–167},
 volume = {152},
 websites = {https://direct.mit.edu/daed/article/152/1/154/115018/Identity-Group-Stratification-Political-Economy},
 month = {2},
 day = {28},
 id = {5bc58d0d-ef89-317a-a875-869b3b179c52},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.424Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.424Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Chelwa2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This essay demonstrates the necessity of formally incorporating identity group stratification as a pillar alongside economic and political understandings of any political economy framework. We make our case by juxtaposing mutual inadequacies and myopic limitations associated with two influential but polar political economy frameworks-Marxian and public choice theory-since neither framework formally incorporates an identity group stratification lens beyond class reductionism. Finally, in addition to presenting an identity group stratification lens to economic thought, we present an Inclusive Economic Rights policy framework as a critical baseline component of human rights, foregrounding political economic tendencies toward identity group stratifications as a pathway forward to achieve a “moral political economy.”},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chelwa, Grieve and Hamilton, Darrick and Green, Avi},
 doi = {10.1162/daed_a_01973},
 journal = {Daedalus},
 number = {1}
}

This essay demonstrates the necessity of formally incorporating identity group stratification as a pillar alongside economic and political understandings of any political economy framework. We make our case by juxtaposing mutual inadequacies and myopic limitations associated with two influential but polar political economy frameworks-Marxian and public choice theory-since neither framework formally incorporates an identity group stratification lens beyond class reductionism. Finally, in addition to presenting an identity group stratification lens to economic thought, we present an Inclusive Economic Rights policy framework as a critical baseline component of human rights, foregrounding political economic tendencies toward identity group stratifications as a pathway forward to achieve a “moral political economy.”

@article{
 title = {The Contemporary Relevance of Historic Black Land Loss},
 type = {article},
 year = {2023},
 volume = {48},
 websites = {https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/wealth-disparities-in-civil-rights/the-contemporary-relevance-of-historic-black-land-loss/},
 id = {18034335-347e-3adc-bf4b-4f73d3e5348a},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.567Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.567Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Francis2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Francis, Dania V. and Chelwa, Grieve and Hamilton, Darrick and Mitchell, Thomas W. and Rosenberg, Nathan A. and Stucki, Bryce Wilson},
 journal = {American Bar Association Human Rights Magazine},
 number = {2}
}

@unpublished{
 title = {The Lasting Impact of Historical Residential Security Maps on Experienced Segregation},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2023},
 source = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Papers},
 keywords = {Redlining,access to credit,experienced segregation,intergroup exposure,within-city mobility},
 institution = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago},
 series = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Papers},
 revision = {2023-33},
 id = {889721d6-9f5b-3c61-9f97-7c06b909c7de},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.513Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:34:34.513Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Aaronson2023},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We study the impact of the 1930s HOLC residential security maps on experienced segregation based on cell phone records which track visits out of and into home neighborhoods. We compare adjacent neighborhoods, one of which was assigned a lower grade for creditworthiness than the other. We use a sample of neighborhood borders which, based on estimated propensity scores, are likely to have been drawn for idiosyncratic reasons. Neighborhoods on the lower graded side of the border are associated with more visits to other historically lower graded destination neighborhoods. Today, these destination neighborhoods tend to have lower household income and, in some cases, lower educational attainment. We find that these disparities in visits are not driven by work commutes, very local visits, or differences in income. We also find similar disparities for incoming visits. Finally, we study the impact of the maps on non-residential segregation at the city level, based on a comparison of cities around a population cutoff that determined whether a city was included in the HOLC program. Using transition matrices, we describe visit probabilities across the distribution of home and destination neighborhood incomes. In cities with HOLC maps, visits across neighborhood income lines are less common, but this effect is less pronounced for the richest home neighborhoods. These findings suggest that these historical “redlining” maps affect non-residential segregation and the social interactions of urban residents in the present day.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Aaronson, Daniel and Han, Joel Kaiyuan and Hartley, Daniel and Mazumder, Bhash}
}

We study the impact of the 1930s HOLC residential security maps on experienced segregation based on cell phone records which track visits out of and into home neighborhoods. We compare adjacent neighborhoods, one of which was assigned a lower grade for creditworthiness than the other. We use a sample of neighborhood borders which, based on estimated propensity scores, are likely to have been drawn for idiosyncratic reasons. Neighborhoods on the lower graded side of the border are associated with more visits to other historically lower graded destination neighborhoods. Today, these destination neighborhoods tend to have lower household income and, in some cases, lower educational attainment. We find that these disparities in visits are not driven by work commutes, very local visits, or differences in income. We also find similar disparities for incoming visits. Finally, we study the impact of the maps on non-residential segregation at the city level, based on a comparison of cities around a population cutoff that determined whether a city was included in the HOLC program. Using transition matrices, we describe visit probabilities across the distribution of home and destination neighborhood incomes. In cities with HOLC maps, visits across neighborhood income lines are less common, but this effect is less pronounced for the richest home neighborhoods. These findings suggest that these historical “redlining” maps affect non-residential segregation and the social interactions of urban residents in the present day.

@article{
 title = {The Enduring Significance of Ethno-Racial Inequalities in Poverty in the U.S., 1993–2017},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {1049–1083},
 volume = {41},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11113-021-09679-y},
 id = {75e5654c-99f6-3eec-ba94-1ac9e807b907},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.763Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.332Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Baker, Regina S. and Brady, David and Parolin, Zachary and Williams, Deadric T.},
 doi = {10.1007/s11113-021-09679-y},
 journal = {Population Research and Policy Review},
 number = {3}
}

@article{
 title = {Exposure to Childhood Poverty and Racial Differences in Economic Opportunity in Young Adulthood},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {2295–2319},
 volume = {59},
 websites = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/demography/article/59/6/2295/320388/Exposure-to-Childhood-Poverty-and-Racial},
 id = {67f1812a-52ed-3a8a-9645-abfde058e68e},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.796Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.519Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Parolin2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Young adults in the United States, especially young Black adults, experience high poverty rates relative to other age groups. Prior research has largely attributed racial disparities in young adult poverty to differential attainment of benchmarks related to education, employment, and family formation. This study investigates that mechanism alongside racial differences in childhood poverty exposure. Analyses of Panel Study of Income Dynamics data reveal that racial differences in childhood poverty are more consequential than differential attainment of education, employment, and family formation benchmarks in shaping racial differences in young adult poverty. Whereas benchmark attainment reduces an individual's likelihood of poverty, racial differences in benchmark attainment do not meaningfully explain Black–White poverty gaps for three reasons. First, childhood poverty is negatively associated with benchmark attainment, generating strong selection effects into the behavioral characteristics associated with lower poverty. Second, benchmark attainment does not equalize poverty rates among Black and White men. Third, Black children experience four times the poverty rate of White children, and childhood poverty has lingering negative consequences for young adult poverty. Although equalizing benchmark attainment would reduce Black–White gaps in young adult poverty, equalizing childhood poverty exposure would have twice the reduction effect.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Parolin, Zachary and Matsudaira, Jordan and Waldfogel, Jane and Wimer, Christopher},
 doi = {10.1215/00703370-10350740},
 journal = {Demography},
 number = {6}
}

Young adults in the United States, especially young Black adults, experience high poverty rates relative to other age groups. Prior research has largely attributed racial disparities in young adult poverty to differential attainment of benchmarks related to education, employment, and family formation. This study investigates that mechanism alongside racial differences in childhood poverty exposure. Analyses of Panel Study of Income Dynamics data reveal that racial differences in childhood poverty are more consequential than differential attainment of education, employment, and family formation benchmarks in shaping racial differences in young adult poverty. Whereas benchmark attainment reduces an individual's likelihood of poverty, racial differences in benchmark attainment do not meaningfully explain Black–White poverty gaps for three reasons. First, childhood poverty is negatively associated with benchmark attainment, generating strong selection effects into the behavioral characteristics associated with lower poverty. Second, benchmark attainment does not equalize poverty rates among Black and White men. Third, Black children experience four times the poverty rate of White children, and childhood poverty has lingering negative consequences for young adult poverty. Although equalizing benchmark attainment would reduce Black–White gaps in young adult poverty, equalizing childhood poverty exposure would have twice the reduction effect.

@article{
 title = {Policing Sexuality: Sexual Minority Youth, Police Contact, and Health Inequity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {101292},
 volume = {20},
 websites = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S2352827322002713},
 id = {68199912-da8c-38fa-a4da-a30a6a1e36a8},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.952Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.620Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Schwartz2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Police contact is increasingly recognized as an adverse childhood experience and determinant of poor mental health. While targeting of LGBTQ sex and community spaces by law enforcement has a long precedent in US history—and while LGBTQ people continue to protest unfair police treatment—little population-level research has examined police contact disparities by sexual orientation or gender identity. We test whether sexual minority (SM) youth have higher risk of police contact through young adulthood. We analyze a nationally representative cohort of >15,000 US young adults who were in middle/high school in the mid-1990s, with police contact histories collected at age 18–25. Using four different, equally reasonable approaches to coding youth-reported sexual orientation, we identified ∼500–1900 SMs. Compared to heterosexual youth, SM youth had 1.86 times the odds of ever being stopped by police (95% CI = 1.56–2.22, p < 0.001), were stopped 1.60 times as often (CI = 1.38–1.86, p < 0.001), and were stopped at younger ages (survival time ratio = 0.91, CI = 0.88–0.93, p < 0.001). Inequities were particularly driven by SM women, among whom disparities were severe (ever stopped OR = 2.18, stop count ratio = 2.44, survival time ratio = 0.87). For men, inequities only emerged once a broad definition of SM was adopted, suggesting that young SM men who do not identify as LGB (or who are reticent to report themselves as such) may be at particular risk. Results were robust to adjustment for race/ethnicity and parental nativity, though small cells meant models stratified by race/ethnicity were underpowered. Given substantially heightened police contact among SM youth (particularly, young SM women), care providers and educators working with them should explicitly combat homophobic and criminal legal system stigma and screen for police contact and its psychological sequelae. More data on LGBTQ communities’ criminal legal system contact throughout life is essential for preventing the causes and consequences of related sexual orientation-based health inequities.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Schwartz, Gabriel L. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Geller, Amanda},
 doi = {10.1016/j.ssmph.2022.101292},
 journal = {SSM - Population Health}
}

Police contact is increasingly recognized as an adverse childhood experience and determinant of poor mental health. While targeting of LGBTQ sex and community spaces by law enforcement has a long precedent in US history—and while LGBTQ people continue to protest unfair police treatment—little population-level research has examined police contact disparities by sexual orientation or gender identity. We test whether sexual minority (SM) youth have higher risk of police contact through young adulthood. We analyze a nationally representative cohort of >15,000 US young adults who were in middle/high school in the mid-1990s, with police contact histories collected at age 18–25. Using four different, equally reasonable approaches to coding youth-reported sexual orientation, we identified ∼500–1900 SMs. Compared to heterosexual youth, SM youth had 1.86 times the odds of ever being stopped by police (95% CI = 1.56–2.22, p < 0.001), were stopped 1.60 times as often (CI = 1.38–1.86, p < 0.001), and were stopped at younger ages (survival time ratio = 0.91, CI = 0.88–0.93, p < 0.001). Inequities were particularly driven by SM women, among whom disparities were severe (ever stopped OR = 2.18, stop count ratio = 2.44, survival time ratio = 0.87). For men, inequities only emerged once a broad definition of SM was adopted, suggesting that young SM men who do not identify as LGB (or who are reticent to report themselves as such) may be at particular risk. Results were robust to adjustment for race/ethnicity and parental nativity, though small cells meant models stratified by race/ethnicity were underpowered. Given substantially heightened police contact among SM youth (particularly, young SM women), care providers and educators working with them should explicitly combat homophobic and criminal legal system stigma and screen for police contact and its psychological sequelae. More data on LGBTQ communities’ criminal legal system contact throughout life is essential for preventing the causes and consequences of related sexual orientation-based health inequities.

@article{
 title = {Disaggregating Asian American and Pacific Islander Risk of Fatal Police Violence},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {e0274745},
 volume = {17},
 websites = {https://dx.plos.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0274745},
 day = {10},
 id = {87e162a9-33fd-32df-b549-5e5875a7547c},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.957Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.658Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Schwartz2022a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {High rates and racial inequities in U.S. fatal police violence are an urgent area of public health concern and policy attention. Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) have been described as experiencing low rates of fatal police violence, yet AAPI subgroups vary widely on nearly every demographic and economic metric. Here, we calculate fatal police violence rates by AAPI regional and national/ethnic background, finding wide variation. We compile a list of AAPI people killed in interactions with police in 2013–2019, then use web searches and surname algorithms to identify decedents’ backgrounds. Rates are then calculated by combining this numerator data with population denominators from the American Community Survey and fitting Poisson models. Excluding 18% of deaths with missing regional backgrounds, East and South Asian Americans died at a rate of 0.05 and 0.04 deaths per 100,000 (95% CI: 0.04–0.06 and 0.02–0.08), respectively, less than a third of Southeast Asian Americans’ rate (0.16, CI: 0.13–0.19). Pacific Islanders suffered higher rates (0.88, CI: 0.65–1.19), on par with Native and Black Americans. More granularly, Southeast Asian American groups displaced by US war in Southeast Asia suffered higher rates than others from the same region. Traditional racial classifications thus obscure high risks of fatal police violence for AAPI subgroups. Disaggregation is needed to improve responses to fatal police violence and its racial/ethnic inequities.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Schwartz, Gabriel L. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L.},
 editor = {Jackson, Jonathan},
 doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0274745},
 journal = {PLOS ONE},
 number = {10}
}

High rates and racial inequities in U.S. fatal police violence are an urgent area of public health concern and policy attention. Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPIs) have been described as experiencing low rates of fatal police violence, yet AAPI subgroups vary widely on nearly every demographic and economic metric. Here, we calculate fatal police violence rates by AAPI regional and national/ethnic background, finding wide variation. We compile a list of AAPI people killed in interactions with police in 2013–2019, then use web searches and surname algorithms to identify decedents’ backgrounds. Rates are then calculated by combining this numerator data with population denominators from the American Community Survey and fitting Poisson models. Excluding 18% of deaths with missing regional backgrounds, East and South Asian Americans died at a rate of 0.05 and 0.04 deaths per 100,000 (95% CI: 0.04–0.06 and 0.02–0.08), respectively, less than a third of Southeast Asian Americans’ rate (0.16, CI: 0.13–0.19). Pacific Islanders suffered higher rates (0.88, CI: 0.65–1.19), on par with Native and Black Americans. More granularly, Southeast Asian American groups displaced by US war in Southeast Asia suffered higher rates than others from the same region. Traditional racial classifications thus obscure high risks of fatal police violence for AAPI subgroups. Disaggregation is needed to improve responses to fatal police violence and its racial/ethnic inequities.

@article{
 title = {Association Between Racial Wealth Inequities and Racial Disparities in Longevity Among U.S. Adults and Role of Reparations Payments, 1992 to 2018},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {e2240519},
 volume = {5},
 websites = {https://jamanetwork.com/journals/jamanetworkopen/fullarticle/2798135},
 id = {2276e943-a423-3b1c-99c3-e3aef8ec2817},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.963Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.792Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Himmelstein2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Importance In the US, Black individuals die younger than White individuals and have less household wealth, a legacy of slavery, ongoing discrimination, and discriminatory public policies. The role of wealth inequality in mediating racial health inequities is unclear. Objective To assess the contribution of wealth inequities to the longevity gap that exists between Black and White individuals in the US and to model the potential effects of reparations payments on this gap. Design, Setting, and Participants This cohort study analyzed the association between wealth and survival among participants in the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative panel study of community-dwelling noninstitutionalized US adults 50 years or older that assessed data collected from April 1992 to July 2019. Participants included 7339 non-Hispanic Black (hereinafter Black) and 26 162 non-Hispanic White (hereinafter White) respondents. Data were analyzed from January 1 to September 17, 2022. Exposures Household wealth, the sum of all assets (including real estate, vehicles, and investments), minus the value of debts. Main Outcomes and Measures The primary outcome was all-cause mortality by the end of survey follow-up in 2018. Using parametric survival models, the associations among household wealth, race, and survival were evaluated, adjusting for age, sex, number of household members, and marital status. Additional models controlled for educational level and income. The survival effects of eliminating the current mean wealth gap with reparations payments ($828 055 per household) were simulated. Results Of the 33 501 individuals in the sample, a weighted 50.1% were women, and weighted mean (SD) age at study entry was 59.3 (11.1) years. Black participants’ median life expectancy was 77.5 (95% CI, 77.0-78.2) years, 4 years shorter than the median life expectancy for White participants (81.5 [95% CI, 81.2-81.8] years). Adjusting for demographic variables, Black participants had a hazard ratio for death of 1.26 (95% CI, 1.18-1.34) compared with White participants. After adjusting for differences in wealth, survival did not differ significantly by race (hazard ratio, 1.00 [95% CI, 0.92-1.08]). In simulations, reparations to close the mean racial wealth gap were associated with reductions in the longevity gap by 65.0% to 102.5%. Conclusions and Relevance The findings of this cohort study suggest that differences in wealth are associated with the longevity gap that exists between Black and White individuals in the US. Reparations payments to eliminate the racial wealth gap might substantially narrow racial inequities in mortality.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Himmelstein, Kathryn E. W. and Lawrence, Jourdyn A. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Ceasar, Joniqua N. and Morse, Michelle and Bassett, Mary T. and Wispelwey, Bram P. and Darity, William A. and Venkataramani, Atheendar S.},
 doi = {10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2022.40519},
 journal = {JAMA Network Open},
 number = {11}
}

Importance In the US, Black individuals die younger than White individuals and have less household wealth, a legacy of slavery, ongoing discrimination, and discriminatory public policies. The role of wealth inequality in mediating racial health inequities is unclear. Objective To assess the contribution of wealth inequities to the longevity gap that exists between Black and White individuals in the US and to model the potential effects of reparations payments on this gap. Design, Setting, and Participants This cohort study analyzed the association between wealth and survival among participants in the Health and Retirement Study, a nationally representative panel study of community-dwelling noninstitutionalized US adults 50 years or older that assessed data collected from April 1992 to July 2019. Participants included 7339 non-Hispanic Black (hereinafter Black) and 26 162 non-Hispanic White (hereinafter White) respondents. Data were analyzed from January 1 to September 17, 2022. Exposures Household wealth, the sum of all assets (including real estate, vehicles, and investments), minus the value of debts. Main Outcomes and Measures The primary outcome was all-cause mortality by the end of survey follow-up in 2018. Using parametric survival models, the associations among household wealth, race, and survival were evaluated, adjusting for age, sex, number of household members, and marital status. Additional models controlled for educational level and income. The survival effects of eliminating the current mean wealth gap with reparations payments ($828 055 per household) were simulated. Results Of the 33 501 individuals in the sample, a weighted 50.1% were women, and weighted mean (SD) age at study entry was 59.3 (11.1) years. Black participants’ median life expectancy was 77.5 (95% CI, 77.0-78.2) years, 4 years shorter than the median life expectancy for White participants (81.5 [95% CI, 81.2-81.8] years). Adjusting for demographic variables, Black participants had a hazard ratio for death of 1.26 (95% CI, 1.18-1.34) compared with White participants. After adjusting for differences in wealth, survival did not differ significantly by race (hazard ratio, 1.00 [95% CI, 0.92-1.08]). In simulations, reparations to close the mean racial wealth gap were associated with reductions in the longevity gap by 65.0% to 102.5%. Conclusions and Relevance The findings of this cohort study suggest that differences in wealth are associated with the longevity gap that exists between Black and White individuals in the US. Reparations payments to eliminate the racial wealth gap might substantially narrow racial inequities in mortality.

@article{
 title = {The Consequences of Medicaid Expansion Under the Affordable Care Act for Police Arrests},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {e0261512},
 volume = {17},
 websites = {https://dx.plos.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0261512},
 id = {7506570a-a758-3fe6-ace3-01dfb567a032},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.966Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.644Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Simes2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Background & methods National protests in the summer of 2020 drew attention to the significant presence of police in marginalized communities. Recent social movements have called for substantial police reforms, including “defunding the police,” a phrase originating from a larger, historical abolition movement advocating that public investments be redirected away from the criminal justice system and into social services and health care. Although research has demonstrated the expansive role of police to respond a broad range of social problems and health emergencies, existing research has yet to fully explore the capacity for health insurance policy to influence rates of arrest in the population. To fill this gap, we examine the potential effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on arrests in 3,035 U.S. counties. We compare county-level arrests using FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program Data before and after Medicaid expansion in 2014–2016, relative to counties in non-expansion states. We use difference-in-differences (DID) models to estimate the change in arrests following Medicaid expansion for overall arrests, and violent, drug, and low-level arrests. Results Police arrests significantly declined following the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA. Medicaid expansion produced a 20–32% negative difference in overall arrests rates in the first three years. We observe the largest negative differences for drug arrests: we find a 25–41% negative difference in drug arrests in the three years following Medicaid expansion, compared to non-expansion counties. We observe a 19–29% negative difference in arrests for violence in the three years after Medicaid expansion, and a decrease in low-level arrests between 24–28% in expansion counties compared to non-expansion counties. Our main results for drug arrests are robust to multiple sensitivity analyses, including a state-level model. Conclusions Evidence in this paper suggests that expanded Medicaid insurance reduced police arrests, particularly drug-related arrests. Combined with research showing the harmful health consequences of chronic policing in disadvantaged communities, greater insurance coverage creates new avenues for individuals to seek care, receive treatment, and avoid criminalization. As police reform is high on the agenda at the local, state, and federal level, our paper supports the perspective that broad health policy reforms can meaningfully reduce contact with the criminal justice system under historic conditions of mass criminalization.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Simes, Jessica T. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L.},
 editor = {Taxman, Faye},
 doi = {10.1371/journal.pone.0261512},
 journal = {PLOS ONE},
 number = {1}
}

Background & methods National protests in the summer of 2020 drew attention to the significant presence of police in marginalized communities. Recent social movements have called for substantial police reforms, including “defunding the police,” a phrase originating from a larger, historical abolition movement advocating that public investments be redirected away from the criminal justice system and into social services and health care. Although research has demonstrated the expansive role of police to respond a broad range of social problems and health emergencies, existing research has yet to fully explore the capacity for health insurance policy to influence rates of arrest in the population. To fill this gap, we examine the potential effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ACA) on arrests in 3,035 U.S. counties. We compare county-level arrests using FBI Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Program Data before and after Medicaid expansion in 2014–2016, relative to counties in non-expansion states. We use difference-in-differences (DID) models to estimate the change in arrests following Medicaid expansion for overall arrests, and violent, drug, and low-level arrests. Results Police arrests significantly declined following the expansion of Medicaid under the ACA. Medicaid expansion produced a 20–32% negative difference in overall arrests rates in the first three years. We observe the largest negative differences for drug arrests: we find a 25–41% negative difference in drug arrests in the three years following Medicaid expansion, compared to non-expansion counties. We observe a 19–29% negative difference in arrests for violence in the three years after Medicaid expansion, and a decrease in low-level arrests between 24–28% in expansion counties compared to non-expansion counties. Our main results for drug arrests are robust to multiple sensitivity analyses, including a state-level model. Conclusions Evidence in this paper suggests that expanded Medicaid insurance reduced police arrests, particularly drug-related arrests. Combined with research showing the harmful health consequences of chronic policing in disadvantaged communities, greater insurance coverage creates new avenues for individuals to seek care, receive treatment, and avoid criminalization. As police reform is high on the agenda at the local, state, and federal level, our paper supports the perspective that broad health policy reforms can meaningfully reduce contact with the criminal justice system under historic conditions of mass criminalization.

@article{
 title = {Healthy and Thriving: Advancing Anti-Racism Evidence and Solutions to Transform the Health of Black Communities},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {2016–2018},
 volume = {400},
 websites = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0140673622024023},
 id = {39eba529-433c-3f75-ad88-d4c43f09debd},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:45.019Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.503Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Barber2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Barber, Sharrelle and Ferreira, Andrêa and Gripper, Ashley B. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L.},
 doi = {10.1016/S0140-6736(22)02402-3},
 journal = {The Lancet},
 number = {10368}
}

@article{
 title = {Racial Disparities in Neighborhood Arrest Rates during the COVID-19 Pandemic},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {67–76},
 volume = {99},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.1007/s11524-021-00598-z},
 id = {9a50df2a-d6f6-3564-a1cc-c9b30f7f6f34},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.516Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.687Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Jahn2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Structural racism in police contact is an important driver of health inequities among the U.S. urban population. Hyper-policing and police violence in marginalized communities have risen to the top of the national policy agenda, particularly since protests in 2020. How did pandemic conditions impact policing? We assess neighborhood racial disparities in arrests after COVID-19 stay-at-home orders in Boston, Charleston, Pittsburgh, and San Francisco census tracts (January 2019–August 2020). Using interrupted time series models with census tract fixed effects, we report arrest rates across tract racial and ethnic compositions. In the weeks following stay-at-home orders, overall arrest rates were 39% lower (95% CI: 37–41%) on average compared to rates the year prior. Although arrest rates steadily increased thereafter, most tracts did not reach pre-pandemic arrest levels. However, despite declines in nearly all census tracts, the magnitude of racial inequities in arrests remained unchanged. During the initial weeks of the pandemic, arrest rates declined significantly in areas with higher Black populations, but average rates in Black neighborhoods remained higher than pre-pandemic arrest rates in White neighborhoods. These findings support urban policy reforms that reconsider police capacity and presence, particularly as a mechanism for enforcing public health ordinances and reducing racial disparities.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Simes, Jessica T. and Cowger, Tori L. and Davis, Brigette A.},
 doi = {10.1007/s11524-021-00598-z},
 journal = {Journal of Urban Health},
 number = {1}
}

Structural racism in police contact is an important driver of health inequities among the U.S. urban population. Hyper-policing and police violence in marginalized communities have risen to the top of the national policy agenda, particularly since protests in 2020. How did pandemic conditions impact policing? We assess neighborhood racial disparities in arrests after COVID-19 stay-at-home orders in Boston, Charleston, Pittsburgh, and San Francisco census tracts (January 2019–August 2020). Using interrupted time series models with census tract fixed effects, we report arrest rates across tract racial and ethnic compositions. In the weeks following stay-at-home orders, overall arrest rates were 39% lower (95% CI: 37–41%) on average compared to rates the year prior. Although arrest rates steadily increased thereafter, most tracts did not reach pre-pandemic arrest levels. However, despite declines in nearly all census tracts, the magnitude of racial inequities in arrests remained unchanged. During the initial weeks of the pandemic, arrest rates declined significantly in areas with higher Black populations, but average rates in Black neighborhoods remained higher than pre-pandemic arrest rates in White neighborhoods. These findings support urban policy reforms that reconsider police capacity and presence, particularly as a mechanism for enforcing public health ordinances and reducing racial disparities.

@article{
 title = {The Role of Poverty and Racial Discrimination in Exacerbating the Health Consequences of COVID-19},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {100178},
 volume = {7},
 websites = {https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S2667193X21001745},
 id = {58e5012b-3f6e-38d3-871e-dcc222b76a88},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.582Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.695Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Parolin2022a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {There were more than 800,000 confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) deaths in the United States (U.S) by the end of 2021. The health consequences of COVID-19, however, have not affected all residents equally. In this review, we synthesize recent evidence suggesting that high levels of poverty in the U.S. compared to other high-income countries, as well as historic and ongoing racial/ethnic discrimination, have exacerbated the health consequences of COVID-19, particularly for racial/ethnic minorities. We discuss four mechanisms through which poverty and discrimination affect COVID-19-related health consequences: greater pre-existing health challenges, reduced access to healthcare, lower-quality neighbourhood and housing conditions, and unequal exposure to high-risk occupations. Evidence suggests that economic and policy institutions that contributed to higher pre-pandemic poverty rates in the U.S., particularly among racial/ethnic minorities, have been central determinants of unequal health outcomes during the COVID-19 pandemic.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Parolin, Zachary and Lee, Emma K.},
 doi = {10.1016/j.lana.2021.100178},
 journal = {The Lancet Regional Health - Americas}
}

There were more than 800,000 confirmed coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) deaths in the United States (U.S) by the end of 2021. The health consequences of COVID-19, however, have not affected all residents equally. In this review, we synthesize recent evidence suggesting that high levels of poverty in the U.S. compared to other high-income countries, as well as historic and ongoing racial/ethnic discrimination, have exacerbated the health consequences of COVID-19, particularly for racial/ethnic minorities. We discuss four mechanisms through which poverty and discrimination affect COVID-19-related health consequences: greater pre-existing health challenges, reduced access to healthcare, lower-quality neighbourhood and housing conditions, and unequal exposure to high-risk occupations. Evidence suggests that economic and policy institutions that contributed to higher pre-pandemic poverty rates in the U.S., particularly among racial/ethnic minorities, have been central determinants of unequal health outcomes during the COVID-19 pandemic.

@unpublished{
 title = {School Closures Significantly Reduced Arrests of Black and Latinx Urban Youth},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2022},
 source = {Initiative on Cities Working Paper Series},
 pages = {24},
 websites = {https://hdl.handle.net/2144/45262},
 institution = {Boston University},
 series = {Initiative on Cities Working Paper Series},
 revision = {000A5},
 id = {7e699a86-bb0f-3444-9b59-2a97af09cc17},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.676Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.676Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Simes2022a},
 source_type = {Working Paper},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Police arrests are common events for youth of color, contributing to increased risk of arrest in adulthood and population health inequities. Although schools are important sites for youth criminalization, research focuses on within-school mechanisms, with limited analysis of hot spots policing in surrounding school areas. Using COVID-19 school closures as an interruption to police activity and in-person school attendance, we estimate Black youth weekly arrests fell from 43.6 to 16.8 per 100,000, vs. 3.57 to 2.17 per 100,000 among White youth. Youth arrest rates declined during two school closure periods: at the start of the pandemic and Summer 2019. A spatial analysis shows Black and Latinx youth experience a higher percentage of arrests near schools than White youth. Our findings show school closures significantly reduce arrests of urban youth of color, and reforms addressing youth criminalization and structural racism should consider the joint spatial context of schools and policing.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Simes, Jessica and Cowger, Tori and Jahn, Jaquelyn}
}

Police arrests are common events for youth of color, contributing to increased risk of arrest in adulthood and population health inequities. Although schools are important sites for youth criminalization, research focuses on within-school mechanisms, with limited analysis of hot spots policing in surrounding school areas. Using COVID-19 school closures as an interruption to police activity and in-person school attendance, we estimate Black youth weekly arrests fell from 43.6 to 16.8 per 100,000, vs. 3.57 to 2.17 per 100,000 among White youth. Youth arrest rates declined during two school closure periods: at the start of the pandemic and Summer 2019. A spatial analysis shows Black and Latinx youth experience a higher percentage of arrests near schools than White youth. Our findings show school closures significantly reduce arrests of urban youth of color, and reforms addressing youth criminalization and structural racism should consider the joint spatial context of schools and policing.

@article{
 title = {Political Ideology Moderates White Americans’ Reactions to Racial Demographic Change},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {642–660},
 volume = {25},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/13684302211052516},
 id = {aefc4e5d-cbc0-3fbf-9a59-513361829946},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.840Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.809Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Brown2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a large toll on population health and well-being. We examine the consequences of prenatal exposure for infant health, through which the pandemic may have lasting intergenerational effects. We examine multiple pathways by which the pandemic shaped birth outcomes and socioeconomic disparities in these consequences. Analysis of more than 3.5 million birth records in California with universal information on COVID infection among persons giving birth at the time of delivery reveals deep inequalities in infection by education, race/ethnicity, and place-based socioeconomic disadvantage. COVID infection during pregnancy, in turn, predicts a large increase in the probability of preterm birth, by approximately one third. At the population level, a surprising reduction in preterm births during the first months of the pandemic was followed by an increase in preterm births during the surge in COVID infections in the winter of 2021. Whereas the early-pandemic reduction in preterm births benefited primarily highly educated mothers, the increase in preterm births during the winter infection surge was entirely concentrated among mothers with low levels of schooling. The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to exacerbate U.S. inequality in multiple ways. Our findings highlight a particularly enduring pathway: the long-term legacy of prenatal exposure to an unequal pandemic environment.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Brown, Xanni and Rucker, Julian M. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 doi = {10.1177/13684302211052516},
 journal = {Group Processes & Intergroup Relations},
 number = {3}
}

The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a large toll on population health and well-being. We examine the consequences of prenatal exposure for infant health, through which the pandemic may have lasting intergenerational effects. We examine multiple pathways by which the pandemic shaped birth outcomes and socioeconomic disparities in these consequences. Analysis of more than 3.5 million birth records in California with universal information on COVID infection among persons giving birth at the time of delivery reveals deep inequalities in infection by education, race/ethnicity, and place-based socioeconomic disadvantage. COVID infection during pregnancy, in turn, predicts a large increase in the probability of preterm birth, by approximately one third. At the population level, a surprising reduction in preterm births during the first months of the pandemic was followed by an increase in preterm births during the surge in COVID infections in the winter of 2021. Whereas the early-pandemic reduction in preterm births benefited primarily highly educated mothers, the increase in preterm births during the winter infection surge was entirely concentrated among mothers with low levels of schooling. The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to exacerbate U.S. inequality in multiple ways. Our findings highlight a particularly enduring pathway: the long-term legacy of prenatal exposure to an unequal pandemic environment.

@article{
 title = {The Unequal Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Infant Health},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {2025–2051},
 volume = {59},
 websites = {https://read.dukeupress.edu/demography/article/59/6/2025/319694/The-Unequal-Impact-of-the-COVID-19-Pandemic-on},
 id = {dd0cbd52-31cf-377e-beaa-4264a3c0b66b},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.853Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.842Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Torche2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a large toll on population health and well-being. We examine the consequences of prenatal exposure for infant health, through which the pandemic may have lasting intergenerational effects. We examine multiple pathways by which the pandemic shaped birth outcomes and socioeconomic disparities in these consequences. Analysis of more than 3.5 million birth records in California with universal information on COVID infection among persons giving birth at the time of delivery reveals deep inequalities in infection by education, race/ethnicity, and place-based socioeconomic disadvantage. COVID infection during pregnancy, in turn, predicts a large increase in the probability of preterm birth, by approximately one third. At the population level, a surprising reduction in preterm births during the first months of the pandemic was followed by an increase in preterm births during the surge in COVID infections in the winter of 2021. Whereas the early-pandemic reduction in preterm births benefited primarily highly educated mothers, the increase in preterm births during the winter infection surge was entirely concentrated among mothers with low levels of schooling. The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to exacerbate U.S. inequality in multiple ways. Our findings highlight a particularly enduring pathway: the long-term legacy of prenatal exposure to an unequal pandemic environment.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Torche, Florencia and Nobles, Jenna},
 doi = {10.1215/00703370-10311128},
 journal = {Demography},
 number = {6}
}

The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a large toll on population health and well-being. We examine the consequences of prenatal exposure for infant health, through which the pandemic may have lasting intergenerational effects. We examine multiple pathways by which the pandemic shaped birth outcomes and socioeconomic disparities in these consequences. Analysis of more than 3.5 million birth records in California with universal information on COVID infection among persons giving birth at the time of delivery reveals deep inequalities in infection by education, race/ethnicity, and place-based socioeconomic disadvantage. COVID infection during pregnancy, in turn, predicts a large increase in the probability of preterm birth, by approximately one third. At the population level, a surprising reduction in preterm births during the first months of the pandemic was followed by an increase in preterm births during the surge in COVID infections in the winter of 2021. Whereas the early-pandemic reduction in preterm births benefited primarily highly educated mothers, the increase in preterm births during the winter infection surge was entirely concentrated among mothers with low levels of schooling. The COVID-19 pandemic is expected to exacerbate U.S. inequality in multiple ways. Our findings highlight a particularly enduring pathway: the long-term legacy of prenatal exposure to an unequal pandemic environment.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {171–192},
 publisher = {W.E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research},
 chapter = {Race and Intergenerational Mobility in the United States},
 id = {563b4ba6-5ada-3216-a535-61adbf4b00cf},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.936Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:34:16.936Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Mazumder2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 title = {Intergenerational Mobility: How Gender, Race, and Family Structure Affect Adult Outcomes}
}

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {131–143},
 publisher = {Oxford University Press},
 chapter = {Gender and Racial Equality},
 id = {21964fd8-36a6-3dda-ae4f-a1a6c14ca7fa},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:34:17.138Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:34:17.138Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kenworthy2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Kenworthy, Lane},
 title = {Would Democratic Socialism Be Better?}
}

@article{
 title = {Ethno-Racial Variation in Single Motherhood Prevalences and Penalties for Child Poverty in the United States, 1995–2018},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {20-36},
 volume = {702},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00027162221120759},
 id = {2102dfc8-4789-33a3-b28a-2851cf30b6b3},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.845Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.845Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2022d},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Empirical studies link high racial inequality in U.S. child poverty to the higher prevalence of single motherhood among certain racial groups. But a growing literature is demonstrating how the impact of single parenthood and family structure on children varies by racial group, including evidence that Black children experience smaller single motherhood “penalties” for some outcomes, like education. I use Luxembourg Income Study data for the United States from 1995 to 2018 to further investigations of ethno-racial variation in single motherhood penalties for child poverty. I provide a descriptive portrait of the levels and trends of children living in single-mother households and of the poverty penalties associated with children living in such households. I also show that, on average, Black children experience smaller penalties from single motherhood and Latino children experience larger penalties, both compared to White children. I conclude with discussion of potential reasons for this variation and future directions for research.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Baker, Regina S.},
 doi = {10.1177/00027162221120759},
 journal = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
 number = {1}
}

Empirical studies link high racial inequality in U.S. child poverty to the higher prevalence of single motherhood among certain racial groups. But a growing literature is demonstrating how the impact of single parenthood and family structure on children varies by racial group, including evidence that Black children experience smaller single motherhood “penalties” for some outcomes, like education. I use Luxembourg Income Study data for the United States from 1995 to 2018 to further investigations of ethno-racial variation in single motherhood penalties for child poverty. I provide a descriptive portrait of the levels and trends of children living in single-mother households and of the poverty penalties associated with children living in such households. I also show that, on average, Black children experience smaller penalties from single motherhood and Latino children experience larger penalties, both compared to White children. I conclude with discussion of potential reasons for this variation and future directions for research.

@article{
 title = {Race, Gender, Higher Education, and Socioeconomic Attainment: Evidence from Baby Boomers at Midlife},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {990-1024},
 volume = {100},
 websites = {https://academic.oup.com/sf/article/100/3/990/6155846},
 id = {afe53b40-fa30-3129-9d02-824df054ede4},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.159Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.159Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Conwell2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This article investigates White, Black, and Hispanic men’s and women’s access and midlife labor market returns to college quality. To do so, we use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1979 Cohort (NLSY-79), merged with college quality information from the Barron’s Admissions Competitiveness Index. Although prior research has investigated similar dynamics in access and returns to higher education, this work typically excludes Hispanics and does not assess enrollments at community colleges and other less competitive colleges where Black and Hispanic enrollments tend to cluster. We find that Black–White and Hispanic–White differences in college quality, to Whites’ advantage, were fully explained or reversed once we accounted for differences in students’ backgrounds. At midlife, Hispanic and especially Black men had lower rates of labor force participation than White men who attended colleges of the same quality. Including such differences (i.e., years of no or part-time work) in assessing the earnings returns to college quality demonstrated striking disadvantages facing college-educated Black men relative to White men, which were not fully accounted for by background characteristics. Employment and earnings returns to college quality were not as disparate by race for women. Relative to White women, we find earnings advantages for Hispanic women among those who attended community colleges. This article demonstrates the utility of taking an intersectional and life course approach to the study of higher education and the economic returns to schooling.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Conwell, Jordan A and Quadlin, Natasha},
 doi = {10.1093/sf/soab010},
 journal = {Social Forces},
 number = {3}
}

This article investigates White, Black, and Hispanic men’s and women’s access and midlife labor market returns to college quality. To do so, we use data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth-1979 Cohort (NLSY-79), merged with college quality information from the Barron’s Admissions Competitiveness Index. Although prior research has investigated similar dynamics in access and returns to higher education, this work typically excludes Hispanics and does not assess enrollments at community colleges and other less competitive colleges where Black and Hispanic enrollments tend to cluster. We find that Black–White and Hispanic–White differences in college quality, to Whites’ advantage, were fully explained or reversed once we accounted for differences in students’ backgrounds. At midlife, Hispanic and especially Black men had lower rates of labor force participation than White men who attended colleges of the same quality. Including such differences (i.e., years of no or part-time work) in assessing the earnings returns to college quality demonstrated striking disadvantages facing college-educated Black men relative to White men, which were not fully accounted for by background characteristics. Employment and earnings returns to college quality were not as disparate by race for women. Relative to White women, we find earnings advantages for Hispanic women among those who attended community colleges. This article demonstrates the utility of taking an intersectional and life course approach to the study of higher education and the economic returns to schooling.

@article{
 title = {Structural Racism, Family Structure, and Black–White Inequality: The Differential Impact of the Legacy of Slavery on Poverty among Single Mother and Married Parent Households},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {1341-1365},
 volume = {84},
 websites = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jomf.12837},
 id = {da9462c6-aa76-3696-9cfe-de6cd11d7f18},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.352Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.352Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2022c},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Baker, Regina S. and O'Connell, Heather A.},
 doi = {10.1111/jomf.12837},
 journal = {Journal of Marriage and Family},
 number = {5}
}

@article{
 title = {The Historical Racial Regime and Racial Inequality in Poverty in the American South},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {1721-1781},
 volume = {127},
 websites = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/719653},
 id = {9acc6a57-d3de-3870-a9b3-ca6ac65f6221},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.454Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.454Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Baker2022a},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Baker, Regina S.},
 doi = {10.1086/719653},
 journal = {American Journal of Sociology},
 number = {6}
}

@article{
 title = {Can You Move to Opportunity? Evidence from the Great Migration},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {369-408},
 volume = {112},
 id = {7e2ddc59-0129-3288-a7ff-02adc51c0a0d},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.595Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.595Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This paper shows that racial composition shocks during the Great Migration (1940–1970) reduced the gains from growing up in the northern United States for Black families and can explain 27 percent of the region’s racial upward mobility gap today. I identify northern Black share increases by interacting pre-1940 Black migrants’ location choices with predicted southern county out-migration. Locational changes, not negative selection of families, explain lower upward mobility, with persistent segregation and increased crime and policing as plausible mechanisms. The case of the Great Migration provides a more nuanced view of moving to opportunity when destination reactions are taken into account. (JEL H75, H76, J15, J62, K42, N32, R23)},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora},
 doi = {10.1257/aer.20200002},
 journal = {American Economic Review},
 number = {2}
}

This paper shows that racial composition shocks during the Great Migration (1940–1970) reduced the gains from growing up in the northern United States for Black families and can explain 27 percent of the region’s racial upward mobility gap today. I identify northern Black share increases by interacting pre-1940 Black migrants’ location choices with predicted southern county out-migration. Locational changes, not negative selection of families, explain lower upward mobility, with persistent segregation and increased crime and policing as plausible mechanisms. The case of the Great Migration provides a more nuanced view of moving to opportunity when destination reactions are taken into account. (JEL H75, H76, J15, J62, K42, N32, R23)

@unpublished{
 title = {Wealth of Two Nations: The U.S. Racial Wealth Gap, 1860-2020},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2022},
 source = {NBER Working Paper Series},
 pages = {40},
 websites = {http://www.nber.org/papers/w30101.pdf},
 city = {Cambridge, MA},
 institution = {National Bureau of Economic Research},
 series = {NBER Working Paper Series},
 revision = {30101},
 id = {72e2bd36-d033-3791-8713-7337ea90c0e5},
 created = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.230Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.230Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2022a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The racial wealth gap is the largest of the economic disparities between Black and white Americans, with a white-to-Black per capita wealth ratio of 6 to 1. It is also among the most persistent. In this paper, we construct the first continuous series on white-to-Black per capita wealth ratios from 1860 to 2020, drawing on historical census data, early state tax records, and historical waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances, among other sources. Incorporating these data into a parsimonious model of wealth accumulation for each racial group, we document the role played by initial conditions, income growth, savings behavior, and capital returns in the evolution of the gap. Given vastly different starting conditions under slavery, racial wealth convergence would remain a distant scenario, even if wealth-accumulating conditions had been equal across the two groups since Emancipation. Relative to this equal-conditions benchmark, we find that observed convergence has followed an even slower path over the last 150 years, with convergence stalling after 1950. Since the 1980s, the wealth gap has widened again as capital gains have predominantly benefited white households, and income convergence has stopped.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora and Kim, Chi Hyun and Kuhn, Moritz and Schularick, Moritz},
 doi = {10.3386/w30101}
}

The racial wealth gap is the largest of the economic disparities between Black and white Americans, with a white-to-Black per capita wealth ratio of 6 to 1. It is also among the most persistent. In this paper, we construct the first continuous series on white-to-Black per capita wealth ratios from 1860 to 2020, drawing on historical census data, early state tax records, and historical waves of the Survey of Consumer Finances, among other sources. Incorporating these data into a parsimonious model of wealth accumulation for each racial group, we document the role played by initial conditions, income growth, savings behavior, and capital returns in the evolution of the gap. Given vastly different starting conditions under slavery, racial wealth convergence would remain a distant scenario, even if wealth-accumulating conditions had been equal across the two groups since Emancipation. Relative to this equal-conditions benchmark, we find that observed convergence has followed an even slower path over the last 150 years, with convergence stalling after 1950. Since the 1980s, the wealth gap has widened again as capital gains have predominantly benefited white households, and income convergence has stopped.

@book{
 title = {Work in Black and White: Striving for the American Dream},
 type = {book},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {232},
 websites = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7758/9781610449014},
 publisher = {Russell Sage Foundation},
 id = {2ca677ba-6f12-33a1-8046-39a9393a33f1},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.483Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:39:36.218Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2022},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The ability to achieve economic security through hard work is a central tenet of the American Dream, but significant shifts in today’s economy have fractured this connection. While economic insecurity has always been a reality for some Americans, Black Americans have historically long experienced worse economic outcomes than Whites. In Work in Black and White, sociologists Enobong Hannah Branch and Caroline Hanley draw on interviews with 79 middle-aged Black and White Americans to explore how their attitudes and perceptions of success are influenced by the stories American culture has told about the American Dream – and about who should have access to it and who should not. Branch and Hanley find that Black and White workers draw on racially distinct histories to make sense of today’s rising economic insecurity. White Americans have grown increasingly pessimistic and feel that the American Dream is now out of reach, mourning the loss of a sense of economic security which they took for granted. But Black Americans tend to negotiate their present insecurity with more optimism, since they cannot mourn something they never had. All educated workers bemoaned the fact that their credentials no longer guarantee job security, but Black workers lamented the reality that even with an education, racial inequality continues to block access to good jobs for many. The authors interject a provocative observation into the ongoing debate over opportunity, security, and the American Dream: Among policymakers and the public alike, Americans talk too much about education. The ways people navigate insecurity, inequality, and uncertainty rests on more than educational attainment. The authors call for a public policy that ensures dignity in working conditions and pay while accounting for the legacies of historical inequality. Americans want the game of life to be fair. While the survey respondents expressed common ground on the ideal of meritocracy, opinions about to achieve economic security for all diverge along racial lines, with the recognition – or not – of differences in current and past access to opportunity in America. Work in Black and White is a call to action for meaningful policies to make the premise of the American Dream a reality.},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Hanley, Caroline},
 doi = {10.7758/9781610449014}
}

The ability to achieve economic security through hard work is a central tenet of the American Dream, but significant shifts in today’s economy have fractured this connection. While economic insecurity has always been a reality for some Americans, Black Americans have historically long experienced worse economic outcomes than Whites. In Work in Black and White, sociologists Enobong Hannah Branch and Caroline Hanley draw on interviews with 79 middle-aged Black and White Americans to explore how their attitudes and perceptions of success are influenced by the stories American culture has told about the American Dream – and about who should have access to it and who should not. Branch and Hanley find that Black and White workers draw on racially distinct histories to make sense of today’s rising economic insecurity. White Americans have grown increasingly pessimistic and feel that the American Dream is now out of reach, mourning the loss of a sense of economic security which they took for granted. But Black Americans tend to negotiate their present insecurity with more optimism, since they cannot mourn something they never had. All educated workers bemoaned the fact that their credentials no longer guarantee job security, but Black workers lamented the reality that even with an education, racial inequality continues to block access to good jobs for many. The authors interject a provocative observation into the ongoing debate over opportunity, security, and the American Dream: Among policymakers and the public alike, Americans talk too much about education. The ways people navigate insecurity, inequality, and uncertainty rests on more than educational attainment. The authors call for a public policy that ensures dignity in working conditions and pay while accounting for the legacies of historical inequality. Americans want the game of life to be fair. While the survey respondents expressed common ground on the ideal of meritocracy, opinions about to achieve economic security for all diverge along racial lines, with the recognition – or not – of differences in current and past access to opportunity in America. Work in Black and White is a call to action for meaningful policies to make the premise of the American Dream a reality.

@article{
 title = {Igniting Change: An Evangelical Megachurch’s Racial Justice Program},
 type = {article},
 year = {2022},
 pages = {1260-1274},
 volume = {20},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592722000950},
 id = {f5989735-bab0-340c-a0df-f606fb94084c},
 created = {2025-05-29T17:07:24.632Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2025-05-29T17:07:24.632Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Congregations, with their size, breadth, and legacy of shaping political activism, have the potential to be important sites of action for addressing racial injustice in America. Yet historical legacies of racism and persistently high levels of racial animus have made white evangelical communities in particular resistant to addressing racism. Most efforts to address racism in these communities begin with prejudice reduction programs that often fail. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach, we examine the effectiveness of a different kind of six-week racial justice program in one of the nation’s largest evangelical megachurches that focuses on animating action among people open to tackling racial injustice in their church. We find that program participation is associated with increased feelings of efficacy, amplified perceptions of community, a greater commitment to cross-racial perspective taking, and greater likelihood of engaging in meaningful action. We argue that the program works by focusing on cross-racial relationship building to equip a people pre-disposed to action to actually take action. Developing such leaders is potentially the first step in a program other congregations can take to tackle racial injustice.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Han, Hahrie and Arora, Maneesh},
 doi = {10.1017/S1537592722000950},
 journal = {Perspectives on Politics},
 number = {4}
}

Congregations, with their size, breadth, and legacy of shaping political activism, have the potential to be important sites of action for addressing racial injustice in America. Yet historical legacies of racism and persistently high levels of racial animus have made white evangelical communities in particular resistant to addressing racism. Most efforts to address racism in these communities begin with prejudice reduction programs that often fail. Utilizing a mixed-methods approach, we examine the effectiveness of a different kind of six-week racial justice program in one of the nation’s largest evangelical megachurches that focuses on animating action among people open to tackling racial injustice in their church. We find that program participation is associated with increased feelings of efficacy, amplified perceptions of community, a greater commitment to cross-racial perspective taking, and greater likelihood of engaging in meaningful action. We argue that the program works by focusing on cross-racial relationship building to equip a people pre-disposed to action to actually take action. Developing such leaders is potentially the first step in a program other congregations can take to tackle racial injustice.

@article{
 title = {Frequent Police Stops, Parental incarceration and Mental Health: Results Among US Non-Hispanic Black and White Adolescent Girls and Boys},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {658–664},
 volume = {75},
 websites = {https://jech.bmj.com/lookup/doi/10.1136/jech-2020-214578},
 id = {e1e972d3-0926-35ff-b984-a52433176940},
 created = {2021-07-06T16:47:27.289Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:55.992Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Jahn2021b},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Background National monitoring of police–public contact does not extend below age 16 and few studies have examined associations with adolescent mental health. Methods We describe the distribution of police stops in a nationally representative cross-sectional sample of adolescents ages 12 to 18 years in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Child Development Supplement 2002 and 2007 (n=2557). We used survey-weighted race/ethnicity-stratified and gender-stratified regression models to examine associations between the frequency of police stops and both depressive symptoms and subjective well-being (emotional, psychological and social). We adjusted for several socioeconomic covariates and evaluated effect modification by parental incarceration. Results We estimated that 9.58% of adolescents were stopped two or more times. Despite fewer police stops compared with boys, Black and White girls who were stopped at least two times in the last 6 months had higher average depression scores relative to girls who were not stopped (Black: 2.13 (95% CI: 0.73 to 3.53), White: 2.17 (95% CI: 1.07 to 3.27)) and these associations were stronger among girls whose parents had been incarcerated. Police stops were significantly associated with higher depressive scores for White, but not Black, boys (2+ vs 0 stops: White: 1.33 (95% CI: 0.31 to 2.36, Black: 0.53 (95% CI: –0.28 to 1.34)). Associations between subjective well-being and police stops were stronger among non-Hispanic Black relative to White girls, whereas for boys, associations varied across subjective well-being subscales. Conclusion National monitoring data and public health research should examine adolescent police contact at younger ages stratified by both race/ethnicity and gender in order to better understand its relationship with adolescent mental health.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Agénor, Madina and Chen, Jarvis T. and Krieger, Nancy},
 doi = {10.1136/jech-2020-214578},
 journal = {Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health},
 number = {7}
}

Background National monitoring of police–public contact does not extend below age 16 and few studies have examined associations with adolescent mental health. Methods We describe the distribution of police stops in a nationally representative cross-sectional sample of adolescents ages 12 to 18 years in the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Child Development Supplement 2002 and 2007 (n=2557). We used survey-weighted race/ethnicity-stratified and gender-stratified regression models to examine associations between the frequency of police stops and both depressive symptoms and subjective well-being (emotional, psychological and social). We adjusted for several socioeconomic covariates and evaluated effect modification by parental incarceration. Results We estimated that 9.58% of adolescents were stopped two or more times. Despite fewer police stops compared with boys, Black and White girls who were stopped at least two times in the last 6 months had higher average depression scores relative to girls who were not stopped (Black: 2.13 (95% CI: 0.73 to 3.53), White: 2.17 (95% CI: 1.07 to 3.27)) and these associations were stronger among girls whose parents had been incarcerated. Police stops were significantly associated with higher depressive scores for White, but not Black, boys (2+ vs 0 stops: White: 1.33 (95% CI: 0.31 to 2.36, Black: 0.53 (95% CI: –0.28 to 1.34)). Associations between subjective well-being and police stops were stronger among non-Hispanic Black relative to White girls, whereas for boys, associations varied across subjective well-being subscales. Conclusion National monitoring data and public health research should examine adolescent police contact at younger ages stratified by both race/ethnicity and gender in order to better understand its relationship with adolescent mental health.

@article{
 title = {Gestational Exposure to Fatal Police Violence and Pregnancy Loss in US Core Based Statistical Areas, 2013–2015},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 keywords = {Fatal police violence,Gestational exposures,Health inequities,Policing,Pregnancy loss},
 volume = {36},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eclinm.2021.100901},
 id = {c93d7d24-9430-3c36-91c4-671bb9c5a917},
 created = {2021-07-06T16:47:27.306Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.887Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Jahn2021a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Background Fatal police violence in the United States disproportionately affects Black, Native American, and Hispanic people, and for these groups it is a racially oppressive population-level stressor that we hypothesize increases the risk of pregnancy loss. Focusing on core based statical areas (CBSAs) surrounding small and large urban centers, we accordingly tested whether gestational exposure to fatal police violence decreased the number of live births, which is reflective of a rise in lost pregnancies. Methods Our observational study linked microdata for all births (N = 7,709,300) in 520 CBSAs with at least one incident of fatal police violence in 2013–2015 to Fatal Encounters, a database that prospectively identified 2594 police-related fatalities using online media reports and public records. We estimated the association between month-to-month fatal police violence and conceptions resulting in live births using distributed lag quasi-Poisson models with CBSA-level fixed effects, adjusted for seasonality and stratified by maternal race/ethnicity. • View related content for this article Findings For each additional police-related fatality that occurred in the first through sixth months of gestation, we observed a 0.14% decrease (95% confidence interval: 0.05%, 0.23%) in the total number of live births within CBSAs, and a 0.29% decrease in births to Black women (95% CI: 0.11%, 0.48%). The association was null for births to White women. Interpretation Our findings suggest fatal police violence may have population-level consequences for pregnancy loss and adds to the evidence regarding the importance of preventing these fatalities. Funding This study was supported in part by NIH grant P30ES00002 to MGW.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Krieger, Nancy and Agénor, Madina and Leung, Michael and Davis, Brigette A. and Weisskopf, Marc G. and Chen, Jarvis T.},
 doi = {10.1016/j.eclinm.2021.100901},
 journal = {EClinicalMedicine}
}

Background Fatal police violence in the United States disproportionately affects Black, Native American, and Hispanic people, and for these groups it is a racially oppressive population-level stressor that we hypothesize increases the risk of pregnancy loss. Focusing on core based statical areas (CBSAs) surrounding small and large urban centers, we accordingly tested whether gestational exposure to fatal police violence decreased the number of live births, which is reflective of a rise in lost pregnancies. Methods Our observational study linked microdata for all births (N = 7,709,300) in 520 CBSAs with at least one incident of fatal police violence in 2013–2015 to Fatal Encounters, a database that prospectively identified 2594 police-related fatalities using online media reports and public records. We estimated the association between month-to-month fatal police violence and conceptions resulting in live births using distributed lag quasi-Poisson models with CBSA-level fixed effects, adjusted for seasonality and stratified by maternal race/ethnicity. • View related content for this article Findings For each additional police-related fatality that occurred in the first through sixth months of gestation, we observed a 0.14% decrease (95% confidence interval: 0.05%, 0.23%) in the total number of live births within CBSAs, and a 0.29% decrease in births to Black women (95% CI: 0.11%, 0.48%). The association was null for births to White women. Interpretation Our findings suggest fatal police violence may have population-level consequences for pregnancy loss and adds to the evidence regarding the importance of preventing these fatalities. Funding This study was supported in part by NIH grant P30ES00002 to MGW.

@unpublished{
 title = {Economic Insecurity in the Family Tree and the Racial Wealth Gap},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2021},
 source = {SSRN Working Paper Series},
 pages = {55},
 websites = {http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3397222},
 institution = {SSRN},
 series = {SSRN Working Paper Series},
 id = {d58d1fd4-003d-31f3-9b89-c4161f92117b},
 created = {2021-07-06T16:47:27.576Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:07:24.613Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Toney2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {A growing body of research documents that middle income households are increasingly facing a higher prevalence of economic insecurity in relatives. We hypothesize that wealth accumulation will be greatly weakened for middle income households with proximity to a larger kin network of economic hardship. We focus on multiple generations and generational peers because they are members of the same family tree, yet they have grown up in different public policy regimes. Using panel data, we find that, compared to their white counterparts, third generation middle income black families are disproportionately exposed to relatives (siblings, cousins, parents, grandparents) that face poverty, unemployment, and wealth disparity. A decomposition of the wealth disparity reveals that economic insecurity in the family tree is one of the largest contributors to the black-white wealth gap among middle income earners in the third generation.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Toney, Jermaine and Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, William A.},
 doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3397222}
}

A growing body of research documents that middle income households are increasingly facing a higher prevalence of economic insecurity in relatives. We hypothesize that wealth accumulation will be greatly weakened for middle income households with proximity to a larger kin network of economic hardship. We focus on multiple generations and generational peers because they are members of the same family tree, yet they have grown up in different public policy regimes. Using panel data, we find that, compared to their white counterparts, third generation middle income black families are disproportionately exposed to relatives (siblings, cousins, parents, grandparents) that face poverty, unemployment, and wealth disparity. A decomposition of the wealth disparity reveals that economic insecurity in the family tree is one of the largest contributors to the black-white wealth gap among middle income earners in the third generation.

@article{
 title = {Framing, Context, and the Misperception of Black–White Wealth Inequality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 keywords = {economic inequality,intergroup relations,racism,social psychology,socioeconomic status},
 websites = {http://doi.org/10.1177/19485506211020910},
 id = {d65e428f-34dd-3cb9-94d5-bbb3b3b1eb47},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:07:23.427Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.853Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kraus2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In one large-scale experiment using U.S. respondents on Mechanical Turk (N = 2,899), we studied how subtle differences in framing and context impacted estimates of the Black–White wealth gap. Across our 10 different experimental manipulations of framing and context, respondents consistently overestimated Black family wealth relative to White wealth. There was also substantial variation in the magnitude of these wealth estimates, which ranged from a low of 35 to a high of over 60 percentage points across the conditions. Overestimates were largest when respondents were asked about the Black–White wealth gap at both past and present time points and closest to accuracy when respondents used images as pictorial comparisons for White and Black wealth. Overall, while framing and context certainly affect the magnitude of this misperception, the tendency to overestimate racial wealth equality is extremely robust.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Kraus, Michael W. and Hudson, Sa-kiera T. J. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 doi = {10.1177/19485506211020910},
 journal = {Social Psychological and Personality Science}
}

In one large-scale experiment using U.S. respondents on Mechanical Turk (N = 2,899), we studied how subtle differences in framing and context impacted estimates of the Black–White wealth gap. Across our 10 different experimental manipulations of framing and context, respondents consistently overestimated Black family wealth relative to White wealth. There was also substantial variation in the magnitude of these wealth estimates, which ranged from a low of 35 to a high of over 60 percentage points across the conditions. Overestimates were largest when respondents were asked about the Black–White wealth gap at both past and present time points and closest to accuracy when respondents used images as pictorial comparisons for White and Black wealth. Overall, while framing and context certainly affect the magnitude of this misperception, the tendency to overestimate racial wealth equality is extremely robust.

@article{
 title = {Does the Negro Need Separate Schools? A Retrospective Analysis of the Racial Composition of Schools and Black Adult Academic and Economic Success},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 keywords = {desegregation,high school dropouts,high school graduation,racial composition,stratification economics},
 pages = {166–186},
 volume = {7},
 websites = {http://doi.org/10.7758/rsf.2021.7.1.10},
 id = {8bdd4dcb-08a9-3018-b994-5a731c8f7eea},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:07:23.618Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T18:11:57.821Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Diette2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {W.E.B. Du Bois asserted that black students are better served by attending predominantly black schools than hostile integrated schools in a context of racial discrimination. The conventional assumption is that black students benefit educationally by attending schools with more white peers, which have access to greater resources. However, the theory of the functionality of discrimination advances the idea that black students may face greater discrimination in school settings with numerous white peers as a result of a competitive process and white appropriation of preferred resources. Using the National Survey of Black Americans, we find evidence of a nonmonotonic relationship between high school racial composition and years of schooling completed, high school graduation, likelihood of being employed, and likelihood of owning a home. We conclude, contrary to conventional belief, that it is not unambiguously the case that black students gain from attending schools with more white peers.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Diette, Timothy M. and Hamilton, Darrick and Goldsmith, Arthur H. and Darity, Jr., William A.},
 doi = {10.7758/rsf.2021.7.1.10},
 journal = {RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences},
 number = {1}
}

W.E.B. Du Bois asserted that black students are better served by attending predominantly black schools than hostile integrated schools in a context of racial discrimination. The conventional assumption is that black students benefit educationally by attending schools with more white peers, which have access to greater resources. However, the theory of the functionality of discrimination advances the idea that black students may face greater discrimination in school settings with numerous white peers as a result of a competitive process and white appropriation of preferred resources. Using the National Survey of Black Americans, we find evidence of a nonmonotonic relationship between high school racial composition and years of schooling completed, high school graduation, likelihood of being employed, and likelihood of owning a home. We conclude, contrary to conventional belief, that it is not unambiguously the case that black students gain from attending schools with more white peers.

@article{
 title = {Processing of Task-Irrelevant Race Information is Associated with Diminished Cognitive Control in Black and White Individuals},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 keywords = {attention,cognitive control,fMRI,face perception,implicit bias,race},
 pages = {625–638},
 volume = {21},
 websites = {https://link.springer.com/10.3758/s13415-021-00896-8},
 id = {ac3ee613-5208-3d5f-bd95-40bf102b76fb},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:07:23.694Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:24.010Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Rubien-Thomas2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The race of an individual is a salient physical feature that is rapidly processed by the brain and can bias our perceptions of others. How the race of others explicitly impacts our actions toward them during intergroup contexts is not well understood. In the current study, we examined how task-irrelevant race information influences cognitive control in a go/no-go task in a community sample of Black (n = 54) and White (n = 51) participants. We examined the neural correlates of behavioral effects using functional magnetic resonance imaging and explored the influence of implicit racial attitudes on brain-behavior associations. Both Black and White participants showed more cognitive control failures, as indexed by dprime, to Black versus White faces, despite the irrelevance of race to the task demands. This behavioral pattern was paralleled by greater activity to Black faces in the fusiform face area, implicated in processing face and in-group information, and lateral orbitofrontal cortex, associated with resolving stimulus-response conflict. Exploratory brain-behavior associations suggest different patterns in Black and White individuals. Black participants exhibited a negative association between fusiform activity and response time during impulsive errors to Black faces, whereas White participants showed a positive association between lateral OFC activity and cognitive control performance to Black faces when accounting for implicit racial associations. Together our findings propose that attention to race information is associated with diminished cognitive control that may be driven by different mechanisms for Black and White individuals.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Rubien-Thomas, Estée and Berrian, Nia and Cervera, Alessandra and Nardos, Binyam and Cohen, Alexandra O. and Lowrey, Ariel and Daumeyer, Natalie M. and Camp, Nicholas P. and Hughes, Brent L. and Eberhardt, Jennifer L. and Taylor-Thompson, Kim A. and Fair, Damien A. and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Casey, B. J.},
 doi = {10.3758/s13415-021-00896-8},
 journal = {Cognitive, Affective, & Behavioral Neuroscience},
 number = {3}
}

The race of an individual is a salient physical feature that is rapidly processed by the brain and can bias our perceptions of others. How the race of others explicitly impacts our actions toward them during intergroup contexts is not well understood. In the current study, we examined how task-irrelevant race information influences cognitive control in a go/no-go task in a community sample of Black (n = 54) and White (n = 51) participants. We examined the neural correlates of behavioral effects using functional magnetic resonance imaging and explored the influence of implicit racial attitudes on brain-behavior associations. Both Black and White participants showed more cognitive control failures, as indexed by dprime, to Black versus White faces, despite the irrelevance of race to the task demands. This behavioral pattern was paralleled by greater activity to Black faces in the fusiform face area, implicated in processing face and in-group information, and lateral orbitofrontal cortex, associated with resolving stimulus-response conflict. Exploratory brain-behavior associations suggest different patterns in Black and White individuals. Black participants exhibited a negative association between fusiform activity and response time during impulsive errors to Black faces, whereas White participants showed a positive association between lateral OFC activity and cognitive control performance to Black faces when accounting for implicit racial associations. Together our findings propose that attention to race information is associated with diminished cognitive control that may be driven by different mechanisms for Black and White individuals.

@article{
 title = {Large Socio-Economic, Geographic and Demographic Disparities Exist in Exposure to School Closures},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {522–528},
 volume = {5},
 websites = {http://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01087-8},
 id = {6e072e36-0d23-363c-98dc-04d431d625d7},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:07:24.138Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.984Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Parolin2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The coronovirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has prompted many school districts to turn to distance or at-home learning. Studies are emerging on the negative effects of distance learning on educational performance, but less is known about the socio-economic, geographic and demographic characteristics of students exposed to distance learning. We introduce a U.S. School Closure and Distance Learning Database that tracks in-person visits across more than 100,000 schools throughout 2020. The database, which we make publicly accessible and update monthly, describes year-over-year change in in-person visits to each school throughout 2020 to estimate whether the school is engaged in distance learning. Our findings reveal that school closures from September to December 2020 were more common in schools with lower third-grade math scores and higher shares of students from racial/ethnic minorities, who experience homelessness, have limited English proficiency and are eligible for free/reduced-price school lunches. The findings portend rising inequalities in learning outcomes.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Parolin, Zachary and Lee, Emma K.},
 doi = {10.1038/s41562-021-01087-8},
 journal = {Nature Human Behaviour},
 number = {4}
}

The coronovirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic has prompted many school districts to turn to distance or at-home learning. Studies are emerging on the negative effects of distance learning on educational performance, but less is known about the socio-economic, geographic and demographic characteristics of students exposed to distance learning. We introduce a U.S. School Closure and Distance Learning Database that tracks in-person visits across more than 100,000 schools throughout 2020. The database, which we make publicly accessible and update monthly, describes year-over-year change in in-person visits to each school throughout 2020 to estimate whether the school is engaged in distance learning. Our findings reveal that school closures from September to December 2020 were more common in schools with lower third-grade math scores and higher shares of students from racial/ethnic minorities, who experience homelessness, have limited English proficiency and are eligible for free/reduced-price school lunches. The findings portend rising inequalities in learning outcomes.

@unpublished{
 title = {The Effects of the Great Migration on Urban Renewal},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2021},
 source = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Paper Series},
 pages = {42},
 websites = {https://www.chicagofed.org/~/media/publications/working-papers/2021/wp2021-04-pdf.pdf},
 city = {Chicago, IL},
 institution = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago},
 series = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Paper Series},
 revision = {WP 2021-04},
 id = {8dba4c67-2d1b-3f66-b28e-091aaa864681},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:22:29.074Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:55.816Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Shi2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The Great Migration significantly increased the number of African Americans moving to northern and western cities beginning in the first half of the twentieth century. We show that their arrival shaped “slum clearance” and urban redevelopment efforts in receiving cities. To estimate the effect of migrants, we instrument for Black population changes using a shift-share instrument that interacts historical migration patterns with local economic shocks that predict Black out-migration from the South. We find that local governments responded by undertaking more urban renewal projects that aimed to redevelop and rehabilitate “blighted” areas. More Black migrants also led to an increase in the estimated number of displaced families. This underscores the contribution of spatial policies such as urban renewal towards understanding the long-term consequences of the Great Migration on central cities and Black neighborhoods and individuals.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Shi, Ying and Hartley, Daniel and Mazumder, Bhashkar and Rajan, Aastha},
 doi = {10.21033/wp-2021-04}
}

The Great Migration significantly increased the number of African Americans moving to northern and western cities beginning in the first half of the twentieth century. We show that their arrival shaped “slum clearance” and urban redevelopment efforts in receiving cities. To estimate the effect of migrants, we instrument for Black population changes using a shift-share instrument that interacts historical migration patterns with local economic shocks that predict Black out-migration from the South. We find that local governments responded by undertaking more urban renewal projects that aimed to redevelop and rehabilitate “blighted” areas. More Black migrants also led to an increase in the estimated number of displaced families. This underscores the contribution of spatial policies such as urban renewal towards understanding the long-term consequences of the Great Migration on central cities and Black neighborhoods and individuals.

@unpublished{
 title = {Building an Equitable Recovery: The Role of Race, Labor Markets, and Education},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2021},
 keywords = {Economic conditions,Economic impact,Economic recession,Employment outcomes,Minority group,Occupational health and safety,Wage differential},
 pages = {46},
 websites = {http://hdl.voced.edu.au/10707/567631},
 institution = {The New School Institute on Race and Political Economy},
 id = {fb2615e9-3e3e-3fc9-9fd1-93499f707544},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:33:38.561Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:33:38.561Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Hamilton2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The present economic downturn is unique among modern recessions. In response to the emergence of [Coronavirus Disease 2019] COVID-19, policymakers shut down large portions of the economy, leading to layoffs and cascading economic problems in order to save lives. Health concerns also led individuals to significant shifts in economic behavior. This report explains how this recession is different from past recessions - and how it is similar. In at least one respect, the current calamity falls well within the trends of American history: it is plagued by racial inequity. In most recessions, unemployment increases most among Black people, followed by Latinx people. In this recession, mortality and morbidity have increased in a similar fashion. Indeed, in most recessions, the primary risk facing workers is unemployment; in this crisis, workers may also face potential exposure to COVID-19. This report examines how Black and Latinx workers are unequally distributed in various job categories, compared to White workers, and shows that differences in educational attainment fail to explain the disparities.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Hamilton, Darrick and Biu, Ofronama and Famighetti, Christopher and Green, Avi and Strickland, Kyle and Wilcox, David}
}

The present economic downturn is unique among modern recessions. In response to the emergence of [Coronavirus Disease 2019] COVID-19, policymakers shut down large portions of the economy, leading to layoffs and cascading economic problems in order to save lives. Health concerns also led individuals to significant shifts in economic behavior. This report explains how this recession is different from past recessions - and how it is similar. In at least one respect, the current calamity falls well within the trends of American history: it is plagued by racial inequity. In most recessions, unemployment increases most among Black people, followed by Latinx people. In this recession, mortality and morbidity have increased in a similar fashion. Indeed, in most recessions, the primary risk facing workers is unemployment; in this crisis, workers may also face potential exposure to COVID-19. This report examines how Black and Latinx workers are unequally distributed in various job categories, compared to White workers, and shows that differences in educational attainment fail to explain the disparities.

@article{
 title = {Testing the Efficacy of Three Informational Interventions for Reducing Misperceptions of the Black–White Wealth Gap},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 volume = {118},
 websites = {http://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2108875118},
 id = {e0b64e20-2eab-35bf-b562-efb3aeab9115},
 created = {2021-09-22T17:15:45.078Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2022-03-11T15:33:41.085Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Callaghan2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Americans remain unaware of the magnitude of economic inequality in the nation and the degree to which it is patterned by race. We exposed a community sample of respondents to one of three interventions designed to promote a more realistic understanding of the Black–White wealth gap. The interventions conformed to recommendations in messaging about racial inequality drawn from the social sciences yet differed in how they highlighted data-based trends in Black–White wealth inequality, a single personal narrative, or both. Data interventions were more effective than the narrative in both shifting how people talk about racial wealth inequality—eliciting less speech about personal achievement—and, critically, lowering estimates of Black–White wealth equality for at least 18 mo following baseline, which aligned more with federal estimates of the Black–White wealth gap. Findings from this study highlight how data, along with current recommendations in the social sciences, can be leveraged to promote more accurate understandings of the magnitude of racial inequality in society, laying the necessary groundwork for messaging about equity-enhancing policy.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Callaghan, Bennett and Harouni, Leilah and Dupree, Cydney H. and Kraus, Michael W. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 doi = {10.1073/pnas.2108875118},
 journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences},
 number = {38}
}

Americans remain unaware of the magnitude of economic inequality in the nation and the degree to which it is patterned by race. We exposed a community sample of respondents to one of three interventions designed to promote a more realistic understanding of the Black–White wealth gap. The interventions conformed to recommendations in messaging about racial inequality drawn from the social sciences yet differed in how they highlighted data-based trends in Black–White wealth inequality, a single personal narrative, or both. Data interventions were more effective than the narrative in both shifting how people talk about racial wealth inequality—eliciting less speech about personal achievement—and, critically, lowering estimates of Black–White wealth equality for at least 18 mo following baseline, which aligned more with federal estimates of the Black–White wealth gap. Findings from this study highlight how data, along with current recommendations in the social sciences, can be leveraged to promote more accurate understandings of the magnitude of racial inequality in society, laying the necessary groundwork for messaging about equity-enhancing policy.

@article{
 title = {The Effects of the 1930s HOLC “Redlining” Maps},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {355–392},
 volume = {13},
 websites = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/pol.20190414},
 id = {28cda5f3-94fd-3b4a-b0a4-30684b33fb7f},
 created = {2023-01-26T17:21:44.627Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-01-26T17:44:23.332Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Aaronson2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This study uses a boundary design and propensity score methods to study the effects of the 1930s-era Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) “redlining” maps on the long-run trajectories of urban neighborhoods. The maps led to reduced home ownership rates, house values, and rents and increased racial segregation in later decades. A comparison on either side of a city-level population cutoff that determined whether maps were drawn finds broadly similar conclusions. These results suggest the HOLC maps had meaningful and lasting effects on the development of urban neighborhoods through reduced credit access and subsequent disinvestment.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Aaronson, Daniel and Hartley, Daniel and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 doi = {10.1257/pol.20190414},
 journal = {American Economic Journal: Economic Policy},
 number = {4}
}

This study uses a boundary design and propensity score methods to study the effects of the 1930s-era Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) “redlining” maps on the long-run trajectories of urban neighborhoods. The maps led to reduced home ownership rates, house values, and rents and increased racial segregation in later decades. A comparison on either side of a city-level population cutoff that determined whether maps were drawn finds broadly similar conclusions. These results suggest the HOLC maps had meaningful and lasting effects on the development of urban neighborhoods through reduced credit access and subsequent disinvestment.

@article{
 title = {Don’t Shoot! The Impact of Historical African American Protest on Police Killings of Civilians},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {1-34},
 volume = {37},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s10940-019-09443-8},
 id = {fac31e88-50d8-3467-a1ce-077777924aef},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.841Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.841Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Cunningham2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Objectives There is a long-standing history of protests in response to police killings of African American citizens. However, it remains a largely unanswered question as to whether these protest events have had any impact on subsequent police killings of African American civilians. To answer this question, we turn to the over 700 racial uprisings that occurred in the 1960s and early 1970s that were largely triggered by negative and often violent interactions between the African American community and police. Methods To determine the impact of racial uprisings on police killings of civilians, we conduct an event-study analysis with a robust set of controls. We employ data on civilian deaths by legal intervention by race, county-level uprising occurrence, and county demographic characteristics. We take advantage of variation in the location and timing of a county’s first uprising to determine the impact of uprisings on police killings of civilians. Our identification strategy relies on pre-existing trends in deaths by legal intervention being uncorrelated with the date of the first uprising in a county. Results The results show that counties saw a marked increase in both non-white and white deaths due to legal intervention in the years immediately following an uprising. This initial increase is substantially larger for non-whites relative to white civilians. Deaths due to legal intervention for non-white and white civilians diverge over the medium-to-long run. Non-white deaths resulting from legal intervention remain elevated after nearly a decade while deaths of whites revert to their pre-existing trend after a handful of years. Additional analysis regarding the impact of uprisings on policing shows that total crime and police employment do not change in a significant manner over the long run, however, officers are more likely to be killed or injured on duty. Conclusions The results clearly show that historical protest resulted in an increase in civilian deaths by legal intervention regardless of race in the short-run and a seemingly permanent increase in killings of non-white over the medium-to-long run. These results paint a depressing picture in which uprisings represent a structural change in police-civilian relations, adversely affecting white civilians in the short-run and non-white civilians in the short and long-run.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Cunningham, Jamein P. and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.1007/s10940-019-09443-8},
 journal = {Journal of Quantitative Criminology},
 number = {1}
}

Objectives There is a long-standing history of protests in response to police killings of African American citizens. However, it remains a largely unanswered question as to whether these protest events have had any impact on subsequent police killings of African American civilians. To answer this question, we turn to the over 700 racial uprisings that occurred in the 1960s and early 1970s that were largely triggered by negative and often violent interactions between the African American community and police. Methods To determine the impact of racial uprisings on police killings of civilians, we conduct an event-study analysis with a robust set of controls. We employ data on civilian deaths by legal intervention by race, county-level uprising occurrence, and county demographic characteristics. We take advantage of variation in the location and timing of a county’s first uprising to determine the impact of uprisings on police killings of civilians. Our identification strategy relies on pre-existing trends in deaths by legal intervention being uncorrelated with the date of the first uprising in a county. Results The results show that counties saw a marked increase in both non-white and white deaths due to legal intervention in the years immediately following an uprising. This initial increase is substantially larger for non-whites relative to white civilians. Deaths due to legal intervention for non-white and white civilians diverge over the medium-to-long run. Non-white deaths resulting from legal intervention remain elevated after nearly a decade while deaths of whites revert to their pre-existing trend after a handful of years. Additional analysis regarding the impact of uprisings on policing shows that total crime and police employment do not change in a significant manner over the long run, however, officers are more likely to be killed or injured on duty. Conclusions The results clearly show that historical protest resulted in an increase in civilian deaths by legal intervention regardless of race in the short-run and a seemingly permanent increase in killings of non-white over the medium-to-long run. These results paint a depressing picture in which uprisings represent a structural change in police-civilian relations, adversely affecting white civilians in the short-run and non-white civilians in the short and long-run.

@article{
 title = {All Wealth Is Not Created Equal: Race, Parental Net Worth, and Children’s Achievement},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {101},
 volume = {7},
 websites = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7758/rsf.2021.7.3.05},
 id = {f4cc15e4-ef48-3e66-8994-4dc7ea227f3e},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.162Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.162Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Conwell2021a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Using data from the children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort, spanning 1986 to 2014, we investigated whether White, Black, and Hispanic children whose parents had the same wealth, measured as net worth, have equal math and reading achievement trajectories from age five through fourteen. Black and Hispanic children often had significantly worse scores than same-wealth Whites. We also found racial variation, to the disadvantage of Blacks and Hispanics relative to same-wealth Whites, in measures of family demographic context and financial portfolio composition, both of which research has linked to children’s achievement. Whereas previous research has found that structural racial inequality contributes to racial differences in wealth, we find evidence of similar processes in same-wealth comparisons that have potential implications for children’s academic success.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Conwell, Jordan A. and Ye, Leafia Zi},
 doi = {10.7758/rsf.2021.7.3.05},
 journal = {RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences},
 number = {3}
}

Using data from the children of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 cohort, spanning 1986 to 2014, we investigated whether White, Black, and Hispanic children whose parents had the same wealth, measured as net worth, have equal math and reading achievement trajectories from age five through fourteen. Black and Hispanic children often had significantly worse scores than same-wealth Whites. We also found racial variation, to the disadvantage of Blacks and Hispanics relative to same-wealth Whites, in measures of family demographic context and financial portfolio composition, both of which research has linked to children’s achievement. Whereas previous research has found that structural racial inequality contributes to racial differences in wealth, we find evidence of similar processes in same-wealth comparisons that have potential implications for children’s academic success.

@article{
 title = {Diverging Disparities: Race, Parental Income, and Children’s Math Scores, 1960 to 2009},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {124-142},
 volume = {94},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0038040720963279},
 id = {f1ec5231-d329-3d64-8171-97ca11047705},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.164Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.164Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Conwell2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In recent decades, the black–white test score disparity has decreased, and the test score disparity between children of high- versus low-income parents has increased. This study focuses on a comparison that has, to date, fallen between the separate literatures on these diverging trends: black and white students whose parents have similarly low, middle, or high incomes (i.e., same income or race within income). To do so, I draw on three nationally representative data sets on 9th or 10th graders, covering 1960 to 2009, that contain information on students’ math test scores. I find that math test score disparities between black and white students with same-income parents are to black students’ disadvantage. Although these disparities have decreased since 1960, in 2009 they remained substantively large, statistically significant, and largest between children of the highest-income parents. Furthermore, family and school characteristics that scholars commonly use to explain test score disparities by race or income account for markedly decreasing shares of race-within-income disparities over time. The study integrates the literatures on test score disparities by race and income with attention to the historical and continued structural influence of race, net of parental income, on students’ educational experiences and test score outcomes.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Conwell, Jordan A.},
 doi = {10.1177/0038040720963279},
 journal = {Sociology of Education},
 number = {2}
}

In recent decades, the black–white test score disparity has decreased, and the test score disparity between children of high- versus low-income parents has increased. This study focuses on a comparison that has, to date, fallen between the separate literatures on these diverging trends: black and white students whose parents have similarly low, middle, or high incomes (i.e., same income or race within income). To do so, I draw on three nationally representative data sets on 9th or 10th graders, covering 1960 to 2009, that contain information on students’ math test scores. I find that math test score disparities between black and white students with same-income parents are to black students’ disadvantage. Although these disparities have decreased since 1960, in 2009 they remained substantively large, statistically significant, and largest between children of the highest-income parents. Furthermore, family and school characteristics that scholars commonly use to explain test score disparities by race or income account for markedly decreasing shares of race-within-income disparities over time. The study integrates the literatures on test score disparities by race and income with attention to the historical and continued structural influence of race, net of parental income, on students’ educational experiences and test score outcomes.

@article{
 title = {Race, Gender, and Parental College Savings: Assessing Economic and Academic Factors},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {20-42},
 volume = {94},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0038040720942927},
 id = {aea91279-9a09-3d24-9cbb-93f62ec044ee},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.190Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.190Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Quadlin2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This article assesses the relationships between race, gender, and parental college savings. Some prior studies have investigated race differences in parental college savings, yet none have taken an intersectional approach, and most of these studies were conducted with cohorts of students who predate key demographic changes among U.S. college goers (e.g., the reversal of the gender gap in college completion). Drawing on theories of parental investment and data from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09), we show that both race and gender are associated with whether parents save for college, as well as how much they save. Both black boys and black girls experience savings disadvantages relative to their white peers. However, black girls experience particularly striking disparities: Black girls with the strongest academic credentials receive savings equivalent to black girls with the weakest academic credentials. Results suggest this is due, at least in part, to the fact that high-achieving black girls tend to come from families that are much less well-off than high achievers in other race-gender groups. As a result, parents of black girls frequently rely on funding sources other than their own earnings or savings to pay for their children’s college. These funding sources include private loans that may pose financial challenges for black girls and their families across generations, thus deepening inequalities along the lines of gender, race, and class. These findings demonstrate the power of taking an intersectional approach to the study of higher education in general and college funding in particular.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Quadlin, Natasha and Conwell, Jordan A.},
 doi = {10.1177/0038040720942927},
 journal = {Sociology of Education},
 number = {1}
}

This article assesses the relationships between race, gender, and parental college savings. Some prior studies have investigated race differences in parental college savings, yet none have taken an intersectional approach, and most of these studies were conducted with cohorts of students who predate key demographic changes among U.S. college goers (e.g., the reversal of the gender gap in college completion). Drawing on theories of parental investment and data from the High School Longitudinal Study of 2009 (HSLS:09), we show that both race and gender are associated with whether parents save for college, as well as how much they save. Both black boys and black girls experience savings disadvantages relative to their white peers. However, black girls experience particularly striking disparities: Black girls with the strongest academic credentials receive savings equivalent to black girls with the weakest academic credentials. Results suggest this is due, at least in part, to the fact that high-achieving black girls tend to come from families that are much less well-off than high achievers in other race-gender groups. As a result, parents of black girls frequently rely on funding sources other than their own earnings or savings to pay for their children’s college. These funding sources include private loans that may pose financial challenges for black girls and their families across generations, thus deepening inequalities along the lines of gender, race, and class. These findings demonstrate the power of taking an intersectional approach to the study of higher education in general and college funding in particular.

@article{
 title = {Family Structure, Risks, and Racial Stratification in Poverty},
 type = {article},
 year = {2021},
 pages = {964-985},
 volume = {68},
 websites = {https://academic.oup.com/socpro/article/68/4/964/6312901},
 id = {10425bee-15d1-3b9d-b032-be57f2519662},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.325Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.325Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Williams2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Family structure remains a dominant explanation for understanding racial inequality in poverty. Yet, empirical studies show family structure does not fully account for this association. We present racial stratification as an alternative perspective emphasizing the social construction of race and how race contributes to the unequal distribution of resources. To illustrate the link between racial stratification and poverty, we rely on risk research and conceptualize risk in terms of prevalences (the percentage of people with risks) and penalties (the probability of poverty associated with risks). We assess whether family structure and risks intersect by racialized groups, and if so, whether the penalties for risks among Black and Latinx mothers, relative to white mothers, converge (i.e., smaller gap in penalties) or diverge (i.e., larger gap in penalties). Using panel data, our results revealed Black mothers had higher risk prevalence than both Latinx and white mothers. Moreover, a dramatic divergence in the penalties for risks emerged between racialized groups whereby Black and Latinx mothers experience greater disadvantage from risks than white mothers, regardless of family structure. We conclude family structure is not only an oversimplified explanation but also contributes to obscuring structural and systemic sources of racial inequality in poverty.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Williams, Deadric T. and Baker, Regina S.},
 doi = {10.1093/socpro/spab018},
 journal = {Social Problems},
 number = {4}
}

Family structure remains a dominant explanation for understanding racial inequality in poverty. Yet, empirical studies show family structure does not fully account for this association. We present racial stratification as an alternative perspective emphasizing the social construction of race and how race contributes to the unequal distribution of resources. To illustrate the link between racial stratification and poverty, we rely on risk research and conceptualize risk in terms of prevalences (the percentage of people with risks) and penalties (the probability of poverty associated with risks). We assess whether family structure and risks intersect by racialized groups, and if so, whether the penalties for risks among Black and Latinx mothers, relative to white mothers, converge (i.e., smaller gap in penalties) or diverge (i.e., larger gap in penalties). Using panel data, our results revealed Black mothers had higher risk prevalence than both Latinx and white mothers. Moreover, a dramatic divergence in the penalties for risks emerged between racialized groups whereby Black and Latinx mothers experience greater disadvantage from risks than white mothers, regardless of family structure. We conclude family structure is not only an oversimplified explanation but also contributes to obscuring structural and systemic sources of racial inequality in poverty.

@unpublished{
 title = {Racial Inequality, Minimum Wage Spillovers, and the Informal Sector},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2021},
 websites = {http://www.clairemontialoux.com/files/DGLM2021.pdf},
 id = {4a87e9a3-4ff2-30a0-9088-54efcbb06524},
 created = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.562Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.562Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This paper studies how a national minimum wage affects wages, and in particular, racial earnings disparities in a middle-income country with a large informal sector. Our context is the Brazilian economy, characterized by persistently large racial disparities and the availability of detailed labor force surveys and administrative matched employeremployee data with information on race. We analyze the effect of large increases in the minimum wage that occurred between 1999 and 2009. Using a variety of research designs and identification strategies, we obtain three main findings. First, the increase in the minimum wage erased the racial earnings gap up to the 10th percentile of the national wage distribution and up to the 30th percentile in the lowest wage region, the Northeast. Second, there is no evidence of significant reallocation of workers from the formal sector to the informal sector. This can be explained by the fact that the minimum wage is de facto binding in the informal sector (excluding agriculture, domestic workers, and the self-employed). Third, we do not find evidence of significant dis-employment effects, or of white-nonwhite labor-labor substitution. As a result, the minimum wage increases of the 2000s led to a large decline in the economy-wide racial income gap in Brazil.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora and Gérard, François and Lagos, Lorenzo and Montialoux, Claire}
}

This paper studies how a national minimum wage affects wages, and in particular, racial earnings disparities in a middle-income country with a large informal sector. Our context is the Brazilian economy, characterized by persistently large racial disparities and the availability of detailed labor force surveys and administrative matched employeremployee data with information on race. We analyze the effect of large increases in the minimum wage that occurred between 1999 and 2009. Using a variety of research designs and identification strategies, we obtain three main findings. First, the increase in the minimum wage erased the racial earnings gap up to the 10th percentile of the national wage distribution and up to the 30th percentile in the lowest wage region, the Northeast. Second, there is no evidence of significant reallocation of workers from the formal sector to the informal sector. This can be explained by the fact that the minimum wage is de facto binding in the informal sector (excluding agriculture, domestic workers, and the self-employed). Third, we do not find evidence of significant dis-employment effects, or of white-nonwhite labor-labor substitution. As a result, the minimum wage increases of the 2000s led to a large decline in the economy-wide racial income gap in Brazil.

@unpublished{
 title = {Police Violence Reduces Civilian Cooperation and Engagement with Law Enforcement},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2021},
 source = {HKS Working Paper Series},
 pages = {25},
 websites = {https://www.ssrn.com/abstract=3920493},
 institution = {Harvard Kennedy School},
 series = {HKS Working Paper Series},
 revision = {RWP21-022},
 id = {17cd47a0-1178-3dca-b22b-d71687481260},
 created = {2023-06-30T16:21:57.007Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-30T16:21:57.007Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Ang2021},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {How do high-profile acts of police brutality affect public trust and cooperation with law enforcement? To investigate this question, we develop a new measure of civilian crime reporting that isolates changes in community engagement with police from underlying changes in crime: the ratio of police-related 911 calls to gunshots detected by ShotSpotter technology. Examining detailed data from eight major American cities, we show a sharp drop in both the call-to-shot ratio and 911 call volume immediately after the police murder of George Floyd in May 2020. Notably, reporting rates decreased significantly in both non-white and white neighborhoods across the country. These effects persist for several months, and we find little evidence that they were reversed by the conviction of Floyd’s murderer. Together, the results illustrate how acts of police violence may destroy a key input into effective law enforcement and public safety: civilian engagement and reporting.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Ang, Desmond and Bencsik, Panka and Bruhn, Jesse and Derenoncourt, Ellora},
 doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3920493}
}

How do high-profile acts of police brutality affect public trust and cooperation with law enforcement? To investigate this question, we develop a new measure of civilian crime reporting that isolates changes in community engagement with police from underlying changes in crime: the ratio of police-related 911 calls to gunshots detected by ShotSpotter technology. Examining detailed data from eight major American cities, we show a sharp drop in both the call-to-shot ratio and 911 call volume immediately after the police murder of George Floyd in May 2020. Notably, reporting rates decreased significantly in both non-white and white neighborhoods across the country. These effects persist for several months, and we find little evidence that they were reversed by the conviction of Floyd’s murderer. Together, the results illustrate how acts of police violence may destroy a key input into effective law enforcement and public safety: civilian engagement and reporting.

@article{
 title = {Mapping Fatal Police Violence Across U.S. Metropolitan Areas: Overall Rates and Racial/Ethnic Inequities, 2013–2017},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 volume = {15},
 id = {e2ae5584-d6a5-3b08-9836-dfde7a73b1c4},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:02.402Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:55.871Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Schwartz2020},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Background & methods: Recent social movements have highlighted fatal police violence as an enduring public health problem in the United States. To solve it, the public requires basic information, such as understanding where rates of fatal police violence are particularly high, and for which groups. Existing mapping efforts, though critically important, often use inappropriate statistical methods and can produce misleading, unstable rates when denominators are small. To fill this gap, we use inverse-variance-weighted multilevel models to estimate overall and race-stratified rates of fatal police violence for all Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) in the U.S. (2013-2017), as well as racial inequities in these rates. We analyzed the most recent, reliable data from Fatal Encounters, a citizen science initiative that aggregates and verifies media reports. Results: Rates of police-related fatalities varied dramatically, with the deadliest MSAs exhibiting rates nine times those of the least deadly. Overall rates in Southwestern MSAs were highest, with lower rates in the northern Midwest and Northeast. Yet this pattern was reversed for Black-White inequities, with Northeast and Midwest MSAs exhibiting the highest inequities nationwide. Our main results excluded deaths that could be considered accidents (e.g., vehicular collisions), but sensitivity analyses demonstrated that doing so may underestimate the rate of fatal police violence in some MSAs by 60%. Black-White and Latinx-White inequities were slightly underestimated nationally by excluding reportedly 'accidental' deaths, but MSA-specific inequities were sometimes severely under- or over-estimated. Conclusions: Preventing fatal police violence in different areas of the country will likely require unique solutions. Estimates of the severity of these problems (overall rates, racial inequities, specific causes of death) in any given MSA are quite sensitive to which types of deaths are analyzed, and whether race and cause of death are attributed correctly. Monitoring and mapping these rates using appropriate methods is critical for government accountability and successful prevention.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Schwartz, Gabriel L. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L.},
 journal = {PLoS ONE},
 number = {6 June}
}

Background & methods: Recent social movements have highlighted fatal police violence as an enduring public health problem in the United States. To solve it, the public requires basic information, such as understanding where rates of fatal police violence are particularly high, and for which groups. Existing mapping efforts, though critically important, often use inappropriate statistical methods and can produce misleading, unstable rates when denominators are small. To fill this gap, we use inverse-variance-weighted multilevel models to estimate overall and race-stratified rates of fatal police violence for all Metropolitan Statistical Areas (MSAs) in the U.S. (2013-2017), as well as racial inequities in these rates. We analyzed the most recent, reliable data from Fatal Encounters, a citizen science initiative that aggregates and verifies media reports. Results: Rates of police-related fatalities varied dramatically, with the deadliest MSAs exhibiting rates nine times those of the least deadly. Overall rates in Southwestern MSAs were highest, with lower rates in the northern Midwest and Northeast. Yet this pattern was reversed for Black-White inequities, with Northeast and Midwest MSAs exhibiting the highest inequities nationwide. Our main results excluded deaths that could be considered accidents (e.g., vehicular collisions), but sensitivity analyses demonstrated that doing so may underestimate the rate of fatal police violence in some MSAs by 60%. Black-White and Latinx-White inequities were slightly underestimated nationally by excluding reportedly 'accidental' deaths, but MSA-specific inequities were sometimes severely under- or over-estimated. Conclusions: Preventing fatal police violence in different areas of the country will likely require unique solutions. Estimates of the severity of these problems (overall rates, racial inequities, specific causes of death) in any given MSA are quite sensitive to which types of deaths are analyzed, and whether race and cause of death are attributed correctly. Monitoring and mapping these rates using appropriate methods is critical for government accountability and successful prevention.

@book{
 title = {Gentrification, Neighborhood Change, and Population Health: a Systematic Review},
 type = {book},
 year = {2020},
 keywords = {Gentrification,Health,Neighborhood,Social determinants of health,Systematic review,Urban development,Urban health},
 volume = {97},
 id = {3b01e92b-9057-36ad-b815-522e13a5567e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:11.997Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.771Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Schnake-Mahl2020},
 source_type = {Book},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Despite a proliferation of research on neighborhood effects on health, how neighborhood economic development, in the form of gentrification, affects health and well-being in the USA is poorly understood, and no systematic assessment of the potential health impacts has been conducted. Further, we know little about whether health impacts differ for residents of neighborhoods undergoing gentrification versus urban development, or other forms of neighborhood socioeconomic ascent. We followed current guidelines for systematic reviews and present data on the study characteristics of the 22 empirical articles that met our inclusion criteria and were published on associations between gentrification, and similar but differently termed processes (e.g., urban regeneration, urban development, neighborhood upgrading), and health published between 2000 and 2018. Our results show that impacts on health vary by outcome assessed, exposure measurement, the larger context-specific determinants of neighborhood change, and analysis decisions including which reference and treatment groups to examine. Studies of the health impacts of gentrification, urban development, and urban regeneration describe similar processes, and synthesis and comparison of their results helps bridge differing theoretical approaches to this emerging research. Our article helps to inform the debate on the impacts of gentrification and urban development for health and suggests that these neighborhood change processes likely have both detrimental and beneficial effects on health. Given the influence of place on health and the trend of increasing gentrification and urban development in many American cities, we discuss how future research can approach understanding and researching the impacts of these processes for population health.},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Schnake-Mahl, Alina S. and Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Subramanian, S. V. and Waters, Mary C. and Arcaya, Mariana}
}

Despite a proliferation of research on neighborhood effects on health, how neighborhood economic development, in the form of gentrification, affects health and well-being in the USA is poorly understood, and no systematic assessment of the potential health impacts has been conducted. Further, we know little about whether health impacts differ for residents of neighborhoods undergoing gentrification versus urban development, or other forms of neighborhood socioeconomic ascent. We followed current guidelines for systematic reviews and present data on the study characteristics of the 22 empirical articles that met our inclusion criteria and were published on associations between gentrification, and similar but differently termed processes (e.g., urban regeneration, urban development, neighborhood upgrading), and health published between 2000 and 2018. Our results show that impacts on health vary by outcome assessed, exposure measurement, the larger context-specific determinants of neighborhood change, and analysis decisions including which reference and treatment groups to examine. Studies of the health impacts of gentrification, urban development, and urban regeneration describe similar processes, and synthesis and comparison of their results helps bridge differing theoretical approaches to this emerging research. Our article helps to inform the debate on the impacts of gentrification and urban development for health and suggests that these neighborhood change processes likely have both detrimental and beneficial effects on health. Given the influence of place on health and the trend of increasing gentrification and urban development in many American cities, we discuss how future research can approach understanding and researching the impacts of these processes for population health.

@article{
 title = {High-Status Exemplars and the Misperception of the Asian-White Wealth Gap},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 keywords = {diversity,economic inequality,policymaking,race relations,social cognition},
 pages = {397–405},
 volume = {11},
 id = {37cee838-897c-39ec-8d50-589794241c38},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:17.018Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.580Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kuo2020},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In this research, we test the central hypothesis that perceptions of Asian Americans as a high-status “model minority” lead to overestimates of the extent of wealth equality between Asian and White Americans. We test this hypothesis across three studies that manipulate the salience of high- or low-status Asian American exemplars before soliciting estimates of Asian-White wealth equality. A meta-analysis of the results revealed that participants significantly overestimated Asian-White wealth equality and that making low- versus high-status Asian American exemplars salient decreased this tendency. These data suggest that activation of high-status Asian American exemplars elicits greater overestimates of Asian-White wealth equality, obscuring existing wealth disparities relative to White Americans and significantly downplaying the economic inequality that burdens a subset of Asian Americans from less prototypical ethnic backgrounds. The findings echo recent calls by sociologists and political scientists for a more nuanced understanding of the diversity and economic inequality among Asian American communities.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Kuo, Entung Enya and Kraus, Michael W. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Social Psychological and Personality Science},
 number = {3}
}

In this research, we test the central hypothesis that perceptions of Asian Americans as a high-status “model minority” lead to overestimates of the extent of wealth equality between Asian and White Americans. We test this hypothesis across three studies that manipulate the salience of high- or low-status Asian American exemplars before soliciting estimates of Asian-White wealth equality. A meta-analysis of the results revealed that participants significantly overestimated Asian-White wealth equality and that making low- versus high-status Asian American exemplars salient decreased this tendency. These data suggest that activation of high-status Asian American exemplars elicits greater overestimates of Asian-White wealth equality, obscuring existing wealth disparities relative to White Americans and significantly downplaying the economic inequality that burdens a subset of Asian Americans from less prototypical ethnic backgrounds. The findings echo recent calls by sociologists and political scientists for a more nuanced understanding of the diversity and economic inequality among Asian American communities.

@article{
 title = {A Multilevel Approach to Understanding Mass Incarceration and Health: Key Directions for Research and Practice},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 pages = {S50–S51},
 volume = {110},
 id = {3a1e7474-1850-31c4-b47c-940fcf36464a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:22.646Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.784Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Jahn2020a},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {After decades of punitive social policies driving up incarceration rates, the number of lives affected by the US criminal legal system is unprecedented. In 2016, 6.7 million people were in jail, in prison, or on probation or parole, more than double the number in 1986.1 Mounting evidence suggests that this has dire consequences for population health beyond its immediate impact on incarcerated people. Nearly all incarcerated people are taken from family members and communities, but data collection efforts and theoretical frameworks that appreciate the widespread impact this may have are alarmingly lacking. Public health researchers, practitioners, and activists have a responsibility to examine and communicate the widespread health consequences of mass incarceration for all people and communities, as well as how these effects are inequitably distributed.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Jahn, Jaquelyn L.},
 journal = {American Journal of Public Health},
 number = {S1}
}

After decades of punitive social policies driving up incarceration rates, the number of lives affected by the US criminal legal system is unprecedented. In 2016, 6.7 million people were in jail, in prison, or on probation or parole, more than double the number in 1986.1 Mounting evidence suggests that this has dire consequences for population health beyond its immediate impact on incarcerated people. Nearly all incarcerated people are taken from family members and communities, but data collection efforts and theoretical frameworks that appreciate the widespread impact this may have are alarmingly lacking. Public health researchers, practitioners, and activists have a responsibility to examine and communicate the widespread health consequences of mass incarceration for all people and communities, as well as how these effects are inequitably distributed.

@article{
 title = {County-Level Jail Incarceration and Preterm Birth Among Non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. Women, 1999–2015},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 keywords = {Contextual effects,Health inequities,Mass incarceration,Preterm birth},
 volume = {250},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.112856},
 id = {e8fb05e1-ec04-3012-8a7e-00d784b69835},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:35.164Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.269Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Jahn2020},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Jail incarceration is widely prevalent in the United States, with disproportionate impacts on communities of color, yet little research has quantified its health consequences for communities. We assess county-level jail incarceration as a contextual stressor for individual-level preterm birth among non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women, the vast majority (>99%) of whom were not incarcerated, between 1999 and 2015. We linked county jail incarceration rates to birth certificate data for all births to resident non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women (N = 41, 911, 094). Using multilevel logistic regression models, we estimated the association between quintiles of county jail incarceration rates and the odds of preterm birth, adjusting for maternal- and county-level covariates and state fixed effects. Women living in counties in the highest quintile of jail incarceration rates had 1.08 (95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.07–1.09) times greater odds of preterm birth, adjusting for covariates, compared to women living in counties with the lowest quintile of jail incarceration rates. Taken together with other research, these findings suggest policies to lower jail incarceration rates could potentially help prevent preterm birth and other adverse population health consequences of mass incarceration.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Chen, Jarvis T. and Agénor, Madina and Krieger, Nancy},
 doi = {10.1016/j.socscimed.2020.112856},
 journal = {Social Science and Medicine}
}

Jail incarceration is widely prevalent in the United States, with disproportionate impacts on communities of color, yet little research has quantified its health consequences for communities. We assess county-level jail incarceration as a contextual stressor for individual-level preterm birth among non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women, the vast majority (>99%) of whom were not incarcerated, between 1999 and 2015. We linked county jail incarceration rates to birth certificate data for all births to resident non-Hispanic Black and White U.S. women (N = 41, 911, 094). Using multilevel logistic regression models, we estimated the association between quintiles of county jail incarceration rates and the odds of preterm birth, adjusting for maternal- and county-level covariates and state fixed effects. Women living in counties in the highest quintile of jail incarceration rates had 1.08 (95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.07–1.09) times greater odds of preterm birth, adjusting for covariates, compared to women living in counties with the lowest quintile of jail incarceration rates. Taken together with other research, these findings suggest policies to lower jail incarceration rates could potentially help prevent preterm birth and other adverse population health consequences of mass incarceration.

@unpublished{
 title = {The Long-Run Effects of the 1930s HOLC “Redlining” Maps on Place-Based Measures of Economic Opportunity and Socioeconomic Success},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2020},
 source = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Paper Series},
 pages = {34},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.21033/wp-2020-33},
 city = {Chicago, IL},
 institution = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago},
 series = {Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago Working Paper Series},
 revision = {WP 2020-33},
 id = {079e44aa-31b5-3358-8759-4378fbca5bb4},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:22:29.051Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:22:29.051Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Aaronson2020},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We estimate the long-run effects of the 1930s Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) redlining maps on census tract-level measures of socioeconomic status and economic opportunity from the Opportunity Atlas (Chetty et al. 2018). We use two identification strategies to identify the long-run effects of differential access to credit along HOLC boundaries. The first compares cross-boundary differences along actual HOLC boundaries to a comparison group of boundaries that had similar pre-existing differences as the actual boundaries. A second approach uses a statistical model to identify boundaries that were least likely to have been chosen by the HOLC. We find that the maps had large and statistically significant causal effects on a wide variety of outcomes measured at the census tract level for cohorts born in the late 1970s and early 1980s.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Aaronson, Daniel and Faber, Jacob and Hartley, Daniel and Mazumder, Bhashkar and Sharkey, Patrick},
 doi = {10.21033/wp-2020-33}
}

We estimate the long-run effects of the 1930s Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) redlining maps on census tract-level measures of socioeconomic status and economic opportunity from the Opportunity Atlas (Chetty et al. 2018). We use two identification strategies to identify the long-run effects of differential access to credit along HOLC boundaries. The first compares cross-boundary differences along actual HOLC boundaries to a comparison group of boundaries that had similar pre-existing differences as the actual boundaries. A second approach uses a statistical model to identify boundaries that were least likely to have been chosen by the HOLC. We find that the maps had large and statistically significant causal effects on a wide variety of outcomes measured at the census tract level for cohorts born in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

@article{
 title = {American Slavery and Labour Market Power},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 pages = {3-22},
 volume = {35},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/20780389.2020.1734312},
 id = {75f3fb98-2904-3d51-943c-6cbddc36e493},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.995Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.995Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Naidu2020},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In this article I discuss the micro-economics of American slavery in light of recent research on monopsonistic labour markets. I argue that the defining characteristic of coerced labour, the threat of violence to prevent voluntary quits from a job, can be helpfully understood by contrasting it with free labour markets that are riven with imperfect competition and agency problems. American slavery looks closer to the textbook competitive model of labour markets than does free labour.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Naidu, Suresh},
 doi = {10.1080/20780389.2020.1734312},
 journal = {Economic History of Developing Regions},
 number = {1}
}

In this article I discuss the micro-economics of American slavery in light of recent research on monopsonistic labour markets. I argue that the defining characteristic of coerced labour, the threat of violence to prevent voluntary quits from a job, can be helpfully understood by contrasting it with free labour markets that are riven with imperfect competition and agency problems. American slavery looks closer to the textbook competitive model of labour markets than does free labour.

@book{
 title = {Black in America: The Paradox of the Color Line},
 type = {book},
 year = {2020},
 pages = {224},
 publisher = {Wiley},
 id = {a98db982-0582-3ebf-b2a7-a3eda00bb6f0},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.000Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.000Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2020},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {At the start of the twentieth century, the pre-eminent black sociologist, W.E.B. DuBois, identified the color line as America's great problem. While the color line is increasingly variegated beyond black and white, and more openly discussed than ever before as more racial and ethnic groups call America home, his words still ring true. Today, post-racial and colorblind ideals dominate the American narrative, obscuring the reality of racism and discrimination, hiding if only temporarily the inconvenience of deep racial disparity. This is the quintessential American paradox: our embrace of the ideals of meritocracy despite the systemic racial advantages and disadvantages accrued across generations. This book provides a sociology of the Black American experience. To be Black in America is to exist amongst myriad contradictions: racial progress and regression, abject poverty amidst profound wealth, discriminatory policing yet equal protection under the law. This book explores these contradictions in the context of residential segregation, labor market experiences, and the criminal justice system, among other topics, highlighting the historical processes and contemporary social arrangements that simultaneously reinforce race and racism, necessitating resistance in post-civil rights America.},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Jackson, Christina}
}

At the start of the twentieth century, the pre-eminent black sociologist, W.E.B. DuBois, identified the color line as America's great problem. While the color line is increasingly variegated beyond black and white, and more openly discussed than ever before as more racial and ethnic groups call America home, his words still ring true. Today, post-racial and colorblind ideals dominate the American narrative, obscuring the reality of racism and discrimination, hiding if only temporarily the inconvenience of deep racial disparity. This is the quintessential American paradox: our embrace of the ideals of meritocracy despite the systemic racial advantages and disadvantages accrued across generations. This book provides a sociology of the Black American experience. To be Black in America is to exist amongst myriad contradictions: racial progress and regression, abject poverty amidst profound wealth, discriminatory policing yet equal protection under the law. This book explores these contradictions in the context of residential segregation, labor market experiences, and the criminal justice system, among other topics, highlighting the historical processes and contemporary social arrangements that simultaneously reinforce race and racism, necessitating resistance in post-civil rights America.

@article{
 title = {Racial Equity and the Future of Work},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 pages = {17-22},
 volume = {4},
 id = {7a89c7eb-66ef-343e-993a-e9ea9425ca33},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.447Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.447Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Renski2020},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Renski, Henry and Smith-Doerr, Laurel and Wilkerson, Tiamba and Roberts, Shannon C. and Zilberstein, Shlomo and Branch, Enobong H.},
 doi = {10.1080/24751448.2020.1705711},
 journal = {Technology|Architecture + Design},
 number = {1}
}

@article{
 title = {Minimum Wages and Racial Inequality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 pages = {169-228},
 volume = {136},
 websites = {https://academic.oup.com/qje/article/136/1/169/5905427},
 id = {c645f9cd-4b27-3030-8b29-76129f186118},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:47.790Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:47.790Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Derenoncourt2020},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The earnings difference between white and black workers fell dramatically in the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This article shows that the expansion of the minimum wage played a critical role in this decline. The 1966 Fair Labor Standards Act extended federal minimum wage coverage to agriculture, restaurants, nursing homes, and other services that were previously uncovered and where nearly a third of black workers were employed. We digitize over 1,000 hourly wage distributions from Bureau of Labor Statistics industry wage reports and use CPS microdata to investigate the effects of this reform on wages, employment, and racial inequality. Using a cross-industry difference-in-differences design, we show that earnings rose sharply for workers in the newly covered industries. The impact was nearly twice as large for black workers as for white workers. Within treated industries, the racial gap adjusted for observables fell from 25 log points prereform to 0 afterward. We can rule out significant disemployment effects for black workers. Using a bunching design, we find no aggregate effect of the reform on employment. The 1967 extension of the minimum wage can explain more than 20% of the reduction in the racial earnings and income gap during the civil rights era. Our findings shed new light on the dynamics of labor market inequality in the United States and suggest that minimum wage policy can play a critical role in reducing racial economic disparities.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Derenoncourt, Ellora and Montialoux, Claire},
 doi = {10.1093/qje/qjaa031},
 journal = {The Quarterly Journal of Economics},
 number = {1}
}

The earnings difference between white and black workers fell dramatically in the United States in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This article shows that the expansion of the minimum wage played a critical role in this decline. The 1966 Fair Labor Standards Act extended federal minimum wage coverage to agriculture, restaurants, nursing homes, and other services that were previously uncovered and where nearly a third of black workers were employed. We digitize over 1,000 hourly wage distributions from Bureau of Labor Statistics industry wage reports and use CPS microdata to investigate the effects of this reform on wages, employment, and racial inequality. Using a cross-industry difference-in-differences design, we show that earnings rose sharply for workers in the newly covered industries. The impact was nearly twice as large for black workers as for white workers. Within treated industries, the racial gap adjusted for observables fell from 25 log points prereform to 0 afterward. We can rule out significant disemployment effects for black workers. Using a bunching design, we find no aggregate effect of the reform on employment. The 1967 extension of the minimum wage can explain more than 20% of the reduction in the racial earnings and income gap during the civil rights era. Our findings shed new light on the dynamics of labor market inequality in the United States and suggest that minimum wage policy can play a critical role in reducing racial economic disparities.

@article{
 title = {Temporary Assistance for Needy Families and the Black–White child poverty gap in the United States},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 id = {f36680dc-c5e7-306e-a716-e1513e86ae54},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:16:59.240Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-06-09T17:16:59.240Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Parolin2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Black children in the USA are more than twice as likely as white children to live in poverty. While past research has primarily attributed this phenomenon to the family structure of black children, this article investigates how state-level heterogeneity in social assistance programs contributes to the black–white child poverty gap. I find that racial inequities in states’ administration of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program contributed to the impoverishment of approximately 256 000 black children per year from 2012–2014. State-year panel data demonstrates that states with larger percentages of black residents are less likely to prioritize the ‘provision of cash assistance’, but more likely to allocate funds toward the ‘discouragement of lone motherhood’. Neutralizing inequities in states’ TANF spending priorities would reduce the black–white child poverty gap by up to 15%—comparable to the reduction effect of moving all children in single-mother households to two-parent households.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Parolin, Zachary},
 journal = {Socio-Economic Review}
}

Black children in the USA are more than twice as likely as white children to live in poverty. While past research has primarily attributed this phenomenon to the family structure of black children, this article investigates how state-level heterogeneity in social assistance programs contributes to the black–white child poverty gap. I find that racial inequities in states’ administration of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program contributed to the impoverishment of approximately 256 000 black children per year from 2012–2014. State-year panel data demonstrates that states with larger percentages of black residents are less likely to prioritize the ‘provision of cash assistance’, but more likely to allocate funds toward the ‘discouragement of lone motherhood’. Neutralizing inequities in states’ TANF spending priorities would reduce the black–white child poverty gap by up to 15%—comparable to the reduction effect of moving all children in single-mother households to two-parent households.

@article{
 title = {The Misperception of Racial Economic Inequality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {Economic inequality,intergroup relations,race/ethnicity,racism,social cognition},
 pages = {899–921},
 volume = {14},
 id = {0c747249-e327-3e72-bb33-caad68c5c08f},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:16:59.783Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.816Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kraus2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. In the present work we consider the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults (N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black–White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality and the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Kraus, Michael W. and Onyeador, Ivuoma N. and Daumeyer, Natalie M. and Rucker, Julian M. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Perspectives on Psychological Science},
 number = {6}
}

Racial economic inequality is a foundational feature of the United States, yet many Americans appear oblivious to it. In the present work we consider the psychology underlying this collective willful ignorance. Drawing on prior research and new evidence from a nationally representative sample of adults (N = 1,008), we offer compelling evidence that Americans vastly underestimate racial economic inequality, especially the racial wealth gap. In particular, respondents thought that the Black–White wealth gap was smaller, by around 40 percentage points in 1963 and around 80 percentage points in 2016, than its actual size. We then consider the motivational, cognitive, and structural factors that are likely to contribute to these misperceptions and suggest directions for future research to test these ideas. Importantly, we highlight the implications of our collective ignorance of racial economic inequality and the challenge of creating greater accuracy in perceptions of these racial economic disparities, as well as outline the steps policymakers might take to create messages on this topic that effectively promote equity-enhancing policies. We close with an appeal to psychological science to at least consider, if not center, the racial patterning of these profound economic gaps.

@article{
 title = {Bias at the Intersection of Race and Gender: Evidence from Preschool-Aged Children},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {gender bias,intersectionality,preschool,racial bias,social bias,social cognitive development},
 volume = {22},
 id = {c89c84c0-2cc9-3be5-af2c-86a2493996e1},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:00.896Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.753Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Perszyk2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {There is ample evidence of racial and gender bias in young children, but thus far this evidence comes almost exclusively from children's responses to a single social category (either race or gender). Yet we are each simultaneously members of many social categories (including our race and gender). Among adults, racial and gender biases intersect: negative racial biases are expressed more strongly against males than females. Here, we consider the developmental origin of bias at the intersection of race and gender. Relying on both implicit and explicit measures, we assessed 4-year-old children's responses to target images of children who varied systematically in both race (Black and White) and gender (male and female). Children revealed a strong and consistent pro-White bias. This racial bias was expressed more strongly for males than females: children's responses to Black boys were less positive than to Black girls, White boys or White girls. This outcome, which constitutes the earliest evidence of bias at the intersection of race and gender, underscores the importance of addressing bias in the first years of life.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Perszyk, Danielle R. and Lei, Ryan F. and Bodenhausen, Galen V. and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Waxman, Sandra R.},
 journal = {Developmental Science},
 number = {3}
}

There is ample evidence of racial and gender bias in young children, but thus far this evidence comes almost exclusively from children's responses to a single social category (either race or gender). Yet we are each simultaneously members of many social categories (including our race and gender). Among adults, racial and gender biases intersect: negative racial biases are expressed more strongly against males than females. Here, we consider the developmental origin of bias at the intersection of race and gender. Relying on both implicit and explicit measures, we assessed 4-year-old children's responses to target images of children who varied systematically in both race (Black and White) and gender (male and female). Children revealed a strong and consistent pro-White bias. This racial bias was expressed more strongly for males than females: children's responses to Black boys were less positive than to Black girls, White boys or White girls. This outcome, which constitutes the earliest evidence of bias at the intersection of race and gender, underscores the importance of addressing bias in the first years of life.

@article{
 title = {Marginalized Yet Mobilized: Race, Sexuality, and the Role of “Political Hypervigilance” in African American Political Participation in 2016},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {2016 Election,African American,Black,Civic Engagement,Intersectionality,LGBT,National Survey on HIV in the Black Community,Voting},
 pages = {131–156},
 volume = {16},
 id = {fb0eb12c-8065-3c09-8155-edb42954a41e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:07.792Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.702Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {McGregor2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Both African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call political hypervigilance, and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they definitely will vote compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {McGregor, Alecia J. and Bogart, Laura M. and Higgins-Biddle, Molly and Strolovitch, Dara Z. and Ojikutu, Bisola},
 journal = {Du Bois Review},
 number = {1}
}

Both African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call political hypervigilance, and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they definitely will vote compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {Achievement,Identity,Race-ethnicity,Socioeconomic status,Well-being},
 pages = {149–167},
 volume = {57},
 id = {d32e5985-6be6-3288-8a48-ac399f99e5c9},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:10.616Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.465Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Destin2019},
 source_type = {Book Section},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The evolving study of identity development has become increasingly attentive to the ways that young people think about their socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities. The status-based identity framework provides one way to analyze the implications of these dynamic identities, particularly as people approach young adulthood. For students from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds, the experience of socioeconomic mobility can accompany an aversive sense of uncertainty about their own SES, termed status uncertainty, with potential negative implications for their academic behaviors and outcomes. A longitudinal study and experiment demonstrate some of these consequences and suggest how intersections between socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities may be associated with well-being. This perspective on the dynamic identities of young people calls for consistent attention to the various levels of context that can be leveraged to support positive development, effective goal pursuit, and desired life trajectories.},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Destin, Mesmin and Rheinschmidt-Same, Michelle and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 chapter = {Advances in Child Development and Behavior}
}

The evolving study of identity development has become increasingly attentive to the ways that young people think about their socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities. The status-based identity framework provides one way to analyze the implications of these dynamic identities, particularly as people approach young adulthood. For students from low socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds, the experience of socioeconomic mobility can accompany an aversive sense of uncertainty about their own SES, termed status uncertainty, with potential negative implications for their academic behaviors and outcomes. A longitudinal study and experiment demonstrate some of these consequences and suggest how intersections between socioeconomic and racial-ethnic identities may be associated with well-being. This perspective on the dynamic identities of young people calls for consistent attention to the various levels of context that can be leveraged to support positive development, effective goal pursuit, and desired life trajectories.

@article{
 title = {Consequences of Attributing Discrimination to Implicit vs. Explicit Bias},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {Accountability,Bias attribution,Implicit bias,Science communication},
 volume = {84},
 id = {ac59ee6e-2682-32fb-b848-be44860a13c8},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:12.315Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.805Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Daumeyer2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Implicit bias has garnered considerable public attention, with a number of behaviors (e.g., police shootings) attributed to it. Here, we present the results of 4 studies and an internal meta-analysis that examine how people reason about discrimination based on whether it was attributed to the implicit or explicit attitudes of the perpetrators. Participants' perceptions of perpetrator accountability, support for punishment, level of concern about the bias, and support for various efforts to reduce it (e.g., education) were assessed. Taken together, the results suggest that perpetrators of discrimination are held less accountable and often seen as less worthy of punishment when their behavior is attributed to implicit rather than to explicit bias. Moreover, at least under some circumstances, people express less concern about, and are less likely to support efforts to combat, implicit compared with explicit bias. Implications for efforts to communicate the science of implicit bias without undermining accountability for the discrimination it engenders are discussed.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Daumeyer, Natalie M. and Onyeador, Ivuoma N. and Brown, Xanni and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology}
}

Implicit bias has garnered considerable public attention, with a number of behaviors (e.g., police shootings) attributed to it. Here, we present the results of 4 studies and an internal meta-analysis that examine how people reason about discrimination based on whether it was attributed to the implicit or explicit attitudes of the perpetrators. Participants' perceptions of perpetrator accountability, support for punishment, level of concern about the bias, and support for various efforts to reduce it (e.g., education) were assessed. Taken together, the results suggest that perpetrators of discrimination are held less accountable and often seen as less worthy of punishment when their behavior is attributed to implicit rather than to explicit bias. Moreover, at least under some circumstances, people express less concern about, and are less likely to support efforts to combat, implicit compared with explicit bias. Implications for efforts to communicate the science of implicit bias without undermining accountability for the discrimination it engenders are discussed.

@article{
 title = {Who Represents Me? Race, Gender, Partisan Congruence, and Representational Alternatives in a Polarized America},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 keywords = {descriptive representation,gender,partisanship,race,symbolic representation},
 pages = {785–804},
 volume = {72},
 id = {0b15a8e9-8c52-36d9-88e2-a01fce71534d},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:16.306Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:56.456Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {English2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The belief among citizens that their views are represented is essential to the legitimacy of American democracy, but few studies have explicitly examined which political actors Americans feel best represent them. Using data from the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we ask new questions about whether respondents who share a partisan, racial, or gender identification with their members of Congress (MCs) feel those members best represent them. Although the framers designed the House so that individuals’ own MCs would be their closest and most responsive representatives, a majority of respondents turn to other actors for representation. Partisanship is a key reason for this attenuated connection, as respondents who do not share a partisan identification with their MCs are more likely than those who do to rely on their party’s congressional leaders or advocacy organizations for representation instead. Sharing a racial identification with one’s own MC can strengthen representational connections as respondents who share a racial identity with their MCs are significantly more likely than respondents who do not to indicate that their MC represents them “the most.” These results shed light on enduring questions about the significance of symbolic representation and its link to partisanship and descriptive representation.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {English, Ashley and Pearson, Kathryn and Strolovitch, Dara Z.},
 journal = {Political Research Quarterly},
 number = {4}
}

The belief among citizens that their views are represented is essential to the legitimacy of American democracy, but few studies have explicitly examined which political actors Americans feel best represent them. Using data from the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we ask new questions about whether respondents who share a partisan, racial, or gender identification with their members of Congress (MCs) feel those members best represent them. Although the framers designed the House so that individuals’ own MCs would be their closest and most responsive representatives, a majority of respondents turn to other actors for representation. Partisanship is a key reason for this attenuated connection, as respondents who do not share a partisan identification with their MCs are more likely than those who do to rely on their party’s congressional leaders or advocacy organizations for representation instead. Sharing a racial identification with one’s own MC can strengthen representational connections as respondents who share a racial identity with their MCs are significantly more likely than respondents who do not to indicate that their MC represents them “the most.” These results shed light on enduring questions about the significance of symbolic representation and its link to partisanship and descriptive representation.

@article{
 title = {Intergenerational Wealth Mobility and Racial Inequality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 id = {5184a4f7-2dae-3228-860f-af8ed8fab012},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:17.852Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.427Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Pfeffer2019a},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The black-white gap in household wealth is large and well documented. Here, we visualize how this racial wealth gap persists across generations. Animating the flow of individuals between the relative wealth position of parents and their adult children, we show that the disadvantage of black families is a consequence both of wealth inequality in prior generations and race differences in the transmission of wealth positions across generations: Black children both have less wealthy parents on average and are far more likely to be downwardly mobile in household wealth. By displaying intergenerational movements between parental and offspring wealth quintiles, we underline how intergenerational fluctuation coexists with the maintenance of a severely racialized wealth structure.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Pfeffer, Fabian T. and Killewald, Alexandra},
 journal = {Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World}
}

The black-white gap in household wealth is large and well documented. Here, we visualize how this racial wealth gap persists across generations. Animating the flow of individuals between the relative wealth position of parents and their adult children, we show that the disadvantage of black families is a consequence both of wealth inequality in prior generations and race differences in the transmission of wealth positions across generations: Black children both have less wealthy parents on average and are far more likely to be downwardly mobile in household wealth. By displaying intergenerational movements between parental and offspring wealth quintiles, we underline how intergenerational fluctuation coexists with the maintenance of a severely racialized wealth structure.

@article{
 title = {Class Perceptions and Attitudes Toward Immigration and Race Among Working-Class Whites},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 pages = {349–380},
 volume = {19},
 id = {05129090-afb0-30e7-b467-e2e43ce46011},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:19.692Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.620Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {McDermott2019},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {As neighborhoods that were predominantly White become more racially and ethnically diverse, many Whites in those communities respond with feelings of threat and political shifts to the right. Trump's election in 2016 has often been attributed, at least in part, to such responses among members of the White working class. Building on this work, in the summer of 2017 (and thus after the election) we interviewed 77 working-class White residents of three majority-White cities from the Midwestern United States that had recently become more diverse due to an influx of Latino immigrants and/or an increase in native-born racial minorities. Respondents were asked about their class identity, perceptions of change in their communities, and their attitudes about immigration and racial minorities. Contrary to prevailing narratives regarding the White working class, we found considerable variation in respondents’ reactions to these demographic changes. Notably, these differential reactions are organized by, and potentially rooted in, variation in class identity. Despite all being members of the working class, our respondents conceptualized their class identity according to three types—Class Conflict Aware, Working-class Connected, and Working-class Patriots—that were associated with more favorable or more antagonistic attitudes toward Latino immigrants and domestic racial minorities. This work, therefore, offers a more nuanced picture of how members of the White working class are responding to ethnoracial demographic changes in the nation.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {McDermott, Monica and Knowles, Eric D. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy},
 number = {1}
}

As neighborhoods that were predominantly White become more racially and ethnically diverse, many Whites in those communities respond with feelings of threat and political shifts to the right. Trump's election in 2016 has often been attributed, at least in part, to such responses among members of the White working class. Building on this work, in the summer of 2017 (and thus after the election) we interviewed 77 working-class White residents of three majority-White cities from the Midwestern United States that had recently become more diverse due to an influx of Latino immigrants and/or an increase in native-born racial minorities. Respondents were asked about their class identity, perceptions of change in their communities, and their attitudes about immigration and racial minorities. Contrary to prevailing narratives regarding the White working class, we found considerable variation in respondents’ reactions to these demographic changes. Notably, these differential reactions are organized by, and potentially rooted in, variation in class identity. Despite all being members of the working class, our respondents conceptualized their class identity according to three types—Class Conflict Aware, Working-class Connected, and Working-class Patriots—that were associated with more favorable or more antagonistic attitudes toward Latino immigrants and domestic racial minorities. This work, therefore, offers a more nuanced picture of how members of the White working class are responding to ethnoracial demographic changes in the nation.

@unpublished{
 title = {Managing Emotions in the Face of Discrimination: The Differential Effects of Self-Immersion, Self-Distanced Reappraisal, and Positive Reappraisal},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2019},
 source = {PsyArXiv Preprints},
 keywords = {affect,discrimination,emotion regulation,emotions,sexism},
 pages = {49},
 websites = {https://psyarxiv.com/56ugs/},
 series = {PsyArXiv Preprints},
 id = {88c3067f-35e5-3f1c-b5f3-efc8ba143ae5},
 created = {2021-07-06T17:07:23.438Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:07:23.438Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Duker2019},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Contending with sexism is associated with negative affective outcomes, including increased anger, anxiety, and depression. Research largely outside of the discrimination domain suggests that emotion regulation strategies, such as reappraisal, can help people manage their emotions after stressful events, attenuating the associated negative affect. Perhaps, these emotion regulation strategies may also be effective in the face of discrimination experiences. The present research examines whether self-distanced reappraisal (Studies 1a & 1b) and positive reappraisal (Study 2) when contending with sexism yield more positive and less negative affective outcomes relative to self-immersion. Contrary to previous research, we find limited support for self- distanced reappraisal as an adaptive emotion regulation strategy for women contending with sexism. Results revealed, however, that positive reappraisal, compared to either self-immersion or self-distanced reappraisal, may be a promising emotion regulation strategy that reduces the affective consequences of sexism. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the efficacy of different emotion regulation strategies in the context of discrimination.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Duker, Ajua and Green, Dorainne J. and Onyeador, Ivuoma Ngozi and Richeson, Jennifer},
 doi = {10.31234/osf.io/56ugs}
}

Contending with sexism is associated with negative affective outcomes, including increased anger, anxiety, and depression. Research largely outside of the discrimination domain suggests that emotion regulation strategies, such as reappraisal, can help people manage their emotions after stressful events, attenuating the associated negative affect. Perhaps, these emotion regulation strategies may also be effective in the face of discrimination experiences. The present research examines whether self-distanced reappraisal (Studies 1a & 1b) and positive reappraisal (Study 2) when contending with sexism yield more positive and less negative affective outcomes relative to self-immersion. Contrary to previous research, we find limited support for self- distanced reappraisal as an adaptive emotion regulation strategy for women contending with sexism. Results revealed, however, that positive reappraisal, compared to either self-immersion or self-distanced reappraisal, may be a promising emotion regulation strategy that reduces the affective consequences of sexism. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the efficacy of different emotion regulation strategies in the context of discrimination.

@article{
 title = {A Ferguson Effect, the Drug Epidemic, Both, or Neither? Explaining the 2015 and 2016 U.S. Homicide Rises by Race and Ethnicity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 pages = {285-313},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1088767919849642},
 id = {fab65253-2974-3dfb-9275-b117a67fd41b},
 created = {2023-12-04T18:31:32.688Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-12-04T18:39:36.416Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Gaston2019},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In 2015 and 2016, U.S. homicide rates rose dramatically amid two historic social phenomena: a police legitimacy crisis related to an alleged “Ferguson effect” and the opioid epidemic. To empirically explain this increase, we compile county-level data on race/ethnic-specific homicides from 2014 to 2016 along with contemporaneous county-level data on police killings of civilians, citizen protests, fatal drug overdoses, structural disadvantage, and other factors. Regression analysis suggests that both police illegitimacy and the drug epidemic contributed to Black and White homicide rises, particularly in structurally disadvantaged counties. However, we find no such association for Hispanic homicide increases.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Gaston, Shytierra and Cunningham, Jamein P. and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.1177/1088767919849642},
 journal = {Homicide Studies},
 number = {3}
}

In 2015 and 2016, U.S. homicide rates rose dramatically amid two historic social phenomena: a police legitimacy crisis related to an alleged “Ferguson effect” and the opioid epidemic. To empirically explain this increase, we compile county-level data on race/ethnic-specific homicides from 2014 to 2016 along with contemporaneous county-level data on police killings of civilians, citizen protests, fatal drug overdoses, structural disadvantage, and other factors. Regression analysis suggests that both police illegitimacy and the drug epidemic contributed to Black and White homicide rises, particularly in structurally disadvantaged counties. However, we find no such association for Hispanic homicide increases.

@article{
 title = {Racial and Ethnic Differences in the Geography of Intergenerational Mobility},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 id = {b5a227ec-2aa3-3381-8f28-3ad0934b6fc0},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:16:58.502Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-06-09T17:16:58.502Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Davis2018},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We use the NLSY79 to produce the first estimates of intergenerational mobility in the U.S. by both region and race/ethnicity. We show that gaps in intergenerational mobility by race are significantly larger than those by region. In particular, there is no region in the United States where it is better to be poor and black compared to being equally poor and white. We also show that the expected rank of Hispanics falls between that of whites and blacks. We find that the low mobility in the Southeast of the US documented by Chetty et al (2014) is actually driven by low mobility by whites and that blacks who grew up in the Southeast actually experience higher mobility than blacks growing up in the Northeast and Midwest. We also directly examine the role of migration and find that it plays little role in explaining the regional heterogeneity in intergenerational mobility. Finally, we use a rich set of individual covariates available in the NLSY — including test scores — and show that these can explain much of the gaps by race/ethnicity.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Davis, Jonathan and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal}
}

We use the NLSY79 to produce the first estimates of intergenerational mobility in the U.S. by both region and race/ethnicity. We show that gaps in intergenerational mobility by race are significantly larger than those by region. In particular, there is no region in the United States where it is better to be poor and black compared to being equally poor and white. We also show that the expected rank of Hispanics falls between that of whites and blacks. We find that the low mobility in the Southeast of the US documented by Chetty et al (2014) is actually driven by low mobility by whites and that blacks who grew up in the Southeast actually experience higher mobility than blacks growing up in the Northeast and Midwest. We also directly examine the role of migration and find that it plays little role in explaining the regional heterogeneity in intergenerational mobility. Finally, we use a rich set of individual covariates available in the NLSY — including test scores — and show that these can explain much of the gaps by race/ethnicity.

@article{
 title = {Race, Unemployment, and Mental Health in the USA: What Can We Infer About the Psychological Cost of the Great Recession Across Racial Groups?},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {75–91},
 volume = {1},
 id = {5f0108ec-87ca-3be4-adfb-d830e10c709e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:04.665Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.603Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Diette2018},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Social scientists from a range of disciplines have provided evidence of a connection between unemployment and mental health. However, researchers recognize that poor mental health can lead to joblessness, highlighting the challenge ofgenerating an accurate estimate ofthe impact ofunemployment on mental health. In addition, virtually all ofthese studies use either self-reported measures ofmental health or broad measures ofemotional well-being such as self-esteem or constructs ofgeneral emotional health which are less than ideal. A shortcoming in the literature is that scholars have yet to examine whether race effects the extent of the effect of unemployment on psychological distress. Unemployment might have a smaller impact on blacks, because they have a higher degree of resilience due to encountering a greater and more intense array of life challenges, or a larger impact because of the fear of the consequences of unemployment due to structural discrimination and fewer buffers such as wealth. This paper uses measures of mental healthbasedontheDSM-IV andICD-10diagnostic manuals to offer estimates of the link between unemployment and psychological distress for whites and blacks. We directly consider the prior mental health background ofindividuals to address the problem ofreverse causality bias that mars virtually all existing estimates ofthe link betweenmental health and unemployment. This also allows us to offer convincing evidence on the relative effect of unemployment on mental health across racial groups. The analysis uses data from the National Comorbidity Survey-Replication. We construct two subsamples, one composed of those with no previous identified bouts of poor mental health (resilient) and a second group containing individuals with a history of psycho- logical distress (vulnerable). Resilient persons, relative to those with a history ofsuffering from psychological distress, should be less likely to suffer a bout ofpoor mental health leading to unemployment. In addition, the influence ofother covariates is likely different for resilient versus vulnerable individuals. Thus, our contention is that estimates generated using the resilient subsample will be less prone to suffer from reverse causality bias, measurement error, and specification bias. Hence, these estimates will provide the most accurate gauge of the mental costs of unemployment across racial groups. Our findings reveal that among resilient persons the pernicious effect of short-term unemployment on psychological distress is significantly greater for blacks. Our findings, based on data from the recession that began in 2001, allow us to infer that the Great Recession had amore intense adverse mental health effect on members of the black community. Our results imply that policymakers should consider both the monetary and psychological costs ofunemployment, as well as their racial implications, when formulating policy to address the effects ofeconomic downturns.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Diette, Timothy M. and Goldsmith, Arthur H. and Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, William},
 journal = {Journal of Economics, Race, and Policy},
 number = {2-3}
}

Social scientists from a range of disciplines have provided evidence of a connection between unemployment and mental health. However, researchers recognize that poor mental health can lead to joblessness, highlighting the challenge ofgenerating an accurate estimate ofthe impact ofunemployment on mental health. In addition, virtually all ofthese studies use either self-reported measures ofmental health or broad measures ofemotional well-being such as self-esteem or constructs ofgeneral emotional health which are less than ideal. A shortcoming in the literature is that scholars have yet to examine whether race effects the extent of the effect of unemployment on psychological distress. Unemployment might have a smaller impact on blacks, because they have a higher degree of resilience due to encountering a greater and more intense array of life challenges, or a larger impact because of the fear of the consequences of unemployment due to structural discrimination and fewer buffers such as wealth. This paper uses measures of mental healthbasedontheDSM-IV andICD-10diagnostic manuals to offer estimates of the link between unemployment and psychological distress for whites and blacks. We directly consider the prior mental health background ofindividuals to address the problem ofreverse causality bias that mars virtually all existing estimates ofthe link betweenmental health and unemployment. This also allows us to offer convincing evidence on the relative effect of unemployment on mental health across racial groups. The analysis uses data from the National Comorbidity Survey-Replication. We construct two subsamples, one composed of those with no previous identified bouts of poor mental health (resilient) and a second group containing individuals with a history of psycho- logical distress (vulnerable). Resilient persons, relative to those with a history ofsuffering from psychological distress, should be less likely to suffer a bout ofpoor mental health leading to unemployment. In addition, the influence ofother covariates is likely different for resilient versus vulnerable individuals. Thus, our contention is that estimates generated using the resilient subsample will be less prone to suffer from reverse causality bias, measurement error, and specification bias. Hence, these estimates will provide the most accurate gauge of the mental costs of unemployment across racial groups. Our findings reveal that among resilient persons the pernicious effect of short-term unemployment on psychological distress is significantly greater for blacks. Our findings, based on data from the recession that began in 2001, allow us to infer that the Great Recession had amore intense adverse mental health effect on members of the black community. Our results imply that policymakers should consider both the monetary and psychological costs ofunemployment, as well as their racial implications, when formulating policy to address the effects ofeconomic downturns.

@article{
 title = {Fifty Years after the Kerner Commission Report: Place, Housing, and Racial Wealth Inequality in Los Angeles},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 keywords = {Housing,Immigration,Los Angeles,Racial wealth inequality,Urban policy},
 pages = {160–184},
 volume = {4},
 id = {99fbf853-f74b-3369-b969-6436aae86e26},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:14.425Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.976Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {DeLaCruz-Viesca2018},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Fifty years after the national Kerner Commission report on urban unrest and fifty-three years after California's McCone Commission report on the 1965 Watts riots, substantial racial disparity in education, housing, employment, and wealth is still pervasive in Los Angeles. Neither report mentions wealth inequality as a cause for concern, however. This article examines one key dimension of racial wealth inequality through the lens of home ownership, particularly in South Los Angeles, where the 1965 Watts riots took place. It also analyzes the state's role in housing development in codifying and expanding practices of racial and class segregation that has led to the production and reproduction of racial inequality in South Los Angeles compared with Los Angeles County.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {De La Cruz-Viesca, Melany and Ong, Paul M. and Coman-Don, Andre and Darity, William A. and Hamilton, Darrick},
 journal = {Rsf},
 number = {6}
}

Fifty years after the national Kerner Commission report on urban unrest and fifty-three years after California's McCone Commission report on the 1965 Watts riots, substantial racial disparity in education, housing, employment, and wealth is still pervasive in Los Angeles. Neither report mentions wealth inequality as a cause for concern, however. This article examines one key dimension of racial wealth inequality through the lens of home ownership, particularly in South Los Angeles, where the 1965 Watts riots took place. It also analyzes the state's role in housing development in codifying and expanding practices of racial and class segregation that has led to the production and reproduction of racial inequality in South Los Angeles compared with Los Angeles County.

@article{
 title = {Breast Cancer Estrogen Receptor Status According to Biological Generation: US Black and White Women Born 1915-1979},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 keywords = {Jim Crow,black,breast cancer,estrogen receptor,generation,haldane,racial segregation,secular trend},
 pages = {960–970},
 volume = {187},
 id = {6df7c9d1-0802-3a3d-bfb0-0196cee2464e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:17.821Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.436Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Krieger2018},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Evidence suggests that contemporary population distributions of estrogen-receptor (ER) status among breast cancer patients may be shaped by earlier major societal events, such as the 1965 abolition of legal racial discrimination in the United States (state and local "Jim Crow" laws) and the Great Famine in China (1959-1961). We analyzed changes in ER status in relation to Jim Crow birthplace among the 46,417 black and 339,830 white US-born, non-Hispanic women in the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) 13 Registry Group who were born between 1915 and 1979 and diagnosed (ages 25-84 years, inclusive) during 1992-2012. We grouped the cases according to birth cohort and quantified the rate of change using the haldane (which scales change in relation to biological generation). The percentage of ER-positive cases rose according to birth cohort (1915-1919 to 1975-1979) only among women diagnosed before age 55. Changes according to biological generation were greater among black women than among white women, and among black women, they were greatest among those born in Jim Crow (versus non-Jim Crow) states, with this group being the only group to exhibit high haldane values (>|0.3|, indicating high rate of change). Our study's analytical approach and findings underscore the need to consider history and societal context when analyzing ER status among breast cancer patients and racial/ethnic inequities in its distribution.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Krieger, Nancy and Jahn, Jaquelyn L. and Waterman, Pamela D. and Chen, Jarvis T.},
 journal = {American Journal of Epidemiology},
 number = {5}
}

Evidence suggests that contemporary population distributions of estrogen-receptor (ER) status among breast cancer patients may be shaped by earlier major societal events, such as the 1965 abolition of legal racial discrimination in the United States (state and local "Jim Crow" laws) and the Great Famine in China (1959-1961). We analyzed changes in ER status in relation to Jim Crow birthplace among the 46,417 black and 339,830 white US-born, non-Hispanic women in the Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) 13 Registry Group who were born between 1915 and 1979 and diagnosed (ages 25-84 years, inclusive) during 1992-2012. We grouped the cases according to birth cohort and quantified the rate of change using the haldane (which scales change in relation to biological generation). The percentage of ER-positive cases rose according to birth cohort (1915-1919 to 1975-1979) only among women diagnosed before age 55. Changes according to biological generation were greater among black women than among white women, and among black women, they were greatest among those born in Jim Crow (versus non-Jim Crow) states, with this group being the only group to exhibit high haldane values (>|0.3|, indicating high rate of change). Our study's analytical approach and findings underscore the need to consider history and societal context when analyzing ER status among breast cancer patients and racial/ethnic inequities in its distribution.

@book{
 title = {The Psychology of Racism: An Introduction to the Special Issue},
 type = {book},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {148–149},
 volume = {27},
 id = {548ae57c-2275-3a60-a31e-d8f7ab0f3f47},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:21.642Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.265Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Richeson2018},
 source_type = {Book},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Richeson, Jennifer A.}
}

@unpublished{
 title = {Returns in the Labor Market: A Nuanced View of Penalties at the Intersection of Race and Gender},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2018},
 source = {Washington Center for Equitable Growth Working Paper},
 pages = {36},
 websites = {https://equitablegrowth.org/working-papers/intersectionality-labor-market/},
 institution = {Washington Center for Equitable Growth},
 series = {Washington Center for Equitable Growth Working Paper Series},
 id = {470a1fd5-b8fb-3b56-b902-6d42f85b8b56},
 created = {2022-03-11T15:33:40.680Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2022-03-11T15:33:40.680Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Paul2018},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {There have been decades of research on wage gaps for groups based on their socially salient identities such as race and gender, but little empirical investigation on the effects of holding multiple identities. Using the Current Population Survey, we provide new evidence on intersectionality and the wage gap. This paper makes two important contributions. First, we find that there is no single “gender” or “race” wage penalty. Second, we present evidence that holding multiple identities cannot readily be disaggregated in an additive fashion. Instead, the penalties associated with the combination of two or more socially marginalized identities interact in multiplicative or quantitatively nuanced ways.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Paul, Mark and Zaw, Khaing and Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, Jr., William}
}

There have been decades of research on wage gaps for groups based on their socially salient identities such as race and gender, but little empirical investigation on the effects of holding multiple identities. Using the Current Population Survey, we provide new evidence on intersectionality and the wage gap. This paper makes two important contributions. First, we find that there is no single “gender” or “race” wage penalty. Second, we present evidence that holding multiple identities cannot readily be disaggregated in an additive fashion. Instead, the penalties associated with the combination of two or more socially marginalized identities interact in multiplicative or quantitatively nuanced ways.

@article{
 title = {Racial Differences in Police Use of Force: Evidence from the 1960s Civil Disturbances},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {217-221},
 volume = {108},
 websites = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/pandp.20181110},
 id = {4a04b9fe-a396-302f-a048-9694f1986649},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.847Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.847Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Cunningham2018},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {There is little empirical evidence as to whether protests against policy brutality impact the behavior of police forces. We seek to close this gap by considering the impact of the racial civil disturbances in the 1960s and 1970s on deaths by legal intervention using an event study approach. In the first three years after a protest in a county, police killings of white Americans increase by 0.4-1.0 annually in impacted counties and killings of non-whites increase by 0.7 annually. In subsequent years, the impact on killings of white Americans disappears while the impact on killings of non-whites persists.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Cunningham, Jamein P. and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.1257/pandp.20181110},
 journal = {AEA Papers and Proceedings}
}

There is little empirical evidence as to whether protests against policy brutality impact the behavior of police forces. We seek to close this gap by considering the impact of the racial civil disturbances in the 1960s and 1970s on deaths by legal intervention using an event study approach. In the first three years after a protest in a county, police killings of white Americans increase by 0.4-1.0 annually in impacted counties and killings of non-whites increase by 0.7 annually. In subsequent years, the impact on killings of white Americans disappears while the impact on killings of non-whites persists.

@article{
 title = {Return to the Homeland? The Impact of the Great Recession on Employment Outcomes and Labor Mobility for Native Americans},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {60-74},
 volume = {1},
 websites = {http://link.springer.com/10.1007/s41996-018-0008-6},
 id = {9d50872c-3783-377c-9dcc-d5ccda1f857c},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.011Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.011Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Feir2018},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We chart the impact of the Great Recession on the employment outcomes of Native Americans, in and outside of their traditional homelands. While increases in unemployment during the Great Recession for Native Americans are comparable to African Americans, employment changes are not. It appears that this difference is the result of Native Americans moving to traditional homelands and withdrawing from the labor force. Net of this move to traditional homelands, the employment response in reservations to the Great Recession was muted relative to outside of homelands. To further investigate this phenomenon, we develop actual versus predicted employment rates based on the occupational and industrial structure of employment, differentiating Native Americans by whether they live in a traditional homeland.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Feir, Donna and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.1007/s41996-018-0008-6},
 journal = {Journal of Economics, Race, and Policy},
 number = {2-3}
}

We chart the impact of the Great Recession on the employment outcomes of Native Americans, in and outside of their traditional homelands. While increases in unemployment during the Great Recession for Native Americans are comparable to African Americans, employment changes are not. It appears that this difference is the result of Native Americans moving to traditional homelands and withdrawing from the labor force. Net of this move to traditional homelands, the employment response in reservations to the Great Recession was muted relative to outside of homelands. To further investigate this phenomenon, we develop actual versus predicted employment rates based on the occupational and industrial structure of employment, differentiating Native Americans by whether they live in a traditional homeland.

@article{
 title = {The Effects of the Neighborhood Legal Services Program on Riots and the Wealth of African Americans},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {144},
 volume = {4},
 websites = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7758/rsf.2018.4.6.07},
 id = {70fae1c7-4b98-3ace-b29a-c26666a4ff4b},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.044Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.044Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Cunningham2018a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This article uses newly collected data on communities receiving Neighborhood Legal Services Programs (NLSP) grants between 1965 and 1975 to evaluate the impact of NLSPs on civil disorders and resulting changes in property values in African American communities. We employ several empirical strategies, all of which confirm the NLSP’s effectiveness in combatting civil disorders and indicate a robust, positive relationship between NLSPs and property values. We find that NLSP funding increased property values by 2 percent. These results are consistent with a substantial reduction in riot propensities due to target government funding, and further support claims by the Kerner Commission report that the NLSP mitigated the damage resulting from the civil disorders.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Cunningham, Jamein P. and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.7758/rsf.2018.4.6.07},
 journal = {RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences},
 number = {6}
}

This article uses newly collected data on communities receiving Neighborhood Legal Services Programs (NLSP) grants between 1965 and 1975 to evaluate the impact of NLSPs on civil disorders and resulting changes in property values in African American communities. We employ several empirical strategies, all of which confirm the NLSP’s effectiveness in combatting civil disorders and indicate a robust, positive relationship between NLSPs and property values. We find that NLSP funding increased property values by 2 percent. These results are consistent with a substantial reduction in riot propensities due to target government funding, and further support claims by the Kerner Commission report that the NLSP mitigated the damage resulting from the civil disorders.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {91-112},
 websites = {https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/S0277-283320180000032008/full/html},
 publisher = {Emerald Publishing Limited},
 id = {b5de95a6-9a62-3a4e-a1a0-f68a522ba93e},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.364Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.364Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2018a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Black women have traditionally occupied a unique position in the American economic structure – at the very bottom. The year 1920 is a unique historical moment to examine how this came to be. Economic prosperity immediately following World War I, the first wave of Black migration, and accelerating industrialization created occupational opportunities that could have enabled Black women to escape working poverty, as the majority of Black men did, but they were actively constrained. Historical narratives have extensively described Black women’s occupational restriction across regions to dirty work, such as domestic service, but not often in conjunction with a comparison to the expanding opportunities of Black men and White women. While intersectionality studies have honed in on the unique place of Black women, little attention has been devoted to this from a historical vantage point. This chapter examines the role that race, gender, and place played in shaping the experience of working poverty and integrates a consideration of queuing theory and Black population size to examine how variations might shape racial outcomes in the labor market in 1920.},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah},
 doi = {10.1108/S0277-283320180000032008},
 chapter = {Racism, Sexism, and the Constraints on Black Women’s Labor in 1920},
 title = {Race, Identity and Work (Research in the Sociology of Work, Vol. 32)}
}

Black women have traditionally occupied a unique position in the American economic structure – at the very bottom. The year 1920 is a unique historical moment to examine how this came to be. Economic prosperity immediately following World War I, the first wave of Black migration, and accelerating industrialization created occupational opportunities that could have enabled Black women to escape working poverty, as the majority of Black men did, but they were actively constrained. Historical narratives have extensively described Black women’s occupational restriction across regions to dirty work, such as domestic service, but not often in conjunction with a comparison to the expanding opportunities of Black men and White women. While intersectionality studies have honed in on the unique place of Black women, little attention has been devoted to this from a historical vantage point. This chapter examines the role that race, gender, and place played in shaping the experience of working poverty and integrates a consideration of queuing theory and Black population size to examine how variations might shape racial outcomes in the labor market in 1920.

@article{
 title = {Understanding the Asian American Vote in the 2016 Election},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {189-215},
 volume = {3},
 websites = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S2056608517000344/type/journal_article},
 id = {83574458-71fd-39ed-8813-c231ce437e9f},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.598Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.598Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Masuoka2018},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {As the number of Asian American voters has increased with each election, more research is needed to understand the participation and voting patterns of this diverse electorate. This paper offers an analysis of Asian American political participation and vote choice preferences during the 2016 presidential election. The paper begins by addressing the concerns related to Asian American political incorporation. We disaggregate Asian Americans into three voting types—voters, those who are eligible to vote but are not registered, and those who are ineligible to vote—and compare the demographic differences found across these three groups. The second half of the paper turns to Asian American candidate preferences in the 2016 election. We find that voters who report high levels of media consumption and those with a strong sense of political efficacy were more likely to support Clinton. Our analysis of non-voters suggests that the potential incorporation of these Asian Americans would result in a continued base of support for the Democratic party.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Masuoka, Natalie and Han, Hahrie and Leung, Vivien and Zheng, Bang Quan},
 doi = {10.1017/rep.2017.34},
 journal = {The Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics},
 number = {1}
}

As the number of Asian American voters has increased with each election, more research is needed to understand the participation and voting patterns of this diverse electorate. This paper offers an analysis of Asian American political participation and vote choice preferences during the 2016 presidential election. The paper begins by addressing the concerns related to Asian American political incorporation. We disaggregate Asian Americans into three voting types—voters, those who are eligible to vote but are not registered, and those who are ineligible to vote—and compare the demographic differences found across these three groups. The second half of the paper turns to Asian American candidate preferences in the 2016 election. We find that voters who report high levels of media consumption and those with a strong sense of political efficacy were more likely to support Clinton. Our analysis of non-voters suggests that the potential incorporation of these Asian Americans would result in a continued base of support for the Democratic party.

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {176-195},
 websites = {https://brill.com/view/book/9789004291225/BP000013.xml},
 publisher = {BRILL},
 chapter = {Equal Opportunity in Science: Diversity as an Economic and Social Justice Imperative},
 id = {4938c8eb-a893-301b-a101-ee7e87662507},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.598Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.598Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2018},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Alegria, Sharla},
 editor = {Embrick, David G. and Collins, Sharon M. and Dodson, Michelle S.},
 doi = {10.1163/9789004291225_010},
 title = {Challenging the Status Quo}
}

@article{
 title = {The Role of Race, Ethnicity and Tribal Enrolment on Asset Accumulation: An Examination of American Indian Tribal Nations},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 keywords = {American Indians,Wealth,assets,political status,racial wealth gap},
 pages = {1939–1960},
 volume = {40},
 id = {afd85c8c-5afe-3f99-a483-64bc1014e318},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:11.184Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:18.333Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Akee2017},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We analyse survey data from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color Project for asset accumulation in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The survey oversampled the American Indian/Alaska Native population in order to examine asset accumulation among a variety of racial, ethnic and legal status groups. We examine differences in asset accumulation across tribal members from a variety of American Indian tribes. Additionally, we make comparisons across those that are tribally enrolled to those that are not tribally enrolled. We find substantial difference across tribal affiliation in our data once we disaggregate the category of American Indian. Our research adds a new dimension to the literature examining differences in wealth accumulation by race and political status for a little-studied group. Specifically, we examine the intersection of race and legal status in wealth and asset accumulation.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Akee, Randall and Stockly, Sue K and Darity, William and Hamilton, Darrick and Ong, Paul},
 journal = {Ethnic and Racial Studies},
 number = {11}
}

We analyse survey data from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color Project for asset accumulation in Tulsa, Oklahoma. The survey oversampled the American Indian/Alaska Native population in order to examine asset accumulation among a variety of racial, ethnic and legal status groups. We examine differences in asset accumulation across tribal members from a variety of American Indian tribes. Additionally, we make comparisons across those that are tribally enrolled to those that are not tribally enrolled. We find substantial difference across tribal affiliation in our data once we disaggregate the category of American Indian. Our research adds a new dimension to the literature examining differences in wealth accumulation by race and political status for a little-studied group. Specifically, we examine the intersection of race and legal status in wealth and asset accumulation.

@article{
 title = {Exposure to Rising Inequality Shapes Americans’ Opportunity Beliefs and Policy Support},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 keywords = {Economic inequality,Opportunity beliefs,Policy preferences,Redistribution,System justification},
 pages = {9593–9598},
 volume = {114},
 id = {18233f21-a0a5-3065-ac6f-c0685399e88e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:16.286Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.958Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {McCall2017},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Economic inequality has been on the rise in the United States since the 1980s and by some measures stands at levels not seen since before the Great Depression. Although the strikingly high and rising level of economic inequality in the nation has alarmed scholars, pundits, and elected officials alike, research across the social sciences repeatedly concludes that Americans are largely unconcerned about it. Considerable research has documented, for instance, the important role of psychological processes, such as system justification and American Dream ideology, in engendering Americans’ relative insensitivity to economic inequality. The present work offers, and reports experimental tests of, a different perspective—the opportunity model of beliefs about economic inequality. Specifically, two convenience samples (study 1, n = 480; and study 2, n = 1,305) and one representative sample (study 3, n = 1,501) of American adults were exposed to information about rising economic inequality in the United States (or control information) and then asked about their beliefs regarding the roles of structural (e.g., being born wealthy) and individual (e.g., hard work) factors in getting ahead in society (i.e., opportunity beliefs). They then responded to policy questions regarding the roles of business and government actors in reducing economic inequality. Rather than revealing insensitivity to rising inequality, the results suggest that rising economic inequality in contemporary society can spark skepticism about the existence of economic opportunity in society that, in turn, may motivate support for policies designed to redress economic inequality.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {McCall, Leslie and Burk, Derek and Laperrière, Marie and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America},
 number = {36}
}

Economic inequality has been on the rise in the United States since the 1980s and by some measures stands at levels not seen since before the Great Depression. Although the strikingly high and rising level of economic inequality in the nation has alarmed scholars, pundits, and elected officials alike, research across the social sciences repeatedly concludes that Americans are largely unconcerned about it. Considerable research has documented, for instance, the important role of psychological processes, such as system justification and American Dream ideology, in engendering Americans’ relative insensitivity to economic inequality. The present work offers, and reports experimental tests of, a different perspective—the opportunity model of beliefs about economic inequality. Specifically, two convenience samples (study 1, n = 480; and study 2, n = 1,305) and one representative sample (study 3, n = 1,501) of American adults were exposed to information about rising economic inequality in the United States (or control information) and then asked about their beliefs regarding the roles of structural (e.g., being born wealthy) and individual (e.g., hard work) factors in getting ahead in society (i.e., opportunity beliefs). They then responded to policy questions regarding the roles of business and government actors in reducing economic inequality. Rather than revealing insensitivity to rising inequality, the results suggest that rising economic inequality in contemporary society can spark skepticism about the existence of economic opportunity in society that, in turn, may motivate support for policies designed to redress economic inequality.

@article{
 title = {Fiscal Redistribution and Ethnoracial Inequality in Bolivia, Brazil, and Guatemala},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 pages = {208–220},
 volume = {52},
 id = {2ddcfacc-500c-3a5c-aa36-568d4f1faea0},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:21.632Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:17.104Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Lustig2017},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples in Latin America face higher poverty rates and are disproportionately represented among the poor. The probability of being poor is between two and three times higher for indigenous and Afro-descendants than whites. Using comparable fiscal incidence analyses for Bolivia, Brazil, and Guatemala, I analyze how much poverty and inequality change in the ethnoracial space after fiscal interventions. Although taxes and transfers tend to reduce the ethnoracial gaps, the change is very small. While per capita cash transfers tend to be higher for the nonwhite population, spending on these programs is too low, especially when compared with the disproportionate number of poor people among nonwhites.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Lustig, Nora},
 journal = {Latin American Research Review},
 number = {2}
}

Afro-descendants and indigenous peoples in Latin America face higher poverty rates and are disproportionately represented among the poor. The probability of being poor is between two and three times higher for indigenous and Afro-descendants than whites. Using comparable fiscal incidence analyses for Bolivia, Brazil, and Guatemala, I analyze how much poverty and inequality change in the ethnoracial space after fiscal interventions. Although taxes and transfers tend to reduce the ethnoracial gaps, the change is very small. While per capita cash transfers tend to be higher for the nonwhite population, spending on these programs is too low, especially when compared with the disproportionate number of poor people among nonwhites.

@article{
 title = {Declining Racial Stratification in Marriage Choices? Trends in Black/White Status Exchange in the United States, 1980 to 2010},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 pages = {31–49},
 volume = {3},
 id = {4a736ac6-bcb7-386b-9a43-57ee6da13f4a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:34.947Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:17.211Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Torche2017},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The status exchange hypothesis suggests that partners in black/white marriages in the United States trade racial for educational status, indicating strong hierarchical barriers between racial groups. The authors examine trends in status exchange in black/white marriages and cohabitations between 1980 and 2010, a period during which these unions increased from 0.3 percent to 1.5 percent of all young couples. The authors find that status exchange between black men and white women did not decline among either marriages or cohabitations, even as interracial unions became more prevalent. The authors also distinguish two factors driving exchange: (1) the growing probability of marrying a white person as educational attainment increases for both blacks and whites (educational boundaries) and (2) a direct trade of race-by-education between partners (dyadic exchange). Although the theoretical interpretation of exchange has focused on the latter factor, the authors show that status exchange largely emerges from the...},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Torche, Florencia and Rich, Peter},
 journal = {Sociology of Race and Ethnicity},
 number = {1}
}

The status exchange hypothesis suggests that partners in black/white marriages in the United States trade racial for educational status, indicating strong hierarchical barriers between racial groups. The authors examine trends in status exchange in black/white marriages and cohabitations between 1980 and 2010, a period during which these unions increased from 0.3 percent to 1.5 percent of all young couples. The authors find that status exchange between black men and white women did not decline among either marriages or cohabitations, even as interracial unions became more prevalent. The authors also distinguish two factors driving exchange: (1) the growing probability of marrying a white person as educational attainment increases for both blacks and whites (educational boundaries) and (2) a direct trade of race-by-education between partners (dyadic exchange). Although the theoretical interpretation of exchange has focused on the latter factor, the authors show that status exchange largely emerges from the...

@inbook{
 type = {inbook},
 year = {2017},
 pages = {183-213},
 websites = {https://www.emerald.com/insight/content/doi/10.1108/S0277-283320170000031006/full/html},
 publisher = {Emerald Publishing Limited},
 id = {fbcf3f97-037c-33ac-a2cc-e81517ef5e83},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.694Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.694Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2017},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {We critique existing literature on the rise of precarious work because of its inattention to the historical organization of work by race and gender. We use intersectional theory to develop a racial–gender lens on precarious work, asking how do race, gender, and educational attainment shape exposure to insecure work. Historically, Blacks pursued education to mitigate against labor market discrimination with uneven success. Education has traditionally protected against exposure to precarious employment, but this association has weakened in recent years and the persistence of differential returns to human capital suggests that the relationship between education and insecure work may be racially contingent. We assess risk of exposure to precarious nonstandard work for racial and gender groups from 1979 to 2015 using data drawn from the CPS-MORG. We find that education is not equally protective across demographic groups and over time, contributing to inequality in access to stable, standard employment.},
 bibtype = {inbook},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Hanley, Caroline},
 editor = {Kalleberg, A. L. and Vallas, S. P.},
 doi = {10.1108/S0277-283320170000031006},
 chapter = {A Racial-Gender Lens on Precarious Nonstandard Employment},
 title = {Precarious Work (Research in the Sociology of Work, Vol. 31)}
}

We critique existing literature on the rise of precarious work because of its inattention to the historical organization of work by race and gender. We use intersectional theory to develop a racial–gender lens on precarious work, asking how do race, gender, and educational attainment shape exposure to insecure work. Historically, Blacks pursued education to mitigate against labor market discrimination with uneven success. Education has traditionally protected against exposure to precarious employment, but this association has weakened in recent years and the persistence of differential returns to human capital suggests that the relationship between education and insecure work may be racially contingent. We assess risk of exposure to precarious nonstandard work for racial and gender groups from 1979 to 2015 using data drawn from the CPS-MORG. We find that education is not equally protective across demographic groups and over time, contributing to inequality in access to stable, standard employment.

@article{
 title = {Race, Wealth and Incarceration: Results from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth},
 type = {article},
 year = {2016},
 keywords = {Imprisonment,Incarceration,NLSY79,National Longitudinal Survey of Youth,Net worth,Race,Wealth},
 pages = {103–115},
 volume = {8},
 id = {5a8cadb4-e1e9-35e9-a473-c902f845d9c9},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:16.521Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:16.173Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Zaw2016},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Using the 1979 cohort of the National Longitudinal Study of Youth to explore the interwoven links between race, wealth and incarceration, this study examines the data on race and wealth status before and after incarceration. Data indicate that although higher levels of wealth were associated with lower rates of incarceration, the likelihood of future incarceration still was higher for blacks at every level of wealth compared to the white likelihood, as well as the Hispanic likelihood, which fell below the white likelihood for some levels of wealth. Further, we find that racial wealth gaps existed among those who would be incarcerated in the future and also among the previously incarcerated.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Zaw, Khaing and Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, William},
 journal = {Race and Social Problems},
 number = {1}
}

Using the 1979 cohort of the National Longitudinal Study of Youth to explore the interwoven links between race, wealth and incarceration, this study examines the data on race and wealth status before and after incarceration. Data indicate that although higher levels of wealth were associated with lower rates of incarceration, the likelihood of future incarceration still was higher for blacks at every level of wealth compared to the white likelihood, as well as the Hispanic likelihood, which fell below the white likelihood for some levels of wealth. Further, we find that racial wealth gaps existed among those who would be incarcerated in the future and also among the previously incarcerated.

@article{
 title = {Inequality in the “Cradle of Liberty”: Race/Ethnicity and Wealth in Greater Boston},
 type = {article},
 year = {2016},
 keywords = {Ethnic and racial wealth disparities,Racial inequalities,Racial wealth,Racial wealth gap,Wealth disparities in Boston},
 pages = {18–28},
 volume = {8},
 id = {d059fcb7-d113-33dd-99a9-e3d8b837bdee},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:17.300Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:18.333Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Meschede2016},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {New data collected for the Boston Metropolitan Statistical Area provide detailed information on financial assets that allow analysis to extend beyond the traditional black–white divide. Targeting US-born blacks, Caribbean blacks, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and other Hispanics, findings from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color survey underscore the large racial and ethnic disparities in financial wealth, even after controlling for demographic and socioeconomic status. Further, some notable differences between Boston’s communities of color highlight the importance of detailed analyses for research on the racial wealth gap. In particular, among non-white communities Dominicans report comparatively low asset and high debt amounts, while Caribbean blacks report relatively higher levels of wealth. Altogether, these findings point to the need for wealth building opportunities in communities of color and further investigation of the causes and consequences of financial disparities between groups of color disaggregated by specific ancestral origin.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Meschede, Tatjana and Hamilton, Darrick and Muñoz, Ana Patricia and Jackson, Regine and Darity, William},
 journal = {Race and Social Problems},
 number = {1}
}

New data collected for the Boston Metropolitan Statistical Area provide detailed information on financial assets that allow analysis to extend beyond the traditional black–white divide. Targeting US-born blacks, Caribbean blacks, Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and other Hispanics, findings from the National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color survey underscore the large racial and ethnic disparities in financial wealth, even after controlling for demographic and socioeconomic status. Further, some notable differences between Boston’s communities of color highlight the importance of detailed analyses for research on the racial wealth gap. In particular, among non-white communities Dominicans report comparatively low asset and high debt amounts, while Caribbean blacks report relatively higher levels of wealth. Altogether, these findings point to the need for wealth building opportunities in communities of color and further investigation of the causes and consequences of financial disparities between groups of color disaggregated by specific ancestral origin.

@article{
 title = {A Tour de Force in Understanding Intergroup Inequality: An Introduction to Stratification Economics},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
 keywords = {Ethnic disparity,Racial disparity,Stratification economics},
 volume = {42},
 id = {155b32fa-d6ea-3c0c-a661-5b6535b4a8f7},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:02.311Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.984Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Darity2015},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This special edition of the Review of Black Political Economics provides a contribution to the growing, vital and intellectually rich field of stratification economics. Stratification economics is an emerging field in economics that seeks to expand the boundaries of the analysis of how economists analyze intergroup differences. It examines the competitive, and sometimes collaborative, interplay between members of social groups animated by their collective self-interest to attain or maintain relative group position in a social hierarchy. The collection of articles in this volume span both quantitative and qualitative approaches, geographical distances (Bangladesh, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Kenya, and the U.S.), types of intergroup disparity (class, race, ethnicity, tribe, gender, and phenotype), and outcomes associated with social stratification (property rights in identity, human capital, financial capital, consumer surplus, health, and labor market outcomes).},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Darity, William A. and Hamilton, Darrick and Stewart, James B.},
 journal = {Review of Black Political Economy},
 number = {1–2}
}

This special edition of the Review of Black Political Economics provides a contribution to the growing, vital and intellectually rich field of stratification economics. Stratification economics is an emerging field in economics that seeks to expand the boundaries of the analysis of how economists analyze intergroup differences. It examines the competitive, and sometimes collaborative, interplay between members of social groups animated by their collective self-interest to attain or maintain relative group position in a social hierarchy. The collection of articles in this volume span both quantitative and qualitative approaches, geographical distances (Bangladesh, Brazil, the Dominican Republic, Kenya, and the U.S.), types of intergroup disparity (class, race, ethnicity, tribe, gender, and phenotype), and outcomes associated with social stratification (property rights in identity, human capital, financial capital, consumer surplus, health, and labor market outcomes).

@article{
 title = {Causes and Consequences of Inequality in the STEM: Diversity and Its Discontents},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
 pages = {321-342},
 volume = {7},
 id = {330fd05b-a8a2-30ac-9437-ceaf5938c8b3},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.198Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.198Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Alegria2015},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Social Science research on science careers tends to focus on gender as the primary mechanism affecting which people enter and succeed in science. Despite the often narrow focus on gender, the demographic composition of many science fields in the US has changed considerably as the US workforce incorporated more women, people of color, and non-US born workers following important legal changes in the 1960s. Using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS)(1% samples for 1960 and 1970, 5% samples from 1980, 1990 and 2000) as well as the American Community Survey from 2009, we show how a narrow focus on gender oversimplifies the racial and increasingly global dynamics of the scientific labor force. We further examine the factors that produce and constrain the scientific labor force sustaining the complex inequality we see when we disaggregate the demographic profiles of two exemplary science fields, Computing and Life Science.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Alegria, Sharla N. and Branch, Enobong Hannah},
 journal = {International Journal of Gender, Science and Technology},
 number = {3}
}

Social Science research on science careers tends to focus on gender as the primary mechanism affecting which people enter and succeed in science. Despite the often narrow focus on gender, the demographic composition of many science fields in the US has changed considerably as the US workforce incorporated more women, people of color, and non-US born workers following important legal changes in the 1960s. Using data from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS)(1% samples for 1960 and 1970, 5% samples from 1980, 1990 and 2000) as well as the American Community Survey from 2009, we show how a narrow focus on gender oversimplifies the racial and increasingly global dynamics of the scientific labor force. We further examine the factors that produce and constrain the scientific labor force sustaining the complex inequality we see when we disaggregate the demographic profiles of two exemplary science fields, Computing and Life Science.

@article{
 title = {“Once You Go to a White School, You Kind of Adapt”: Black Adolescents and the Racial Classification of Schools},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
 pages = {1-19},
 volume = {88},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0038040714555434},
 id = {0784d1ed-5d7f-3440-9217-3c657c7d7ed7},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.531Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.531Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Ispa-Landa2015},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Studies of when youth classify academic achievement in racial terms have focused on the racial classification of behaviors and individuals. However, institutions—including schools—may also be racially classified. Drawing on a comparative interview study, we examine the school contexts that prompt urban black students to classify schools in racial terms. Through Diversify, a busing program, one group of black students attended affluent suburban schools with white-dominated achievement hierarchies ( n = 38). Diversify students assigned schools to categories of whiteness or blackness that equated whiteness with achievement and blackness with academic deficiency. Students waitlisted for Diversify ( n = 16) attended urban schools without white-dominated achievement hierarchies. These students did not classify schools as white or black, based on academic quality. We assert that scholars may productively conceive of schools, not just individual students, as sites of potential racial classification. Furthermore, the racial classification of schools reinforces antagonism between black students attending ‘‘white’’ and ‘‘black’’ schools and perpetuates harmful racial stereotypes.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Ispa-Landa, Simone and Conwell, Jordan},
 doi = {10.1177/0038040714555434},
 journal = {Sociology of Education},
 number = {1}
}

Studies of when youth classify academic achievement in racial terms have focused on the racial classification of behaviors and individuals. However, institutions—including schools—may also be racially classified. Drawing on a comparative interview study, we examine the school contexts that prompt urban black students to classify schools in racial terms. Through Diversify, a busing program, one group of black students attended affluent suburban schools with white-dominated achievement hierarchies ( n = 38). Diversify students assigned schools to categories of whiteness or blackness that equated whiteness with achievement and blackness with academic deficiency. Students waitlisted for Diversify ( n = 16) attended urban schools without white-dominated achievement hierarchies. These students did not classify schools as white or black, based on academic quality. We assert that scholars may productively conceive of schools, not just individual students, as sites of potential racial classification. Furthermore, the racial classification of schools reinforces antagonism between black students attending ‘‘white’’ and ‘‘black’’ schools and perpetuates harmful racial stereotypes.

@unpublished{
 title = {Did the War on Poverty Stop the 1960s Race Riots?},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2015},
 pages = {38},
 websites = {http://www.rob-gillezeau.com/uploads/1/0/6/5/106551695/gillezeau_jmp.pdf},
 id = {72fc78e6-b924-3eec-9ecc-3f45636e612c},
 created = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.367Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-30T16:21:51.367Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Gillezeau2015},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This paper uses recently digitized records of War on Poverty spending to determine whether anti-poverty spending was successful in discouraging the 1960s race riots. Using both a cross-sectional instrumental variables strategy and a panel approach, funding for the Community Action Program (CAP) is found to have decreased the number of riots by 15-60% and the intensity of rioting by 45-54%. Political empowerment programs such as community organizing and legal assistance proved more effective at halting the rioting than economic programs. The results suggest that the root cause of the 1960s riots may have been political disempowerment rather than economic poverty.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Gillezeau, Rob}
}

This paper uses recently digitized records of War on Poverty spending to determine whether anti-poverty spending was successful in discouraging the 1960s race riots. Using both a cross-sectional instrumental variables strategy and a panel approach, funding for the Community Action Program (CAP) is found to have decreased the number of riots by 15-60% and the intensity of rioting by 45-54%. Political empowerment programs such as community organizing and legal assistance proved more effective at halting the rioting than economic programs. The results suggest that the root cause of the 1960s riots may have been political disempowerment rather than economic poverty.

@article{
 title = {Patterns of Racial and Educational Assortative Mating in Brazil},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 keywords = {Brazil,Interracial marriage,Marital sorting,Race inequality,Status exchange},
 pages = {835–856},
 volume = {51},
 id = {39e53d28-6252-3d81-8f4b-ae9f1f6290b2},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:05.020Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-06-09T17:17:05.020Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Gullickson2014},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Exchange of racial for educational status has been documented for black/white marriages in the United States. Exchange may be an idiosyncratic feature of U.S. society, resulting from unusually strong racial boundaries historically developed there. We examine status exchange across racial lines in Brazil. In contrast to the United States, Brazil features greater fluidity of racial boundaries and a middle tier of "brown" individuals. If exchange is contingent on strong racial boundaries, it should be weak or non-existent in Brazilian society. Contrary to this expectation, we find strong evidence of status exchange. However, this pattern results from a generalized penalty for darkness, which induces a negative association between higher education and marrying darker spouses ("market exchange") rather than from a direct trading of resources by partners ("dyadic exchange"). The substantive and methodological distinction between market and dyadic exchange helps clarify and integrate prior findings in the status exchange literature. © 2014 Population Association of America.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Gullickson, Aaron and Torche, Florencia},
 journal = {Demography}
}

Exchange of racial for educational status has been documented for black/white marriages in the United States. Exchange may be an idiosyncratic feature of U.S. society, resulting from unusually strong racial boundaries historically developed there. We examine status exchange across racial lines in Brazil. In contrast to the United States, Brazil features greater fluidity of racial boundaries and a middle tier of "brown" individuals. If exchange is contingent on strong racial boundaries, it should be weak or non-existent in Brazilian society. Contrary to this expectation, we find strong evidence of status exchange. However, this pattern results from a generalized penalty for darkness, which induces a negative association between higher education and marrying darker spouses ("market exchange") rather than from a direct trading of resources by partners ("dyadic exchange"). The substantive and methodological distinction between market and dyadic exchange helps clarify and integrate prior findings in the status exchange literature. © 2014 Population Association of America.

@article{
 title = {Expungement and Post-Exoneration Offending},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 pages = {353–388},
 volume = {104},
 id = {e56d5a1c-9e39-3d4e-ba57-fc79608f6304},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:08.585Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.161Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Shlosberg2014},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This is the second Article stemming from a study of the post-release behavior of wrongfully convicted individuals. Utilizing data on exonerees compiled from the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University, the study tracks the behavior of 118 exonerees following their releases and examines the effects of more than twenty variables on their post-release criminality. We present here our findings on the ameliorative effects of expungement on post-exoneration offending. Expungement would seemingly be an obvious remedy for wrongfully convicted individuals, but in fact, almost one-third of exonerees do not have their records purged. We found that a failure to expunge was a significant predictor of postexoneration offending.1 This relationship was strongest for offenders who had not committed an offense prior to the one for which they were wrongfully convicted. The problematic impact of failing to expunge is generally consistent with labeling theory, as are the findings regarding the effects on exonerees without prior records, which are supported by. © 2014 by Northwestern University School of Law.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Shlosberg, Amy and Mandery, Evan J. and West, Valerie and Callaghan, Bennett},
 journal = {Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology},
 number = {2}
}

This is the second Article stemming from a study of the post-release behavior of wrongfully convicted individuals. Utilizing data on exonerees compiled from the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University, the study tracks the behavior of 118 exonerees following their releases and examines the effects of more than twenty variables on their post-release criminality. We present here our findings on the ameliorative effects of expungement on post-exoneration offending. Expungement would seemingly be an obvious remedy for wrongfully convicted individuals, but in fact, almost one-third of exonerees do not have their records purged. We found that a failure to expunge was a significant predictor of postexoneration offending.1 This relationship was strongest for offenders who had not committed an offense prior to the one for which they were wrongfully convicted. The problematic impact of failing to expunge is generally consistent with labeling theory, as are the findings regarding the effects on exonerees without prior records, which are supported by. © 2014 by Northwestern University School of Law.

@article{
 title = {Early Life Environment and Racial Inequality in Education and Earnings in the United States},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 id = {0d8157f3-d383-3f97-91e0-3338a31e6b59},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:08.979Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.265Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Chay2014},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Chay, Guryan and Mazumder (2009) found substantial racial convergence in AFQT and NAEP scores across cohorts born in the 1960s and early 1970s that was concentrated among blacks in the South. We demonstrated a close tracking between variation in the test score convergence across states and racial convergence in measures of health and hospital access in the years immediately after birth. This study analyzes whether the across-cohort patterns in the black-white education and earnings gaps match those in early life health and test scores already established. It also addresses caveats in the earlier study, such as unobserved selection into taking the AFQT and potential discrepancies between state-of-birth and state-of-test taking. With Census data, we find: i) a significant narrowing across the same cohorts in education gaps driven primarily by a relative increase in the probability of blacks going to college; and ii) a similar convergence in relative earnings that is insensitive to adjustments for employment selection, as well as time and age effects that vary by race and state-of-residence. The variation in racial convergence across birth states matches the patterns in the earlier study. The magnitude of the earnings gains is greater than can be explained by only the black gains in education and test scores for reasonable estimates of the returns to human capital. This suggests that other pre-market, productivity factors also improved across successive cohorts of blacks born in the South between the early 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, our cohort-based hypothesis provides a cohesive explanation for the aggregate patterns in several, previously disconnected literatures.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chay, Kenneth Y. and Guryan, Jonathan and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal}
}

Chay, Guryan and Mazumder (2009) found substantial racial convergence in AFQT and NAEP scores across cohorts born in the 1960s and early 1970s that was concentrated among blacks in the South. We demonstrated a close tracking between variation in the test score convergence across states and racial convergence in measures of health and hospital access in the years immediately after birth. This study analyzes whether the across-cohort patterns in the black-white education and earnings gaps match those in early life health and test scores already established. It also addresses caveats in the earlier study, such as unobserved selection into taking the AFQT and potential discrepancies between state-of-birth and state-of-test taking. With Census data, we find: i) a significant narrowing across the same cohorts in education gaps driven primarily by a relative increase in the probability of blacks going to college; and ii) a similar convergence in relative earnings that is insensitive to adjustments for employment selection, as well as time and age effects that vary by race and state-of-residence. The variation in racial convergence across birth states matches the patterns in the earlier study. The magnitude of the earnings gains is greater than can be explained by only the black gains in education and test scores for reasonable estimates of the returns to human capital. This suggests that other pre-market, productivity factors also improved across successive cohorts of blacks born in the South between the early 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, our cohort-based hypothesis provides a cohesive explanation for the aggregate patterns in several, previously disconnected literatures.

@article{
 title = {On the Precipice of a "Majority-Minority" America: Perceived Status Threat from the Racial Demographic Shift Affects White Americans' Political Ideology},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 keywords = {Conservative shift,Demographic changes,Political conservatism},
 pages = {1189–1197},
 volume = {25},
 id = {cd1e9608-e378-303c-8a2f-c25ae9328881},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:20.317Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.332Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Craig2014},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The U.S. Census Bureau projects that racial minority groups will make up a majority of the U.S. national population in 2042, effectively creating a so-called majority-minority nation. In four experiments, we explored how salience of such racial demographic shifts affects White Americans’ political-party leanings and expressed political ideology. Study 1 revealed that making California’s majority-minority shift salient led politically unaffiliated White Americans to lean more toward the Republican Party and express greater political conservatism. Studies 2, 3a, and 3b revealed that making the changing national racial demographics salient led White Americans (regardless of political affiliation) to endorse conservative policy positions more strongly. Moreover, the results implicate group-status threat as the mechanism underlying these effects. Taken together, this work suggests that the increasing diversity of the nation may engender a widening partisan divide.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Craig, Maureen A. and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Psychological Science},
 number = {6}
}

The U.S. Census Bureau projects that racial minority groups will make up a majority of the U.S. national population in 2042, effectively creating a so-called majority-minority nation. In four experiments, we explored how salience of such racial demographic shifts affects White Americans’ political-party leanings and expressed political ideology. Study 1 revealed that making California’s majority-minority shift salient led politically unaffiliated White Americans to lean more toward the Republican Party and express greater political conservatism. Studies 2, 3a, and 3b revealed that making the changing national racial demographics salient led White Americans (regardless of political affiliation) to endorse conservative policy positions more strongly. Moreover, the results implicate group-status threat as the mechanism underlying these effects. Taken together, this work suggests that the increasing diversity of the nation may engender a widening partisan divide.

@article{
 title = {When the Levee Breaks: Black Migration and Economic Development in the American South},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 pages = {963-990},
 volume = {104},
 websites = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/aer.104.3.963},
 id = {48e6542e-7b8c-3d09-945c-bf704829ee55},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.002Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.002Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Hornbeck2014},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In the American South, postbellum economic development may have been restricted in part by white landowners' access to low-wage black labor. This paper examines the impact of the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 on black out-migration and subsequent agricultural development. Flooded counties experienced an immediate and persistent out-migration of black population. Over time, landowners in flooded counties modernized agricultural production and increased its capital intensity relative to landowners in nearby similar non-flooded counties. Landowners resisted black out-migration, however, benefiting from the status quo system of labor-intensive agricultural production.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hornbeck, Richard and Naidu, Suresh},
 doi = {10.1257/aer.104.3.963},
 journal = {American Economic Review},
 number = {3}
}

In the American South, postbellum economic development may have been restricted in part by white landowners' access to low-wage black labor. This paper examines the impact of the Great Mississippi Flood of 1927 on black out-migration and subsequent agricultural development. Flooded counties experienced an immediate and persistent out-migration of black population. Over time, landowners in flooded counties modernized agricultural production and increased its capital intensity relative to landowners in nearby similar non-flooded counties. Landowners resisted black out-migration, however, benefiting from the status quo system of labor-intensive agricultural production.

@article{
 title = {Upgraded to Bad Jobs: Low-Wage Black Women's Relative Status since 1970},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 pages = {366-395},
 volume = {55},
 id = {d892e877-3006-3401-9d63-79010ade58fd},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.760Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.760Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2014},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Labor market changes complicate the analysis of black women's status relative to white women because education, occupational attainment, and race–gender are now less predictive of earnings. Low-wage black women's relative status has improved somewhat from 1970 to 2000, contrary to the well-documented decrease in relative status reported for all black women wage earners since 1980, but their dramatic occupational upgrading was not responsible for the trend. White-collar occupational positions formerly responsible for white women's relative earnings advantage no longer deliver that reward, as restructuring has produced a proliferation of bad jobs across occupational groups. This study argues that increasing exposure to precarious work is crucial to understanding changes in low-wage black women's relative economic status since 1970.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Hanley, Caroline},
 doi = {10.1111/tsq.12053},
 journal = {The Sociological Quarterly},
 number = {2}
}

Labor market changes complicate the analysis of black women's status relative to white women because education, occupational attainment, and race–gender are now less predictive of earnings. Low-wage black women's relative status has improved somewhat from 1970 to 2000, contrary to the well-documented decrease in relative status reported for all black women wage earners since 1980, but their dramatic occupational upgrading was not responsible for the trend. White-collar occupational positions formerly responsible for white women's relative earnings advantage no longer deliver that reward, as restructuring has produced a proliferation of bad jobs across occupational groups. This study argues that increasing exposure to precarious work is crucial to understanding changes in low-wage black women's relative economic status since 1970.

@article{
 title = {Toward a Field of Intersectionality Studies: Theory, Applications, and Praxis},
 type = {article},
 year = {2013},
 pages = {785–810},
 volume = {38},
 id = {0c5f45a0-b9a5-3862-966a-82ca4e2bd630},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:01.725Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:17.537Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Cho2013},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Intersectional insights and frameworks are put into practice in a multitude of highly contested, complex, and unpredictable ways. We group such engagements with intersectionality into three loosely defined sets of practices: applications of an intersectional framework or investigations of intersectional dynamics; debates about the scope and content of intersectionality as a theoretical and methodological paradigm; and political interventions employing an intersectional lens. We propose a template for fusing these three levels of engagement with intersectionality into a field of intersectional studies that emphasizes collaboration and literacy rather than unity. Our objective here is not to offer pat resolutions to all questions about intersectional approaches but to spark further inquiry into the dynamics of intersectionality both as an academic frame and as a practical intervention in a world characterized by extreme inequalities. At the same time, we wish to zero in on some issues that we believe have occupied a privileged place in the field from the very start, as well as on key questions that will define the field in the future. To that end, we foreground the social dynamics and relations that constitute subjects, displacing what often seems like an undue emphasis on the subjects (and categories) themselves as the starting point of inquiry. We also situate the development and contestation of these focal points of intersectional studies within the politics of academic and social movements-which, we argue, are themselves deeply intersectional in nature and therefore must continually be interrogated as part of the intersectional project. © 2013 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Cho, Sumi and Crenshaw, Kimberlé Williams and McCall, Leslie},
 journal = {Signs},
 number = {4}
}

Intersectional insights and frameworks are put into practice in a multitude of highly contested, complex, and unpredictable ways. We group such engagements with intersectionality into three loosely defined sets of practices: applications of an intersectional framework or investigations of intersectional dynamics; debates about the scope and content of intersectionality as a theoretical and methodological paradigm; and political interventions employing an intersectional lens. We propose a template for fusing these three levels of engagement with intersectionality into a field of intersectional studies that emphasizes collaboration and literacy rather than unity. Our objective here is not to offer pat resolutions to all questions about intersectional approaches but to spark further inquiry into the dynamics of intersectionality both as an academic frame and as a practical intervention in a world characterized by extreme inequalities. At the same time, we wish to zero in on some issues that we believe have occupied a privileged place in the field from the very start, as well as on key questions that will define the field in the future. To that end, we foreground the social dynamics and relations that constitute subjects, displacing what often seems like an undue emphasis on the subjects (and categories) themselves as the starting point of inquiry. We also situate the development and contestation of these focal points of intersectional studies within the politics of academic and social movements-which, we argue, are themselves deeply intersectional in nature and therefore must continually be interrogated as part of the intersectional project. © 2013 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.

@article{
 title = {Compensation Statutes and Post-Exoneration Offending},
 type = {article},
 year = {2013},
 pages = {553–584},
 volume = {103},
 id = {f2fb30aa-a6a4-3e74-b516-1ccfe8226813},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:08.946Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:53.773Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Mandery2013},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Utilizing a data set of exonerees compiled from the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University, this study tracks the behavior of 118 exonerees following their releases and examines the effects of more than twenty variables on the exonerees' post-release criminality. We present here our findings on the effect of victim-compensation statutes on post-exoneration offending. When treated as a dichotomous variable, compensation has no apparent effect. When treated as a continuous variable, however, a pattern emerges. Exonerees who are compensated above a threshold amount of $500,000 commit offenses at a significantly lower rate than those who are either not compensated or compensated beneath the threshold. Prior critiques have called for more and better compensation statutes on grounds of fairness. Needless to say, the fairness argument is substantial. This research suggests that the public policy argument for compensation is compelling, too, and has the potential to transform a stagnated debate. © 2013 by Northwestern University School of Law.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Mandery, Evan J. and Shlosberg, Amy and West, Valerie and Callaghan, Bennett},
 journal = {Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology},
 number = {2}
}

Utilizing a data set of exonerees compiled from the Center on Wrongful Convictions at Northwestern University, this study tracks the behavior of 118 exonerees following their releases and examines the effects of more than twenty variables on the exonerees' post-release criminality. We present here our findings on the effect of victim-compensation statutes on post-exoneration offending. When treated as a dichotomous variable, compensation has no apparent effect. When treated as a continuous variable, however, a pattern emerges. Exonerees who are compensated above a threshold amount of $500,000 commit offenses at a significantly lower rate than those who are either not compensated or compensated beneath the threshold. Prior critiques have called for more and better compensation statutes on grounds of fairness. Needless to say, the fairness argument is substantial. This research suggests that the public policy argument for compensation is compelling, too, and has the potential to transform a stagnated debate. © 2013 by Northwestern University School of Law.

@article{
 title = {Intersectionality and Social Explanation in Social Science Research},
 type = {article},
 year = {2013},
 keywords = {Family,Income Inequality,Intersectionality,Liberalism,Social Theory},
 pages = {349–363},
 volume = {10},
 id = {e637d4c5-9932-3bfa-9b6f-dffa2905bde1},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:20.098Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.281Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Clarke2013},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {To the extent that intersectionality is becoming a common term in mainstream social science, it is as a methodological justification to separate out different racial, ethnic, gender, class, and other social groups for empirical analysis. One might call this the intersectionality hypothesis, and in its best incarnation, it is about getting the facts right and finding the differences that matter. But an intersectional analysis in the social sciences often involves more than this. An intersectional approach also leads to potentially different interpretations of the same facts, or what we term a different social explanation. It is not only the intersection of categories that defines an intersectional project, then, but the theoretical framing that informs the analysis and interpretation of the subject under study. This framing often leads to an analysis of multiple and even conflicting social dynamics that enable certain kinds of social understanding that are otherwise invisible when scholars focus on a single set of social dynamics. Because the social theoretical aspects of research on intersectionality are rarely discussed, relative to the more methodological and ontological aspects of intersectionality, this is our main subject matter in this article. We focus on the process of developing social explanations rooted in the intersection of multiple social dynamics in several examples from our own research and across a variety of topics in social science research. Copyright © W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research 2013.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Clarke, Averil Y. and McCall, Leslie},
 journal = {Du Bois Review},
 number = {2}
}

To the extent that intersectionality is becoming a common term in mainstream social science, it is as a methodological justification to separate out different racial, ethnic, gender, class, and other social groups for empirical analysis. One might call this the intersectionality hypothesis, and in its best incarnation, it is about getting the facts right and finding the differences that matter. But an intersectional analysis in the social sciences often involves more than this. An intersectional approach also leads to potentially different interpretations of the same facts, or what we term a different social explanation. It is not only the intersection of categories that defines an intersectional project, then, but the theoretical framing that informs the analysis and interpretation of the subject under study. This framing often leads to an analysis of multiple and even conflicting social dynamics that enable certain kinds of social understanding that are otherwise invisible when scholars focus on a single set of social dynamics. Because the social theoretical aspects of research on intersectionality are rarely discussed, relative to the more methodological and ontological aspects of intersectionality, this is our main subject matter in this article. We focus on the process of developing social explanations rooted in the intersection of multiple social dynamics in several examples from our own research and across a variety of topics in social science research. Copyright © W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research 2013.

@article{
 title = {Wealth Disparities Before and After the Great Recession},
 type = {article},
 year = {2013},
 keywords = {assets,income,inequality,race,wealth},
 pages = {98–123},
 volume = {650},
 id = {726c88d4-e05a-3363-b2d3-e40d21ac1e1f},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:22.433Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.613Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Pfeffer2013b},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The collapse of the labor, housing, and stock markets beginning in 2007 created unprecedented challenges for American families. This study examines disparities in wealth holdings leading up to the Great Recession and during the first years of the recovery. All socioeconomic groups experienced declines in wealth following the recession, with higher wealth families experiencing larger absolute declines. In percentage terms, however, the declines were greater for less advantaged groups as measured by minority status, education, and prerecession income and wealth, leading to a substantial rise in wealth inequality in just a few years. Despite large changes in wealth, longitudinal analyses demonstrate little change in mobility in the ranking of particular families in the wealth distribution. Between 2007 and 2011, one-fourth of American families lost at least 75 percent of their wealth, and more than half of all families lost at least 25 percent of their wealth. Multivariate longitudinal analyses document that these large relative losses were disproportionally concentrated among lower-income, less educated, and minority households. © American Academy of Political & Social Science 2013.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Pfeffer, Fabian T. and Danziger, Sheldon and Schoeni, Robert F.},
 journal = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
 number = {1}
}

The collapse of the labor, housing, and stock markets beginning in 2007 created unprecedented challenges for American families. This study examines disparities in wealth holdings leading up to the Great Recession and during the first years of the recovery. All socioeconomic groups experienced declines in wealth following the recession, with higher wealth families experiencing larger absolute declines. In percentage terms, however, the declines were greater for less advantaged groups as measured by minority status, education, and prerecession income and wealth, leading to a substantial rise in wealth inequality in just a few years. Despite large changes in wealth, longitudinal analyses demonstrate little change in mobility in the ranking of particular families in the wealth distribution. Between 2007 and 2011, one-fourth of American families lost at least 75 percent of their wealth, and more than half of all families lost at least 25 percent of their wealth. Multivariate longitudinal analyses document that these large relative losses were disproportionally concentrated among lower-income, less educated, and minority households. © American Academy of Political & Social Science 2013.

@article{
 title = {Interrogating Claims of Progress for Black Women Since 1970},
 type = {article},
 year = {2013},
 pages = {203-226},
 volume = {44},
 id = {d4c2a1a6-cfb3-3491-b051-39a57613e757},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.777Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.777Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2013},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Utilizing a comparative and historical perspective, we interrogate claims of progress focusing on low-wage Black and White women workers from 1970 to 2000. We begin by offering a historical perspective on occupational segregation by race and gender, which informs the evaluation of low-wage Black women’s occupational progress. We then situate Black women’s occupational attainment since 1970 within the larger context of labor market restructuring, which fundamentally changed the occupational landscape. We find no evidence that industrial and occupational upgrading among low-wage Black women, particularly in the South, from 1970 to 2000 narrowed the racial wage gap among low-wage women. The wage gap between low-wage Black and White women declined because of larger changes in the American economy, which reduced the quality of those jobs, eroding the wage advantage that White women in the white-collar service sector once enjoyed.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Hanley, Caroline},
 doi = {10.1177/0021934713476889},
 journal = {Journal of Black Studies},
 number = {2}
}

Utilizing a comparative and historical perspective, we interrogate claims of progress focusing on low-wage Black and White women workers from 1970 to 2000. We begin by offering a historical perspective on occupational segregation by race and gender, which informs the evaluation of low-wage Black women’s occupational progress. We then situate Black women’s occupational attainment since 1970 within the larger context of labor market restructuring, which fundamentally changed the occupational landscape. We find no evidence that industrial and occupational upgrading among low-wage Black women, particularly in the South, from 1970 to 2000 narrowed the racial wage gap among low-wage women. The wage gap between low-wage Black and White women declined because of larger changes in the American economy, which reduced the quality of those jobs, eroding the wage advantage that White women in the white-collar service sector once enjoyed.

@article{
 title = {Bold Policies for Economic Justice},
 type = {article},
 year = {2012},
 keywords = {Child development accounts,Federal job guarantee,Full-employment,Post-racial,Racial unemployment disparities,Racial wealth gap,Recession},
 pages = {79–85},
 volume = {39},
 id = {c7565978-da82-3837-b3f9-2eced7406760},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:11.604Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:18.286Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Darity2012},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The U. S. is characterized by a longstanding pattern of large structural racial inequality that deepens further as a result of economic downturn. Although there have been some improvements in the income gap up until around the mid 1970s, the employment gap, and the racial wealth gap - two dramatic indicators of economic security - remains exorbitant and stubbornly persistent. We offer two race-neutral programs that could go a long way towards eliminating racial inequality, while at the same time providing economic security, mobility and sustainability for all Americans. The first program, a federal job guarantee, would provide the economic security of a job and the removal of the threat of unemployment for all Americans. The second program, a substantial child development account that rises progressively based on the familial asset positioning of the child's parents, would provide a pathways towards asset security for all Americans regardless of their economic position at birth. © 2012 Springer Science + Business Media, LLC.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Darity, William and Hamilton, Darrick},
 journal = {Review of Black Political Economy},
 number = {1}
}

The U. S. is characterized by a longstanding pattern of large structural racial inequality that deepens further as a result of economic downturn. Although there have been some improvements in the income gap up until around the mid 1970s, the employment gap, and the racial wealth gap - two dramatic indicators of economic security - remains exorbitant and stubbornly persistent. We offer two race-neutral programs that could go a long way towards eliminating racial inequality, while at the same time providing economic security, mobility and sustainability for all Americans. The first program, a federal job guarantee, would provide the economic security of a job and the removal of the threat of unemployment for all Americans. The second program, a substantial child development account that rises progressively based on the familial asset positioning of the child's parents, would provide a pathways towards asset security for all Americans regardless of their economic position at birth. © 2012 Springer Science + Business Media, LLC.

@article{
 title = {Defining Appropriate Labor: Race, Gender, and Idealization of Black Women in Domestic Service},
 type = {article},
 year = {2012},
 pages = {292-308},
 volume = {19},
 websites = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/43497500},
 id = {8edbabb8-2074-3ef1-8ad6-a170e95e492a},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.692Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
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 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.692Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Wooten2012},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Appropriate labor conveys the notion of a negotiated ideal indicating who has been collectively defined as suited for a particular type of work. Importantly, these negotiations provide a justification for why a group is represented in one occupation as opposed to another. Using domestic service as an example of an occupation based in an informal, female-centered organizational structure we illustrate the process by which black women came to be seen as the idealized worker in Northern U.S. households between the mid-19th and -20th centuries. The analyses demonstrate that the designation of black women as appropriate labor enabled the maintenance of an institution that was vital to the social reproduction functions of white, middle-class, American households.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Wooten, Melissa E. and Branch, Enobong H.},
 journal = {Race, Gender & Class},
 number = {3/4}
}

Appropriate labor conveys the notion of a negotiated ideal indicating who has been collectively defined as suited for a particular type of work. Importantly, these negotiations provide a justification for why a group is represented in one occupation as opposed to another. Using domestic service as an example of an occupation based in an informal, female-centered organizational structure we illustrate the process by which black women came to be seen as the idealized worker in Northern U.S. households between the mid-19th and -20th centuries. The analyses demonstrate that the designation of black women as appropriate labor enabled the maintenance of an institution that was vital to the social reproduction functions of white, middle-class, American households.

@article{
 title = {Suited for Service: Racialized Rationalizations for the Ideal Domestic Servant from the Nineteenth to the Early Twentieth Century},
 type = {article},
 year = {2012},
 pages = {169-189},
 volume = {36},
 id = {dab06679-166c-3560-8cc3-7cb9cbd0ba06},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.853Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.853Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2012},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {From the early 1800s through the 1920s the image of the ideal domestic servant varied dramatically—native white women, European immigrant women, and black women. However, at all times the racial/ethnic identity of the domestic servant played a critical role. The transition from the casualness of “help” to the formality of the “domestic servant” relationship marked the historical moment in which a subordinate racial identity became a precondition of servanthood. The semantic change from help or hired girl to domestic servant reflected a more fundamental change in the nature, organization, and expectation of the work role. Using a comparative-historical approach, we provide a sociological analysis of how shifting labor patterns and societal demands led to the decline of help, the rise of domestic service, and the centrality of a racialized identity to the performance of household work during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah and Wooten, Melissa E.},
 doi = {10.1017/S0145553200011743},
 journal = {Social Science History},
 number = {2}
}

From the early 1800s through the 1920s the image of the ideal domestic servant varied dramatically—native white women, European immigrant women, and black women. However, at all times the racial/ethnic identity of the domestic servant played a critical role. The transition from the casualness of “help” to the formality of the “domestic servant” relationship marked the historical moment in which a subordinate racial identity became a precondition of servanthood. The semantic change from help or hired girl to domestic servant reflected a more fundamental change in the nature, organization, and expectation of the work role. Using a comparative-historical approach, we provide a sociological analysis of how shifting labor patterns and societal demands led to the decline of help, the rise of domestic service, and the centrality of a racialized identity to the performance of household work during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

@article{
 title = {The Impact of Rosenwald Schools on Black Achievement},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 pages = {821–888},
 volume = {119},
 id = {dffb0a4f-02a5-382d-b05f-b4d59cb86cc3},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:11.411Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:18.247Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Aaronson2011},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The black-white gap in schooling among southern-born men narrowed sharply between the world wars. From 1914 to 1931, nearly 5,000 schools were constructed as part of the Rosenwald Rural Schools Initiative. Using census data and World War II records, we find that the Rosenwald program accounts for a sizable portion of the educational gains of rural southern blacks. We find significant effects on school attendance, literacy, years of schooling, cognitive test scores, and northern migration. The gains are highest in the most disadvantaged counties, suggesting that schooling treatments have the largest impact among those with limited access to education. © 2011 by The University of Chicago.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Aaronson, Daniel and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 journal = {Journal of Political Economy},
 number = {5}
}

The black-white gap in schooling among southern-born men narrowed sharply between the world wars. From 1914 to 1931, nearly 5,000 schools were constructed as part of the Rosenwald Rural Schools Initiative. Using census data and World War II records, we find that the Rosenwald program accounts for a sizable portion of the educational gains of rural southern blacks. We find significant effects on school attendance, literacy, years of schooling, cognitive test scores, and northern migration. The gains are highest in the most disadvantaged counties, suggesting that schooling treatments have the largest impact among those with limited access to education. © 2011 by The University of Chicago.

@article{
 title = {A Nonparametric Analysis of Black-White Differences in Intergenerational Income Mobility in the United States},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 pages = {335–379},
 volume = {2},
 id = {62fd02d8-79ee-3b45-955a-7d8388c7264f},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:18.835Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:18.000Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Bhattacharya2011},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Lower intergenerational income mobility for blacks is a likely cause behind the persistent interracial gap in economic status in the United States. However, few studies have analyzed black–white differences in intergenerational income mobil- ity and the factors that determine these differences. This is largely due to the ab- sence of appropriate methodological tools. We develop nonparametric methods to estimate the effects ofcovariates on two measures ofmobility. We first consider the traditional transition probability of movement across income quantiles. We then introduce a newmeasure ofupward mobility which is the probability that an adult child’s relative position exceeds that ofthe parents. Conducting statistical in- ference on these mobility measures and the effects ofcovariates on them requires nontrivial modifications of standard nonparametric regression theory since the dependent variables are nonsmooth functions of marginal quantiles or relative ranks. UsingNational Longitudinal Survey ofYouth data,we document that blacks experience much less upward mobility across generations than whites. Applying our new methodological tools, we find that most of this gap can be accounted for by differences in cognitive skills during adolescence.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Bhattacharya, Debopam and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 journal = {Quantitative Economics},
 number = {3}
}

Lower intergenerational income mobility for blacks is a likely cause behind the persistent interracial gap in economic status in the United States. However, few studies have analyzed black–white differences in intergenerational income mobil- ity and the factors that determine these differences. This is largely due to the ab- sence of appropriate methodological tools. We develop nonparametric methods to estimate the effects ofcovariates on two measures ofmobility. We first consider the traditional transition probability of movement across income quantiles. We then introduce a newmeasure ofupward mobility which is the probability that an adult child’s relative position exceeds that ofthe parents. Conducting statistical in- ference on these mobility measures and the effects ofcovariates on them requires nontrivial modifications of standard nonparametric regression theory since the dependent variables are nonsmooth functions of marginal quantiles or relative ranks. UsingNational Longitudinal Survey ofYouth data,we document that blacks experience much less upward mobility across generations than whites. Applying our new methodological tools, we find that most of this gap can be accounted for by differences in cognitive skills during adolescence.

@article{
 title = {Birth Cohort and the Black-White Achievement Gap: The Roles of Access and Health Soon After Birth},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 id = {a8464341-b71e-324e-8b50-187c5bff9f6a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:34.155Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.268Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Chay2011},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {One literature documents a significant, black-white gap in average test scores, while another finds a substantial narrowing of the gap during the 1980's, and stagnation in convergence after. We use two data sources – the Long Term Trends NAEP and AFQT scores for the universe of applicants to the U.S. military between 1976 and 1991 – to show: 1) the 1980's convergence is due to relative improvements across successive cohorts of blacks born between 1963 and the early 1970's and not a secular narrowing in the gap over time; and 2) the across-cohort gains were concentrated among blacks in the South. We then demonstrate that the timing and variation across states in the AFQT convergence closely tracks racial convergence in measures of health and hospital access in the years immediately following birth. We show that the AFQT convergence is highly correlated with post-neonatal mortality rates and not with neonatal mortality and low birth weight rates, and that this result cannot be explained by schooling desegregation and changes in family background. We conclude that investments in health through increased access at very early ages have large, long-term effects on achievement, and that the integration of hospitals during the 1960's affected the test performance of black teenagers in the 1980's.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Chay, Kenneth Y. and Guryan, Jonathan and Mazumder, Bhashkar},
 journal = {SSRN Electronic Journal}
}

One literature documents a significant, black-white gap in average test scores, while another finds a substantial narrowing of the gap during the 1980's, and stagnation in convergence after. We use two data sources – the Long Term Trends NAEP and AFQT scores for the universe of applicants to the U.S. military between 1976 and 1991 – to show: 1) the 1980's convergence is due to relative improvements across successive cohorts of blacks born between 1963 and the early 1970's and not a secular narrowing in the gap over time; and 2) the across-cohort gains were concentrated among blacks in the South. We then demonstrate that the timing and variation across states in the AFQT convergence closely tracks racial convergence in measures of health and hospital access in the years immediately following birth. We show that the AFQT convergence is highly correlated with post-neonatal mortality rates and not with neonatal mortality and low birth weight rates, and that this result cannot be explained by schooling desegregation and changes in family background. We conclude that investments in health through increased access at very early ages have large, long-term effects on achievement, and that the integration of hospitals during the 1960's affected the test performance of black teenagers in the 1980's.

@article{
 title = {The Impact of the Transatlantic Slave Trade on Ethnic Stratification in Africa},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
 pages = {571-576},
 volume = {101},
 websites = {https://pubs.aeaweb.org/doi/10.1257/aer.101.3.571},
 id = {fa26d070-597c-3b08-b0ef-8af8ece24d40},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.849Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:44.849Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Whatley2011},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In the last 15 years, economists and economic historians have argued that Africa has undergone a “reversal of fortune” and that ethnic fragmentation is a significant cause of Africa's underdevelopment. In this article, we join these narratives by arguing that the transatlantic slave trade increased the degree of ethnic heterogeneity in Africa today. Using both correlational and causal instrumental variables analysis, we find an economically and statistically significant positive relationship between slave exports and ethnic heterogeneity. This relationship is robust to changes in the scheme for drawing ethnic boundaries and the choice of observational unit.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Whatley, Warren and Gillezeau, Rob},
 doi = {10.1257/aer.101.3.571},
 journal = {American Economic Review},
 number = {3}
}

In the last 15 years, economists and economic historians have argued that Africa has undergone a “reversal of fortune” and that ethnic fragmentation is a significant cause of Africa's underdevelopment. In this article, we join these narratives by arguing that the transatlantic slave trade increased the degree of ethnic heterogeneity in Africa today. Using both correlational and causal instrumental variables analysis, we find an economically and statistically significant positive relationship between slave exports and ethnic heterogeneity. This relationship is robust to changes in the scheme for drawing ethnic boundaries and the choice of observational unit.

@book{
 title = {Opportunity Denied: Limiting Black Women to Devalued Work},
 type = {book},
 year = {2011},
 pages = {190},
 publisher = {Rutgers University Press},
 id = {258614a1-232b-3be7-83c5-05263191857f},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:49.687Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:49.687Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2011},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Blacks and Whites. Men and Women. Historically, each group has held very different types of jobs. The divide between these jobs was stark—clean or dirty, steady or inconsistent, skilled or unskilled. In such a rigidly segregated occupational landscape, race and gender radically limited labor opportunities, relegating Black women to the least desirable jobs. Opportunity Denied is the first comprehensive look at changes in race, gender, and women’s work across time, comparing the labor force experiences of Black women to White women, Black men and White men. Enobong Hannah Branch merges empirical data with rich historical detail, offering an original overview of the evolution of Black women’s work. From free Black women in 1860 to Black women in 2008, the experience of discrimination in seeking and keeping a job has been determinedly constant. Branch focuses on occupational segregation before 1970 and situates the findings of contemporary studies in a broad historical context, illustrating how inequality can grow and become entrenched over time through the institution of work.},
 bibtype = {book},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah}
}

Blacks and Whites. Men and Women. Historically, each group has held very different types of jobs. The divide between these jobs was stark—clean or dirty, steady or inconsistent, skilled or unskilled. In such a rigidly segregated occupational landscape, race and gender radically limited labor opportunities, relegating Black women to the least desirable jobs. Opportunity Denied is the first comprehensive look at changes in race, gender, and women’s work across time, comparing the labor force experiences of Black women to White women, Black men and White men. Enobong Hannah Branch merges empirical data with rich historical detail, offering an original overview of the evolution of Black women’s work. From free Black women in 1860 to Black women in 2008, the experience of discrimination in seeking and keeping a job has been determinedly constant. Branch focuses on occupational segregation before 1970 and situates the findings of contemporary studies in a broad historical context, illustrating how inequality can grow and become entrenched over time through the institution of work.

@article{
 title = {Can 'Baby Bonds' Eliminate the Racial Wealth Gap in Putative Post-Racial America?},
 type = {article},
 year = {2010},
 keywords = {Child development accounts,Post Racial America,Racial wealth gap},
 pages = {207–216},
 volume = {37},
 id = {be8b56c4-7210-3b1a-830b-a46d9beae35a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:04.164Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2021-07-06T17:44:16.171Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Hamilton2010},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Despite an enormous and persistent black-white wealth gap, the ascendant American narrative is one that proclaims that our society has transcended the racial divide. The proclamation often is coupled with the claim that remaining disparities are due primarily to dysfunctional behavior on the part of blacks. In such a climate it appears the only acceptable remedial social policies are those that are facially race neutral. However, even without the capacity to redistribute assets directly on the basis of race, our nation still can do so indirectly by judiciously using wealth as the standard for redistributive measures. We offer a bold progressive child development account type program that could go a long way towards eliminating the racial wealth gap. © 2010 Springer Science + Business Media, LLC.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, William},
 journal = {Review of Black Political Economy},
 number = {3}
}

Despite an enormous and persistent black-white wealth gap, the ascendant American narrative is one that proclaims that our society has transcended the racial divide. The proclamation often is coupled with the claim that remaining disparities are due primarily to dysfunctional behavior on the part of blacks. In such a climate it appears the only acceptable remedial social policies are those that are facially race neutral. However, even without the capacity to redistribute assets directly on the basis of race, our nation still can do so indirectly by judiciously using wealth as the standard for redistributive measures. We offer a bold progressive child development account type program that could go a long way towards eliminating the racial wealth gap. © 2010 Springer Science + Business Media, LLC.

@article{
 title = {The Creation of Restricted Opportunity due to the Intersection of Race & Sex: Black Women in the Bottom Class},
 type = {article},
 year = {2007},
 pages = {247-264},
 volume = {14},
 websites = {www.jstor.org/stable/41675302},
 id = {3e7046d1-1aef-378d-9936-95cf52f249ad},
 created = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.524Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:45.524Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Branch2007},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In Horton, Allen, Herring, and Thomas' (2000) study of the black working class, a historical picture is painted in which black women are shown to be uniquely disadvantaged as it pertains to economic position more so than either black men or white women, their experiences parallel neither group. The factors that precipitated this pattern are the concern of this paper. In particular, I propose an integrative theory of race, gender, and class that is based on the utilization of one's occupation as an indicator of economic class. I will then explore the intersection of race and gender in historically creating the disadvantage experienced by black women in the American occupational structure. The advancement of black men, I argue, occurred under the guise of male privilege although they were black and the advancement of white women occurred under the guise of white privilege although they were female, however, black women were both black and female, thus there was no guise, no point of privilege by which they could have advanced. Hence we see their increase in the bottom class during the time when the rates for black men and white women were decreasing.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Branch, Enobong Hannah},
 journal = {Race, Gender & Class},
 number = {3/4}
}

In Horton, Allen, Herring, and Thomas' (2000) study of the black working class, a historical picture is painted in which black women are shown to be uniquely disadvantaged as it pertains to economic position more so than either black men or white women, their experiences parallel neither group. The factors that precipitated this pattern are the concern of this paper. In particular, I propose an integrative theory of race, gender, and class that is based on the utilization of one's occupation as an indicator of economic class. I will then explore the intersection of race and gender in historically creating the disadvantage experienced by black women in the American occupational structure. The advancement of black men, I argue, occurred under the guise of male privilege although they were black and the advancement of white women occurred under the guise of white privilege although they were female, however, black women were both black and female, thus there was no guise, no point of privilege by which they could have advanced. Hence we see their increase in the bottom class during the time when the rates for black men and white women were decreasing.

@article{
 title = {Do Interest Groups Represent the Disadvantaged? Advocacy at the Intersections of Race, Class, and Gender},
 type = {article},
 year = {2006},
 pages = {894–910},
 volume = {68},
 id = {06aa3f79-3cc4-3bff-86f2-dd31fb017418},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:06.362Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.938Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Strolovitch2006},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {How well do interest groups represent the disadvantaged? I examine the policy advocacy of national organizations that represent marginalized groups, focusing on the extent to which they advocate on behalf of intersectionally disadvantaged subgroups of their membership. Combining quantitative analysis of original data from a survey of organizations with information from in-depth interviews, I find that organizations are substantially less active when it comes to issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups than they are when it comes to issues affecting more advantaged subgroups. In spite of sincere desires to represent disadvantaged members, organizations downplay the impact of such issues and frame them as narrow and particularistic in their effect, while framing issues affecting advantaged subgroups as if they affect a majority of their members and have a broad and generalized impact. Consequently, issues affecting advantaged subgroups receive considerable attention regardless of their breadth of impact, whereas issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups do not. © 2006 Southern Political Science Association.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Strolovitch, Dara Z.},
 journal = {Journal of Politics},
 number = {4}
}

How well do interest groups represent the disadvantaged? I examine the policy advocacy of national organizations that represent marginalized groups, focusing on the extent to which they advocate on behalf of intersectionally disadvantaged subgroups of their membership. Combining quantitative analysis of original data from a survey of organizations with information from in-depth interviews, I find that organizations are substantially less active when it comes to issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups than they are when it comes to issues affecting more advantaged subgroups. In spite of sincere desires to represent disadvantaged members, organizations downplay the impact of such issues and frame them as narrow and particularistic in their effect, while framing issues affecting advantaged subgroups as if they affect a majority of their members and have a broad and generalized impact. Consequently, issues affecting advantaged subgroups receive considerable attention regardless of their breadth of impact, whereas issues affecting disadvantaged subgroups do not. © 2006 Southern Political Science Association.

@article{
 title = {New Orleans Is Not the Exception: Re-politicizing the Study of Racial Inequality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2006},
 keywords = {Alexis de Tocqueville,American Exceptionalism,Federalism,Gunnar Myrdal,Hurricane Katrina,Inequalities,Intersectionality,New Orleans,Political Science,Race},
 pages = {37–57},
 volume = {3},
 id = {3102bc49-bc9f-3af7-b59d-6d13d8f92a9e},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:13.779Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.516Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Frymer2006},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Although political science provides many useful tools for analyzing the effects of natural and social catastrophes such as Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath, the scenes of devastation and inequality in New Orleans suggest an urgent need to adjust our lenses and reorient our research in ways that will help us to uncover and unpack the roots of this national travesty. Treated merely as exceptions to the “normal” functioning of society, dramatic events such as Katrina ought instead to serve as crucial reminders to scholars and the public that the quest for racial equality is only a work in progress. New Orleans, we argue, was not exceptional; it was the product of broader and very typical elements of American democracy—its ideology, attitudes, and institutions. At the dawn of the century after “the century of the color-line,” the hurricane and its aftermath highlight salient features of inequality in the United States that demand broader inquiry and that should be incorporated into the analytic frameworks through which American politics is commonly studied and understood. To this end, we suggest several ways in which the study of racial and other forms of inequality might inform the study of U.S. politics writ large, as well as offer a few ideas about ways in which the study of race might be re-politicized. To bring race back into the study of politics, we argue for greater attention to the ways that race intersects with other forms of inequality, greater attention to political institutions as they embody and reproduce these inequalities, and a return to the study of power, particularly its role in the maintenance of ascriptive hierarchies. © 2006, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research. All rights reserved.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Frymer, Paul and Strolovitch, Dara Z. and Warren, Dorian T.},
 journal = {Du Bois Review},
 number = {1}
}

Although political science provides many useful tools for analyzing the effects of natural and social catastrophes such as Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath, the scenes of devastation and inequality in New Orleans suggest an urgent need to adjust our lenses and reorient our research in ways that will help us to uncover and unpack the roots of this national travesty. Treated merely as exceptions to the “normal” functioning of society, dramatic events such as Katrina ought instead to serve as crucial reminders to scholars and the public that the quest for racial equality is only a work in progress. New Orleans, we argue, was not exceptional; it was the product of broader and very typical elements of American democracy—its ideology, attitudes, and institutions. At the dawn of the century after “the century of the color-line,” the hurricane and its aftermath highlight salient features of inequality in the United States that demand broader inquiry and that should be incorporated into the analytic frameworks through which American politics is commonly studied and understood. To this end, we suggest several ways in which the study of racial and other forms of inequality might inform the study of U.S. politics writ large, as well as offer a few ideas about ways in which the study of race might be re-politicized. To bring race back into the study of politics, we argue for greater attention to the ways that race intersects with other forms of inequality, greater attention to political institutions as they embody and reproduce these inequalities, and a return to the study of power, particularly its role in the maintenance of ascriptive hierarchies. © 2006, W.E.B. Du Bois Institute for African and African American Research. All rights reserved.

@article{
 title = {Assessing Racial Profiling},
 type = {article},
 year = {2006},
 volume = {116},
 id = {4fd21a40-bf1f-3ce2-b457-eb8ebf8c0616},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:16.789Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.261Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Durlauf2006},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In this article I consider the evaluation of racial profiling in traffic stops from a combination of welfarist and non-welfarist considerations. I argue that benefits from profiling in terms of crime reduction have not been identified and that further, the harm to those who are innocent and stopped is potentially high. I then argue that profiling creates a clear injustice to innocent African Americans. Together, these claims make the assessment of profiling an example of decision making under ambiguity. I resolve the ambiguity with a Fairness Presumption which leads me to reject profiling in traffic stops as a public policy. © 2006 The Author(s). Journal compilation Royal Economic Society 2006.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Durlauf, Steven N.},
 journal = {Economic Journal},
 number = {515}
}

In this article I consider the evaluation of racial profiling in traffic stops from a combination of welfarist and non-welfarist considerations. I argue that benefits from profiling in terms of crime reduction have not been identified and that further, the harm to those who are innocent and stopped is potentially high. I then argue that profiling creates a clear injustice to innocent African Americans. Together, these claims make the assessment of profiling an example of decision making under ambiguity. I resolve the ambiguity with a Fairness Presumption which leads me to reject profiling in traffic stops as a public policy. © 2006 The Author(s). Journal compilation Royal Economic Society 2006.

@article{
 title = {Does a Foot in the Door Matter? White-Nonwhite Differences in the Wage Return to Tenure and Prior Workplace Experience},
 type = {article},
 year = {2006},
 pages = {267},
 volume = {73},
 id = {22c12772-608c-3916-9d83-84daff1452fa},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:34.060Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.415Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Goldsmith2006},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The theory of ability misperception posits that employers will offer greater rewards to whites than nonwhites for similar levels of prior experience (Proposition 1) but that racial/ethnic differences in the return to additional tenure or seniority with the current employer will be smaller (Proposition 2). To advance the existing empirical literature, this paper evaluates the validity of these propositions by using data on black, Latino, and white workers drawn from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality. The analysis is conducted separately for women and men and controls for a wider range of workplace setting descriptors than was used in previous studies. Our results offer support for Proposition 1 and for Proposition 2. We find that nonwhites, regardless of job setting, receive relatively poor returns to prior workplace experience (the lone exception is Latinas). Second, nonwhites typically receive greater wage gains for accumulating additional tenure than whites.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Goldsmith, Arthur H. and Hamilton, Darrick and Darity, William},
 journal = {Southern Economic Journal},
 number = {2}
}

The theory of ability misperception posits that employers will offer greater rewards to whites than nonwhites for similar levels of prior experience (Proposition 1) but that racial/ethnic differences in the return to additional tenure or seniority with the current employer will be smaller (Proposition 2). To advance the existing empirical literature, this paper evaluates the validity of these propositions by using data on black, Latino, and white workers drawn from the Multi-City Study of Urban Inequality. The analysis is conducted separately for women and men and controls for a wider range of workplace setting descriptors than was used in previous studies. Our results offer support for Proposition 1 and for Proposition 2. We find that nonwhites, regardless of job setting, receive relatively poor returns to prior workplace experience (the lone exception is Latinas). Second, nonwhites typically receive greater wage gains for accumulating additional tenure than whites.

@article{
 title = {Expecting to be the Target of Prejudice: Implications for Interethnic Interactions},
 type = {article},
 year = {2005},
 keywords = {Expectancies,Interracial interactions,Prejudice,Social interactions,Stigma},
 pages = {1189–1202},
 volume = {31},
 id = {728df36f-a36b-326a-801e-2d81249c3c84},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:01.341Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.440Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Shelton2005a},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Two studies investigated the implications of ethnic minorities' prejudice expectations for their affective and behavioral outcomes during interethnic interactions. In both studies, the more ethnic minorities expected Whites to be prejudiced, the more negative experiences they had during interethnic interactions. This finding held true for chronic prejudice expectations in a diary study of college roommates (Study 1) and for situationally induced prejudice expectations in a laboratory interaction (Study 2). In Study 2, the authors extended this work to examine the relationship between ethnic minorities' prejudice expectancies and their White partners' psychological experience during interethnic interactions. Consistent with predictions, the more ethnic minorities expected Whites to be prejudiced, the more their White partners had positive experiences during interethnic interactions. These divergent experiences of ethnic minorities and Whites have important implications for the psychological success of interactions between members of these groups. © 2005 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Shelton, J. Nicole and Richeson, Jennifer A. and Salvatore, Jessica},
 journal = {Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin},
 number = {9}
}

Two studies investigated the implications of ethnic minorities' prejudice expectations for their affective and behavioral outcomes during interethnic interactions. In both studies, the more ethnic minorities expected Whites to be prejudiced, the more negative experiences they had during interethnic interactions. This finding held true for chronic prejudice expectations in a diary study of college roommates (Study 1) and for situationally induced prejudice expectations in a laboratory interaction (Study 2). In Study 2, the authors extended this work to examine the relationship between ethnic minorities' prejudice expectancies and their White partners' psychological experience during interethnic interactions. Consistent with predictions, the more ethnic minorities expected Whites to be prejudiced, the more their White partners had positive experiences during interethnic interactions. These divergent experiences of ethnic minorities and Whites have important implications for the psychological success of interactions between members of these groups. © 2005 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc.

@article{
 title = {Intergroup Contact and Pluralistic Ignorance},
 type = {article},
 year = {2005},
 pages = {91–107},
 volume = {88},
 id = {224c9711-6d17-3e7b-bd99-fff2d0ac1b2a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:02.275Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.118Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Shelton2005},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The present work examined the relationship between people's own interpretations of why they avoid intergroup contact and their interpretations of why out-groups avoid intergroup contact. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrate that Whites and Blacks would like to have more contact with the out-group but believe the out-group does not want to have contact with them. Studies 3-5 show that Whites and Blacks make divergent explanations about their own and their potential out-group partner's failure to initiate contact. Specifically, individuals explained their own inaction in terms of their fear of being rejected because of their race but attributed the out-group members' inaction to their lack of interest. Study 6 examined the behavioral consequences of this self-other bias. Finally, Study 7 applied theoretical work on the extended contact hypothesis to explore a means to reduce this self-other bias. The implications of these studies for improving intergroup interactions are discussed.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Shelton, J. Nicole and Richeson, Jennifer A.},
 journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology},
 number = {1}
}

The present work examined the relationship between people's own interpretations of why they avoid intergroup contact and their interpretations of why out-groups avoid intergroup contact. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrate that Whites and Blacks would like to have more contact with the out-group but believe the out-group does not want to have contact with them. Studies 3-5 show that Whites and Blacks make divergent explanations about their own and their potential out-group partner's failure to initiate contact. Specifically, individuals explained their own inaction in terms of their fear of being rejected because of their race but attributed the out-group members' inaction to their lack of interest. Study 6 examined the behavioral consequences of this self-other bias. Finally, Study 7 applied theoretical work on the extended contact hypothesis to explore a means to reduce this self-other bias. The implications of these studies for improving intergroup interactions are discussed.

@article{
 title = {Racial Profiling as a Public Policy Question: Efficiency, Equity, and Ambiguity},
 type = {article},
 year = {2005},
 pages = {132–136},
 volume = {95},
 id = {4ce6dd19-7803-3ab8-916a-7db9f83dc627},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:33.101Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:53.136Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Durlauf2005},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Durlauf, Steven N.},
 journal = {American Economic Review},
 number = {2}
}

@article{
 title = {The Impact of Multiculturalism Versus Color-Blindness on Racial Bias},
 type = {article},
 year = {2004},
 pages = {417–423},
 volume = {40},
 id = {d4879497-984f-3f81-a082-79f0531a3ac7},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:17.902Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.432Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Richeson2004},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The present study examined the influence of different interethnic ideologies on automatic and explicit forms of racial prejudice. White American college students were exposed to a message advocating either a color-blind or a multicultural ideological approach to reducing interethnic tension and then completed explicit racial attitude measures, as well as a reaction time measure of automatic evaluations of racial groups. Results suggested that, relative to the multicultural perspective, the color-blind perspective generated greater racial attitude bias measured both explicitly and on the more unobtrusive reaction time measure. The findings of the present study add to previous research advocating a multicultural or dual-identity model of intergroup relations as the more promising route to interracial harmony. © 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Richeson, Jennifer A. and Nussbaum, Richard J.},
 journal = {Journal of Experimental Social Psychology},
 number = {3}
}

The present study examined the influence of different interethnic ideologies on automatic and explicit forms of racial prejudice. White American college students were exposed to a message advocating either a color-blind or a multicultural ideological approach to reducing interethnic tension and then completed explicit racial attitude measures, as well as a reaction time measure of automatic evaluations of racial groups. Results suggested that, relative to the multicultural perspective, the color-blind perspective generated greater racial attitude bias measured both explicitly and on the more unobtrusive reaction time measure. The findings of the present study add to previous research advocating a multicultural or dual-identity model of intergroup relations as the more promising route to interracial harmony. © 2003 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

@article{
 title = {Opportunities, Race, and Urban Location: The Influence of John Kain},
 type = {article},
 year = {2004},
 pages = {70–79},
 volume = {56},
 id = {30058abc-af97-3e97-8dff-6a73cba3c528},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:19.044Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.604Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Glaeser2004},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {No economist studying the spatial economy of urban areas today would ignore the effects of race on housing markets and labor market opportunities, but this was not always the case. John Kain developed much of urban economics but, more importantly, legitimized and encouraged scholarly consideration of the geography of racial opportunities. His provocative study of the linkage between housing segregation and the labor market opportunities of Blacks arose from his work on employment decentralization and constraints on Black residential choice. His later research program on school outcomes was similarly focused in how the economic opportunities of minority households vary with location. John Kain's scientific work forms a legacy linked by the study of the urban disadvantaged. © 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Glaeser, Edward L. and Hanushek, Eric A. and Quigley, John M.},
 journal = {Journal of Urban Economics},
 number = {1}
}

No economist studying the spatial economy of urban areas today would ignore the effects of race on housing markets and labor market opportunities, but this was not always the case. John Kain developed much of urban economics but, more importantly, legitimized and encouraged scholarly consideration of the geography of racial opportunities. His provocative study of the linkage between housing segregation and the labor market opportunities of Blacks arose from his work on employment decentralization and constraints on Black residential choice. His later research program on school outcomes was similarly focused in how the economic opportunities of minority households vary with location. John Kain's scientific work forms a legacy linked by the study of the urban disadvantaged. © 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

@inproceedings{
 title = {Some Evidence on Race, Welfare Reform, and Household Income},
 type = {inproceedings},
 year = {2003},
 pages = {293–298},
 volume = {93},
 id = {0915cb5f-f799-3d83-b942-9d4728d909f1},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:00.944Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:51.644Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Bitler2003},
 source_type = {Conference Proceedings},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {In 1996, federal welfare-reform legislation eliminated Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and replaced it with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). Numerous studies have estimated impacts of reform on welfare caseloads, employment, earnings, family structure, income, and poverty. Two principal challenges to identifying TANF’s impact have been discussed in the literature. First, factors other than welfare reform should have increased household income. It is well known that reform occurred during a period of strong economic performance. While the unemployment rate for blacks fell to the lowest level ever recorded, wages for low-skill groups rose for the first time since the 1970’s. Further, other policy changes in the second half of the 1990’s focused on improving the economic status of the disadvantaged. Examples include expansions in the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), minimum wages, and public health insurance (Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program). Second, TANF was implemented in all states over just 16 months (between September 1996 and January 1998), leaving only limited scope for identifying impacts of TANF through timing across states. While these challenges are well known, their implications for interpreting estimated TANF impacts in nonexperimental studies are not. In this paper, we do four things. First, we discuss the identification of TANF effects in a proto- typical nonexperimental model. We show that if TANF effects are the same in every year, then the lack of time variation in TANF implementation is not problematic. However, if TANF and trend effects are allowed to vary over time in an unrestricted fashion, then TANF effects for later years are unidentified. Second, we pro- pose a method for bounding impacts in light of this identification problem. Third, we apply this method to analyze the impact of TANF on household income for a sample of children in the Current Population Survey (CPS) covering calendar years 1988 –1999. Fourth, we document significant heterogeneity in the association between household income and both TANF and residual factors across white, Hispanic, and black children.},
 bibtype = {inproceedings},
 author = {Bitler, Marianne P. and Gelbach, Jonah B. and Hoynes, Hilary W.},
 booktitle = {American Economic Review}
}

In 1996, federal welfare-reform legislation eliminated Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and replaced it with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). Numerous studies have estimated impacts of reform on welfare caseloads, employment, earnings, family structure, income, and poverty. Two principal challenges to identifying TANF’s impact have been discussed in the literature. First, factors other than welfare reform should have increased household income. It is well known that reform occurred during a period of strong economic performance. While the unemployment rate for blacks fell to the lowest level ever recorded, wages for low-skill groups rose for the first time since the 1970’s. Further, other policy changes in the second half of the 1990’s focused on improving the economic status of the disadvantaged. Examples include expansions in the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), minimum wages, and public health insurance (Medicaid and the Children’s Health Insurance Program). Second, TANF was implemented in all states over just 16 months (between September 1996 and January 1998), leaving only limited scope for identifying impacts of TANF through timing across states. While these challenges are well known, their implications for interpreting estimated TANF impacts in nonexperimental studies are not. In this paper, we do four things. First, we discuss the identification of TANF effects in a proto- typical nonexperimental model. We show that if TANF effects are the same in every year, then the lack of time variation in TANF implementation is not problematic. However, if TANF and trend effects are allowed to vary over time in an unrestricted fashion, then TANF effects for later years are unidentified. Second, we pro- pose a method for bounding impacts in light of this identification problem. Third, we apply this method to analyze the impact of TANF on household income for a sample of children in the Current Population Survey (CPS) covering calendar years 1988 –1999. Fourth, we document significant heterogeneity in the association between household income and both TANF and residual factors across white, Hispanic, and black children.

@article{
 title = {When Prejudice Does Not Pay: Effects of Interracial Contact on Executive Function},
 type = {article},
 year = {2003},
 pages = {287–290},
 volume = {14},
 id = {60532657-4682-3e8e-8ce2-e7f7ff1b7022},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:22.933Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:57.196Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Richeson2003},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This study examined the influence of interracial interaction on the cognitive functioning of members of a dominant racial group. White participants had a brief interaction with either a White or a Black confederate, and then completed an ostensibly unrelated Stroop colornaming test. Prior to the interaction, participants ' racial attitudes regarding Whites and Blacks were measured via the Implicit Association Test. Racial attitudes were predictive of impairment on the Stroop test for individuals who participated in interracial interactions, but not for those who participated in same-race interactions. The results are consistent with recently proposed resource models of self-regulation and executive control in that interracial interaction, a particularly taxing exercise of self-regulation for highly prejudiced individuals, negatively affected performance on a subsequent, yet unrelated, test of executive function.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Richeson, Jennifer A. and Shelton, J. Nicole},
 journal = {Psychological Science},
 number = {3}
}

This study examined the influence of interracial interaction on the cognitive functioning of members of a dominant racial group. White participants had a brief interaction with either a White or a Black confederate, and then completed an ostensibly unrelated Stroop colornaming test. Prior to the interaction, participants ' racial attitudes regarding Whites and Blacks were measured via the Implicit Association Test. Racial attitudes were predictive of impairment on the Stroop test for individuals who participated in interracial interactions, but not for those who participated in same-race interactions. The results are consistent with recently proposed resource models of self-regulation and executive control in that interracial interaction, a particularly taxing exercise of self-regulation for highly prejudiced individuals, negatively affected performance on a subsequent, yet unrelated, test of executive function.

@article{
 title = {Sources of Racial Wage Inequality in Metropolitan Labor Markets: Racial, Ethnic, and Gender Differences},
 type = {article},
 year = {2001},
 pages = {520–541},
 volume = {66},
 id = {c1d7d8da-8091-3d45-99c8-eaf125f5e75a},
 created = {2021-06-09T17:17:02.460Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2023-06-29T19:12:52.125Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {McCall2001},
 source_type = {Journal Article},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Research on racial inequality has become increasingly specialized, often focusing on a single explanation and subgroup of the population. In a diverse society, a broader comparative framework for interpreting the causes of wage inequality for different racial, ethnic, and gender groups is called for. The effects of a range of different factors on the wages of Latinos, Asians, and blacks, relative to whites and separately for women and men, are examined. New sources of racial wage inequality are also considered. Significant differences are found in the sources of wage inequality across race, ethnicity, and gender. Differences are generally greater between racial and ethnic groups than between men and women. Key findings include a large negative effect of immigration on the relative wages of Latinos and Asians and only a small effect on the relative wages of black women (and no effect on black men). In contrast, the relative wages of blacks remain most affected positively by the presence of manufacturing employment and unions. New economy indicators of high-skill services and flexible employment conditions play only a secondary role in explaining metropolitan racial wage inequality.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {McCall, Leslie},
 journal = {American Sociological Review},
 number = {4}
}

Research on racial inequality has become increasingly specialized, often focusing on a single explanation and subgroup of the population. In a diverse society, a broader comparative framework for interpreting the causes of wage inequality for different racial, ethnic, and gender groups is called for. The effects of a range of different factors on the wages of Latinos, Asians, and blacks, relative to whites and separately for women and men, are examined. New sources of racial wage inequality are also considered. Significant differences are found in the sources of wage inequality across race, ethnicity, and gender. Differences are generally greater between racial and ethnic groups than between men and women. Key findings include a large negative effect of immigration on the relative wages of Latinos and Asians and only a small effect on the relative wages of black women (and no effect on black men). In contrast, the relative wages of blacks remain most affected positively by the presence of manufacturing employment and unions. New economy indicators of high-skill services and flexible employment conditions play only a secondary role in explaining metropolitan racial wage inequality.

@article{
 title = {Algorithmic Bias and Racial Inequality: A Critical Review},
 type = {article},
 id = {d8fcbdf8-cedd-30ca-8fd6-de101fa7f1c6},
 created = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.451Z},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {7a51828e-9782-3fa4-8bdb-357443954bfc},
 group_id = {0ee58a72-7b45-3b48-b23d-56896447a1bc},
 last_modified = {2024-07-29T16:10:16.451Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Kasy},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Most definitions of algorithmic bias and fairness encode decisionmaker interests, such as profits, rather than the interests of disadvantaged groups (e.g., racial minorities): Bias is defined as a deviation from profit maximization. Future research should instead focus on the causal effect of automated decisions on the distribution of welfare, both across and within groups. The literature emphasizes some apparent contradictions between different notions of fairness, and between fairness and profits. These contradictions vanish, however, when profits are maximized. Existing work involves conceptual slippages between statistical notions of bias and misclassification errors, economic notions of profit, and normative notions of bias and fairness. Notions of bias nonetheless carry some interest within the welfare paradigm that I advocate for, if we understand bias and discrimination as mechanisms and potential points of intervention.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Kasy, Maximilian},
 journal = {OxREP special issue on Race and Economics, 2024}
}

Most definitions of algorithmic bias and fairness encode decisionmaker interests, such as profits, rather than the interests of disadvantaged groups (e.g., racial minorities): Bias is defined as a deviation from profit maximization. Future research should instead focus on the causal effect of automated decisions on the distribution of welfare, both across and within groups. The literature emphasizes some apparent contradictions between different notions of fairness, and between fairness and profits. These contradictions vanish, however, when profits are maximized. Existing work involves conceptual slippages between statistical notions of bias and misclassification errors, economic notions of profit, and normative notions of bias and fairness. Notions of bias nonetheless carry some interest within the welfare paradigm that I advocate for, if we understand bias and discrimination as mechanisms and potential points of intervention.