@article{martin_war_2024,
	title = {The {War} {On} {Weeds}},
	url = {https://www.noemamag.com/the-war-on-weeds/},
	language = {English},
	number = {5},
	journal = {Noema},
	author = {Martin, Laura J},
	year = {2024},
}

@book{creager_risk_2024,
	title = {Risk on the {Table}: {Food} {Production}, {Health}, and the {Environment}},
	isbn = {978-1-80539-736-6},
	publisher = {Berghahn Books},
	editor = {Creager, Angela N. H. and Gaudillière, Jean-Paul},
	month = nov,
	year = {2024},
}

@article{merrer_safer_2024,
	title = {Safer than in the {USA}? {The} {Reception} of {Silent} {Spring} in {France} and the {Difficulties} in {Achieving} {European} {Regulations} on {Pesticides}, 1962–1976},
	volume = {17},
	shorttitle = {Safer than in the {USA}?},
	url = {https://www.liverpooluniversitypress.co.uk/doi/full/10.3828/whpge.63837646622494},
	doi = {10.3828/whpge.63837646622494},
	abstract = {From having been a net food importer before World War Two, France rapidly became a leading European agricultural producer and the world’s second largest agricultural exporter – a model fueled by extensive use of pesticides. How, then, was the French reception of Rachel Carson’s work on the association of pesticides with health issues and environmental damage? This article constructed a corpus of 288 publications debating Silent Spring from 1962 to 1975 to map the trajectory of the controversy. We also mobilise rich archives collections to document how key actors and institutions endeavoured to control the fire sparked by Printemps silencieux and slow down the progress of new Europe-wide regulations. Lastly, we illuminate how, by 1969–1976, export imperatives and associated market-harmonisation concerns were factors as important as environment and health concerns for explaining the ban of a few molecules and the first 1976 EEC Directive regulating residues levels.
This article was published open access under a CC BY licence: https://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2025-01-13},
	journal = {Global Environment},
	author = {Merrer, Bleuen and Dedieu, François and Pessis, Céline and Bonneuil, Christophe},
	month = jun,
	year = {2024},
	note = {Publisher: Liverpool University Press},
	pages = {348--377},
}

From having been a net food importer before World War Two, France rapidly became a leading European agricultural producer and the world’s second largest agricultural exporter – a model fueled by extensive use of pesticides. How, then, was the French reception of Rachel Carson’s work on the association of pesticides with health issues and environmental damage? This article constructed a corpus of 288 publications debating Silent Spring from 1962 to 1975 to map the trajectory of the controversy. We also mobilise rich archives collections to document how key actors and institutions endeavoured to control the fire sparked by Printemps silencieux and slow down the progress of new Europe-wide regulations. Lastly, we illuminate how, by 1969–1976, export imperatives and associated market-harmonisation concerns were factors as important as environment and health concerns for explaining the ban of a few molecules and the first 1976 EEC Directive regulating residues levels. This article was published open access under a CC BY licence: https://creativecommons.org/licences/by/4.0.

@misc{prete_pesticides_2024,
	title = {Pesticides : vers une meilleure reconnaissance des effets sur la santé des enfants d’agriculteurs},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides},
	url = {http://theconversation.com/pesticides-vers-une-meilleure-reconnaissance-des-effets-sur-la-sante-des-enfants-dagriculteurs-222330},
	abstract = {Un enfant peut être atteint d’une pathologie parce qu’un de ses parents a été exposé aux pesticides dans un cadre professionnel. Obtenir une reconnaissance et une réparation est un long parcours.},
	language = {fr-FR},
	urldate = {2024-03-02},
	journal = {The Conversation},
	author = {Prete, Giovanni and Haraux, Elodie and Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Chamot, Sylvain},
	month = feb,
	year = {2024},
}

Un enfant peut être atteint d’une pathologie parce qu’un de ses parents a été exposé aux pesticides dans un cadre professionnel. Obtenir une reconnaissance et une réparation est un long parcours.

@article{jouzel_fleurs_2024,
	title = {Fleurs, pesticides et maladies professionnelles},
	url = {https://www.researchgate.net/publication/384738189_Fleurs_pesticides_et_maladies_professionnelles},
	abstract = {This article explores flower industry workers exposition to pesticide. It analyses the case of a flower worker who seek workers'compensation},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-12-04},
	journal = {AOC. Analyse, Opinion, Critique.},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noel and Prete, Giovanni},
	month = mar,
	year = {2024},
}

This article explores flower industry workers exposition to pesticide. It analyses the case of a flower worker who seek workers'compensation

@article{mansfield_new_2024,
	title = {A new critical social science research agenda on pesticides},
	volume = {41},
	issn = {1572-8366},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-023-10492-w},
	doi = {10.1007/s10460-023-10492-w},
	abstract = {The global pesticide complex has transformed over the past two decades, but social science research has not kept pace. The rise of an enormous generics sector, shifts in geographies of pesticide production, and dynamics of agrarian change have led to more pesticide use, expanding to farm systems that hitherto used few such inputs. Declining effectiveness due to pesticide resistance and anemic institutional support for non-chemical alternatives also have driven intensification in conventional systems. As an inter-disciplinary network of pesticide scholars, we seek to renew the social science research agenda on pesticides to better understand this suite of contemporary changes. To identify research priorities, challenges, and opportunities, we develop the pesticide complex as a heuristic device to highlight the reciprocal and iterative interactions among agricultural practice, the agrochemical industry, civil society-shaped regulatory actions, and contested knowledge of toxicity. Ultimately, collaborations among social scientists and across the social and biophysical sciences can illuminate recent transformations and their uneven socioecological effects. A reinvigorated critical scholarship that embraces the multifaceted nature of pesticides can identify the social and ecological constraints that drive pesticide use and support alternatives to chemically driven industrial agriculture.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Agriculture and Human Values},
	author = {Mansfield, Becky and Werner, Marion and Berndt, Christian and Shattuck, Annie and Galt, Ryan and Williams, Bryan and Argüelles, Lucía and Barri, Fernando Rafael and Ishii, Marcia and Kunin, Johana and Lapegna, Pablo and Romero, Adam and Caicedo, Andres and {Abhigya} and Castro-Vargas, María Soledad and Marquez, Emily and Ojeda, Diana and Ramirez, Fernando and Tittor, Anne},
	month = jun,
	year = {2024},
	keywords = {Global pesticide complex, Pesticide industry, Pesticide regulation, Pesticide social science research agenda, Pesticide toxicity, Pesticides},
	pages = {395--412},
}

The global pesticide complex has transformed over the past two decades, but social science research has not kept pace. The rise of an enormous generics sector, shifts in geographies of pesticide production, and dynamics of agrarian change have led to more pesticide use, expanding to farm systems that hitherto used few such inputs. Declining effectiveness due to pesticide resistance and anemic institutional support for non-chemical alternatives also have driven intensification in conventional systems. As an inter-disciplinary network of pesticide scholars, we seek to renew the social science research agenda on pesticides to better understand this suite of contemporary changes. To identify research priorities, challenges, and opportunities, we develop the pesticide complex as a heuristic device to highlight the reciprocal and iterative interactions among agricultural practice, the agrochemical industry, civil society-shaped regulatory actions, and contested knowledge of toxicity. Ultimately, collaborations among social scientists and across the social and biophysical sciences can illuminate recent transformations and their uneven socioecological effects. A reinvigorated critical scholarship that embraces the multifaceted nature of pesticides can identify the social and ecological constraints that drive pesticide use and support alternatives to chemically driven industrial agriculture.

@book{jouzel_agriculture_2024,
	title = {L'agriculture empoisonnée: {Le} long combat des victimes de pesticides},
	isbn = {978-2-7246-4147-9},
	shorttitle = {L'agriculture empoisonnée},
	abstract = {Le 19 mars 2011, une dizaine d’agriculteurs se retrouvent à Ruffec. Ils sont accueillis sur l’exploitation céréalière de Paul François, victime sept ans plus tôt d’une intoxication massive par un pesticide de la société Monsanto, et atteint depuis de troubles neurologiques. Les autres agriculteurs présents souffrent également de pathologies chroniques lourdes. Ce jour-là est créée Phyto-victimes. Ce livre repose sur une enquête au long cours auprès de la première association d’agriculteurs victimes des pesticides en France. Il raconte le long chemin emprunté par les agriculteurs pour se dire victime et obtenir réparation. Il pointe le rôle décisif joué par les proches familiaux, certains médecins, des acteurs syndicaux, des militants environnementalistes, des avocats, des journalistes. Jean-Noël Jouzel est directeur de recherche CNRS au CSO (Centre de sociologie des organisations, Sciences Po). Il est notamment l'auteur de Pesticides. Comment ignorer ce que l'on sait (Presses de Sciences Po, 2019). Maître de conférences en sociologie à l'Université Paris 13, Giovanni Prete est cherhceur à l'IRIS (Institut de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les enjeux sociaux) et au CSO.},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Presses de Sciences Po},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	month = jan,
	year = {2024},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: nxDqEAAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Social Science / General},
}

Le 19 mars 2011, une dizaine d’agriculteurs se retrouvent à Ruffec. Ils sont accueillis sur l’exploitation céréalière de Paul François, victime sept ans plus tôt d’une intoxication massive par un pesticide de la société Monsanto, et atteint depuis de troubles neurologiques. Les autres agriculteurs présents souffrent également de pathologies chroniques lourdes. Ce jour-là est créée Phyto-victimes. Ce livre repose sur une enquête au long cours auprès de la première association d’agriculteurs victimes des pesticides en France. Il raconte le long chemin emprunté par les agriculteurs pour se dire victime et obtenir réparation. Il pointe le rôle décisif joué par les proches familiaux, certains médecins, des acteurs syndicaux, des militants environnementalistes, des avocats, des journalistes. Jean-Noël Jouzel est directeur de recherche CNRS au CSO (Centre de sociologie des organisations, Sciences Po). Il est notamment l'auteur de Pesticides. Comment ignorer ce que l'on sait (Presses de Sciences Po, 2019). Maître de conférences en sociologie à l'Université Paris 13, Giovanni Prete est cherhceur à l'IRIS (Institut de recherche interdisciplinaire sur les enjeux sociaux) et au CSO.

@article{meunier_understanding_2024,
	title = {Understanding changes in reducing pesticide use by farmers: {Contribution} of the behavioural sciences},
	volume = {214},
	issn = {0308-521X},
	shorttitle = {Understanding changes in reducing pesticide use by farmers},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0308521X23002238},
	doi = {10.1016/j.agsy.2023.103818},
	abstract = {CONTEXT
Pesticide use in agriculture has serious impacts on the environment, biodiversity and human health. Even though these strong negative impacts have been identified for decades, the reduction of phytosanitary products is becoming increasingly urgent. Agricultural land is a socio-ecological system in which environmental, economic, agronomic and social components are closely linked and interact in a non-linear and complex way. As such, it has become evident that pesticide reduction can only be achieved by jointly considering these different elements of the socio-ecosystem.
OBJECTIVE
In this article, we first discuss the behavioural factors involved in changing agricultural practices with a focus on pesticide practices. We then attempt to assess the respective influence of these factors on farming practices. Finally, we analyse how these behavioural factors could be used to induce concrete changes towards the adoption of environmentally friendly practices and question their consideration in future research.
METHODS
To do so, we undertake a literature review: we analyse a wide range of articles using a behavioural science framework. To anchor our work in agricultural reality, we illustrate the review of the behavioural factors using verbatim transcriptions taken from several interviews with farmers. Based on our corpus, we focus on nine articles to better understand the relative influences of these factors in the studies and highlight five case studies to explore the activation of these factors through action levers.
RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS
We identify fourteen factors operating at three different levels: individual, social and external. These factors likely interact with each other, thus enhancing their effect on the changes in agricultural practices. Some behavioural factors described in this review are not explored in the few articles that attempt to compare their importance, thus rendering our understanding of their relative importance only partial. We observe that some factors are more easily translated into levers for changing pesticide practices, although this depends on the scale of the studies and the object of change under consideration.
SIGNIFICANCE
We believe that the behavioural sciences can provide a better insight into the multiple dynamics at play with regard to the changes in agricultural practices and production systems. We hope that this article will not only strengthen the relevance and use of the behavioural sciences to address these issues but will also allow for a more realistic conceptualisation of farming behaviours in future research.},
	urldate = {2024-06-17},
	journal = {Agricultural Systems},
	author = {Meunier, Elliot and Smith, Pauline and Griessinger, Thibaud and Robert, Corinne},
	month = feb,
	year = {2024},
	keywords = {Agriculture, Behavioural sciences, Decision-making, Pesticides, Sustainability},
	pages = {103818},
}

CONTEXT Pesticide use in agriculture has serious impacts on the environment, biodiversity and human health. Even though these strong negative impacts have been identified for decades, the reduction of phytosanitary products is becoming increasingly urgent. Agricultural land is a socio-ecological system in which environmental, economic, agronomic and social components are closely linked and interact in a non-linear and complex way. As such, it has become evident that pesticide reduction can only be achieved by jointly considering these different elements of the socio-ecosystem. OBJECTIVE In this article, we first discuss the behavioural factors involved in changing agricultural practices with a focus on pesticide practices. We then attempt to assess the respective influence of these factors on farming practices. Finally, we analyse how these behavioural factors could be used to induce concrete changes towards the adoption of environmentally friendly practices and question their consideration in future research. METHODS To do so, we undertake a literature review: we analyse a wide range of articles using a behavioural science framework. To anchor our work in agricultural reality, we illustrate the review of the behavioural factors using verbatim transcriptions taken from several interviews with farmers. Based on our corpus, we focus on nine articles to better understand the relative influences of these factors in the studies and highlight five case studies to explore the activation of these factors through action levers. RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS We identify fourteen factors operating at three different levels: individual, social and external. These factors likely interact with each other, thus enhancing their effect on the changes in agricultural practices. Some behavioural factors described in this review are not explored in the few articles that attempt to compare their importance, thus rendering our understanding of their relative importance only partial. We observe that some factors are more easily translated into levers for changing pesticide practices, although this depends on the scale of the studies and the object of change under consideration. SIGNIFICANCE We believe that the behavioural sciences can provide a better insight into the multiple dynamics at play with regard to the changes in agricultural practices and production systems. We hope that this article will not only strengthen the relevance and use of the behavioural sciences to address these issues but will also allow for a more realistic conceptualisation of farming behaviours in future research.

@phdthesis{hermelin-burnol_vivre_2024,
	address = {Poitiers},
	title = {Vivre et s'ajuster à un risque ordinaire. {Les} agriculteurs et l'exposition des riverains aux pesticides},
	school = {Université de Poitiers},
	author = {Hermelin-Burnol, Mathilde},
	year = {2024},
}

@article{goutille_online_2024,
	title = {Online collaborative research on seasonal work. {Collective} capabilities to resist on precarious work and living conditions},
	issn = {10519815, 18759270},
	url = {https://www.medra.org/servlet/aliasResolver?alias=iospress&doi=10.3233/WOR-230744},
	doi = {10.3233/WOR-230744},
	abstract = {BACKGROUND: The number of seasonal workers in the agricultural sector in France is increasing and their working conditions are difficult and disgraceful. While they have been shown in various studies to be subject to processes that result in them being unable to act on occupational health, some of them, mobilized online, have formed a collective whose is permitted them to develop collective actions. OBJECTIVES: Our article aims to describe this online collective and how the power to act emerged from the discussions. The purpose it’s also to determine how the functioning of these groups fosters the expression of a collective point of view and the achievement of goals that is not attained elsewhere. METHODS: We carried out a collaborative research online with a collective of seasonal workers, which consisted in following and taking part in discussions about conditions at work and outside of work, using an instant messaging tool. The results of this collaborative research, included testimonies registration and co-produced with seasonal workers, has been analyzed mobilizing A. Sen’s capabilities approach. RESULTS: During their online discussions, the seasonal workers allow themselves to share the situations of injustice they are subject to with the other members. Here, we present their output and collective actions which were made possible by the mobilization of the resources of some of their members or by collaborating with other actors. CONCLUSIONS: In spite of the remarkable conversion factors made available through this collective action online, certain “failures” show that in order for these workers to have better access to their rights, effective support by public policy is indispensable.},
	urldate = {2024-12-02},
	journal = {Work},
	author = {Goutille, Fabienne and Degbelo, Agossé Nadège and Calleja, Cecilia and Garrigou, Alain and Candau, Jacqueline},
	month = aug,
	year = {2024},
	pages = {1--16},
}

BACKGROUND: The number of seasonal workers in the agricultural sector in France is increasing and their working conditions are difficult and disgraceful. While they have been shown in various studies to be subject to processes that result in them being unable to act on occupational health, some of them, mobilized online, have formed a collective whose is permitted them to develop collective actions. OBJECTIVES: Our article aims to describe this online collective and how the power to act emerged from the discussions. The purpose it’s also to determine how the functioning of these groups fosters the expression of a collective point of view and the achievement of goals that is not attained elsewhere. METHODS: We carried out a collaborative research online with a collective of seasonal workers, which consisted in following and taking part in discussions about conditions at work and outside of work, using an instant messaging tool. The results of this collaborative research, included testimonies registration and co-produced with seasonal workers, has been analyzed mobilizing A. Sen’s capabilities approach. RESULTS: During their online discussions, the seasonal workers allow themselves to share the situations of injustice they are subject to with the other members. Here, we present their output and collective actions which were made possible by the mobilization of the resources of some of their members or by collaborating with other actors. CONCLUSIONS: In spite of the remarkable conversion factors made available through this collective action online, certain “failures” show that in order for these workers to have better access to their rights, effective support by public policy is indispensable.

@incollection{degbelo_egale_2024,
	address = {Toulouse},
	edition = {Octarès},
	series = {Travail et {Activités} humaines},
	title = {Inégale liberté de parole en contexte d'exposition révélée. {Enquête} auprès de viticulteurs et de carottiers},
	isbn = {978-2-36630-139-7},
	language = {français},
	booktitle = {Exposition aux pesticides},
	author = {Degbelo, Agossè Nadège and Candau, Jacqueline and Ginelli, Ludovic and Cazals, Clarisse},
	year = {2024},
	pages = {pp.97--114},
}

@incollection{degbelo_exposition_2024,
	address = {Toulouse},
	edition = {Octarès},
	series = {Travail et {Activités} humaines},
	title = {L'exposition aux pesticides : sciences de la santé et sciences humaines et sociales en discussion},
	isbn = {978-2-36630-139-7},
	language = {français},
	booktitle = {Exposition aux pesticides},
	author = {Degbelo, Agossè Nadège},
	year = {2024},
	pages = {pp.13--39},
}

@article{noauthor_pesticides_2024,
	title = {Pesticides : « {Nous}, chercheurs et chercheuses, dénonçons une mise au placard des connaissances scientifiques »},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides},
	url = {https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2024/02/07/pesticides-nous-chercheurs-et-chercheuses-denoncons-une-mise-au-placard-des-connaissances-scientifiques_6215195_3232.html},
	abstract = {TRIBUNE. Des scientifiques soulignent, dans une tribune au « Monde », combien la mise en pause du plan Ecophyto, annoncée le 1ᵉʳ février par le premier ministre, Gabriel Attal, contredit l’objectif de réduction de l’usage des pesticides.},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2024-02-24},
	journal = {Le Monde.fr},
	month = feb,
	year = {2024},
}

TRIBUNE. Des scientifiques soulignent, dans une tribune au « Monde », combien la mise en pause du plan Ecophyto, annoncée le 1ᵉʳ février par le premier ministre, Gabriel Attal, contredit l’objectif de réduction de l’usage des pesticides.

@article{bureau-point_tailor_2024,
	title = {Tailor made pesticides. {Understanding} the pesticides market in a productive agricultural region of the {Cambodian} {Mekong} {Delta}},
	volume = {17},
	doi = {https://doi.org/10.3828/whpge.63837646622493},
	journal = {Global Environment},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Eve and Venot, Jean-Philippe and Heourn, Sreytouch},
	year = {2024},
	pages = {311--347},
}

@article{castro-vargas_regulation_2023,
	title = {Regulation by impasse: {Pesticide} registration, capital and the state in {Costa} {Rica}},
	volume = {6},
	issn = {2514-8486},
	shorttitle = {Regulation by impasse},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/25148486221116742},
	doi = {10.1177/25148486221116742},
	abstract = {Costa Rica's prodigious use of pesticides, as well as the burgeoning plantation sector that these agrochemicals support, exacerbates the tensions between extraction and preservation at the heart of the country's development model. We explore these tensions through a study of the country's pesticide registry, the regulatory process to approve active ingredients and formulations for use. After nearly two decades of reform efforts, the registry is widely recognized to be non-functioning: most of the country's pesticides exist in administrative limbo and relatively few new compounds have been approved. Based on extensive interviews and in-depth policy analysis, we construct four phases of reform and use a strategic-relational approach to the state to analyze this process. We conceptualize the registry's gridlock as a form of governance that we term regulation by impasse, an arrangement reproduced through disputes within and between the cognizant ministries, juridical bodies and other regulating authorities, in relation to the shifting strategies and contexts of political economic and wider social forces. We argue that hegemony is tenuously maintained through the registry dispute itself, while revealing the deeply frayed condition of the Costa Rican development model.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-12-17},
	journal = {Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space},
	author = {Castro-Vargas, María Soledad and Werner, Marion},
	month = jun,
	year = {2023},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd STM},
	pages = {901--922},
}

Costa Rica's prodigious use of pesticides, as well as the burgeoning plantation sector that these agrochemicals support, exacerbates the tensions between extraction and preservation at the heart of the country's development model. We explore these tensions through a study of the country's pesticide registry, the regulatory process to approve active ingredients and formulations for use. After nearly two decades of reform efforts, the registry is widely recognized to be non-functioning: most of the country's pesticides exist in administrative limbo and relatively few new compounds have been approved. Based on extensive interviews and in-depth policy analysis, we construct four phases of reform and use a strategic-relational approach to the state to analyze this process. We conceptualize the registry's gridlock as a form of governance that we term regulation by impasse, an arrangement reproduced through disputes within and between the cognizant ministries, juridical bodies and other regulating authorities, in relation to the shifting strategies and contexts of political economic and wider social forces. We argue that hegemony is tenuously maintained through the registry dispute itself, while revealing the deeply frayed condition of the Costa Rican development model.

@book{battentier_secrets_2023,
	title = {Secrets toxiques : {Faire} face ensemble au scandale des pesticides},
	isbn = {978-2-88970-192-6},
	shorttitle = {Secrets toxiques},
	abstract = {Des solutions existent pour sortir des pesticides toxiquesCancers, maladies chroniques, infertilité… Le rôle des pesticides dans l’émergence de problèmes de santé des humains et la disparition des insectes est démontré par de nombreux travaux scientifiques. Ce livre vise à donner aux citoyennes et aux citoyens les clés pour comprendre et agir sur ce sujet. L’origine pétrolière des produits est trop souvent oubliée. L’absurdité des méthodes d’évaluation utilisées est mal connue. Mais cet ouvrage ne se cantonne pas à dénoncer un problème, il constitue un véritable appel à l’action. Vous trouverez donc des solutions concrètes pour agir et faire entendre votre voix, pour défendre le droit à une alimentation sans résidus de pesticides et à une meilleure protection de la population et de la nature.« Nous devons exiger de la part des autorités des décisions protégeant l’avenir des générations futures. C’est tout le sens et l’espoir que suscite la démarche de Secrets Toxiques. » - Benoît Biteau, député européen},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Éditions Jouvence},
	author = {Battentier, Andy and Rieussec-fournier, Martin},
	month = aug,
	year = {2023},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: pLHBEAAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Social Science / General},
}

Des solutions existent pour sortir des pesticides toxiquesCancers, maladies chroniques, infertilité… Le rôle des pesticides dans l’émergence de problèmes de santé des humains et la disparition des insectes est démontré par de nombreux travaux scientifiques. Ce livre vise à donner aux citoyennes et aux citoyens les clés pour comprendre et agir sur ce sujet. L’origine pétrolière des produits est trop souvent oubliée. L’absurdité des méthodes d’évaluation utilisées est mal connue. Mais cet ouvrage ne se cantonne pas à dénoncer un problème, il constitue un véritable appel à l’action. Vous trouverez donc des solutions concrètes pour agir et faire entendre votre voix, pour défendre le droit à une alimentation sans résidus de pesticides et à une meilleure protection de la population et de la nature.« Nous devons exiger de la part des autorités des décisions protégeant l’avenir des générations futures. C’est tout le sens et l’espoir que suscite la démarche de Secrets Toxiques. » - Benoît Biteau, député européen

@misc{bureau-point_pesticides_2023,
	type = {Documentaire photo},
	title = {Des pesticides et des hommes au {Cambodge}},
	url = {https://media.hal.science/hal-04209720},
	language = {français},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Eve},
	year = {2023},
}

@misc{bureau-point_pesticides_2023,
	title = {Of pesticides and men in {Cambodia}},
	url = {https://media.hal.science/hal-04220950},
	abstract = {This photo documentary with text and music is based on an ethnographic study. It highlights the arrival of synthetic chemical pesticides in Cambodia and the multiple social and environmental changes they produce in their path. It illustrates how these tools of "agricultural modernisation" quickly became unavoidable and escaped control. Pesticides are supposed to be spread in a way that is strictly regulated. In practice, once they leave the factory, their socialised life is highly unpredictable, inseparable from the context in which they circulate; how they are used escapes efforts at standardisation. They therefore deviate from the path they set out on. This montage sheds light on the micro-social spaces where the health and environmental problems linked to pesticides are created.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Ève},
	month = sep,
	year = {2023},
}

This photo documentary with text and music is based on an ethnographic study. It highlights the arrival of synthetic chemical pesticides in Cambodia and the multiple social and environmental changes they produce in their path. It illustrates how these tools of "agricultural modernisation" quickly became unavoidable and escaped control. Pesticides are supposed to be spread in a way that is strictly regulated. In practice, once they leave the factory, their socialised life is highly unpredictable, inseparable from the context in which they circulate; how they are used escapes efforts at standardisation. They therefore deviate from the path they set out on. This montage sheds light on the micro-social spaces where the health and environmental problems linked to pesticides are created.

@book{jouzel_agriculture_2023,
	address = {Paris},
	title = {L'agriculture empoisonnée. {Le} long combat des victimes des pesticides},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Les Presses de Sciences Po},
	author = {Jouzel, J.-N. and Prete, G.},
	year = {2023},
}

@article{bray_agrochemical_2022,
	title = {Agrochemical {Exposure} \& {Environmental} {Illness}: {Legal} {Repression} of {Latin} {American} {Banana} {Workers}},
	volume = {63},
	issn = {0038-0253},
	shorttitle = {Agrochemical {Exposure} \& {Environmental} {Illness}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/ref/10.1080/00380253.2020.1841585},
	doi = {10.1080/00380253.2020.1841585},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {The Sociological Quarterly},
	author = {Bray, Laura A. and Membrez-Weiler, Nicholas J. and Shriver, Thomas E.},
	month = apr,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Social movements, chemical exposure, environmental illness, legal framing, legal repression},
	pages = {359--378},
}

@article{cloteau_lobbying_2022,
	title = {Le lobbying ou l’emballage vertueux des marchandises. {Quand} les agro-industriels s’opposent aux agrocarburants au nom de l’environnement},
	volume = {241},
	issn = {0335-5322},
	shorttitle = {Le lobbying ou l’emballage vertueux des marchandises},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-actes-de-la-recherche-en-sciences-sociales-2022-1-page-56.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/arss.241.0056},
	abstract = {Cet article cherche à saisir comment les pratiques de représentation d’intérêts transforment les propriétés des activités d’une firme et de ses marchandises, en faisant advenir une valeur – tantôt commerciale, « sociétale » ou environnementale – utile aux échanges institutionnels et ajustée aux normes du marché où celles-ci seront commercialisées. Au croisement de logiques économiques et de la structuration d’une politique publique, ce travail de requalification des intérêts marchands est étudié à travers le cas des campagnes de lobbying d’une firme leader mondiale de l’agroalimentaire en réponse aux réglementations européennes promouvant les agrocarburants, pendant les décennies 2000-2010. Sans changement majeur du modèle productiviste, notre analyse montre comment les professionnel·le·s de la représentation d’intérêts contribuent à positionner les firmes comme partenaires vertueuses des régulateurs en incorporant les dimensions, notamment environnementales, au nom desquelles elles sont, pourtant, critiquées.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales},
	author = {Cloteau, Armèle},
	year = {2022},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Le Seuil},
	pages = {56--73},
}

Cet article cherche à saisir comment les pratiques de représentation d’intérêts transforment les propriétés des activités d’une firme et de ses marchandises, en faisant advenir une valeur – tantôt commerciale, « sociétale » ou environnementale – utile aux échanges institutionnels et ajustée aux normes du marché où celles-ci seront commercialisées. Au croisement de logiques économiques et de la structuration d’une politique publique, ce travail de requalification des intérêts marchands est étudié à travers le cas des campagnes de lobbying d’une firme leader mondiale de l’agroalimentaire en réponse aux réglementations européennes promouvant les agrocarburants, pendant les décennies 2000-2010. Sans changement majeur du modèle productiviste, notre analyse montre comment les professionnel·le·s de la représentation d’intérêts contribuent à positionner les firmes comme partenaires vertueuses des régulateurs en incorporant les dimensions, notamment environnementales, au nom desquelles elles sont, pourtant, critiquées.

@article{anoma_fonds_2022,
	title = {Le fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides : fonctionnement et singularités},
	volume = {83},
	issn = {1775-8785},
	shorttitle = {Le fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1775878522000637},
	doi = {10.1016/j.admp.2022.03.007},
	abstract = {Résumé
Mis en place depuis le 1er janvier 2020, le fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides est intégré et directement géré par la mutualité sociale agricole. Ce fonds s’adresse aux victimes d’expositions professionnelles aux pesticides affilées aux régimes général, agricole et local d’Alsace-Moselle, auxquels il se substitue. L’indemnisation par ce fonds est forfaitaire. Elle s’appuie sur les tableaux de maladies professionnelles des régimes général et agricole et sur un système complémentaire, reposant sur un comité unique de reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles dédié aux pesticides. Comme avant sa création, les victimes doivent adresser leurs déclarations de maladies professionnelles à leurs caisses respectives, qui transmettent leurs dossiers au fonds. Ce dernier propose en l’occurrence, grâce à un complément d’indemnisation, une meilleure indemnisation des exploitants agricoles, qui était jusqu’alors moindre que celle des salariés. Il offre également une possibilité de réparation aux enfants victimes de maladies liées à une exposition prénatale, via une commission d’indemnisation spécifique dédiée aux enfants. Ces deux derniers points constituent les progrès majeurs apportés par la création de ce fonds. Son rattachement à la sécurité sociale agricole et ses nombreuses similitudes de fonctionnement avec cette dernière interrogent en revanche sur sa capacité à faire évoluer le dispositif de réparation des maladies induites par les pesticides. Cette capacité paraît intimement liée à la mise à jour et l’adaptation des tableaux de maladies professionnelles en cohérence avec l’évolution des connaissances scientifiques.
Summary
Introduced on January first 2020, the compensation fund for victims of pesticides is integrated and directly managed by the agricultural social mutuality. This fund is dedicated to victims of occupational exposure to pesticides affiliated to the general, agricultural and local systems of Alsace-Moselle, which it replaces. This fund offers a flat-rate type compensation. It relies on the general and agricultural schemes tables of occupational diseases, and on a complementary system, which is based on a committee for the recognition of occupational diseases dedicated to pesticides. As before its creation, victims must send their occupational diseases declarations to their respective insurance funds, which submit the file to the compensation fund. The latter offers, thanks to additional compensation, better compensation for farm operators, which was until then less than that of farm employees. It also offers the possibility of compensation for children victims of illnesses due to prenatal exposure, through a specific compensation commission dedicated to children. These last two points represent the major advances brought about by this fund. However, its incorporation to agricultural social security and its many similarities with the latter, question its ability to change the compensation system for diseases induced by pesticides. This ability appears to be closely linked to the updating and adaptation of occupational disease tables in conformity with developments in scientific knowledge.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2023-01-27},
	journal = {Archives des Maladies Professionnelles et de l'Environnement},
	author = {Anoma, G.},
	month = jun,
	year = {2022},
	keywords = {Conpensation fund, Fonds d’indemnisation, Maladie professionnelle, Occupational disease, Pesticides},
	pages = {202--210},
}

Résumé Mis en place depuis le 1er janvier 2020, le fonds d’indemnisation des victimes de pesticides est intégré et directement géré par la mutualité sociale agricole. Ce fonds s’adresse aux victimes d’expositions professionnelles aux pesticides affilées aux régimes général, agricole et local d’Alsace-Moselle, auxquels il se substitue. L’indemnisation par ce fonds est forfaitaire. Elle s’appuie sur les tableaux de maladies professionnelles des régimes général et agricole et sur un système complémentaire, reposant sur un comité unique de reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles dédié aux pesticides. Comme avant sa création, les victimes doivent adresser leurs déclarations de maladies professionnelles à leurs caisses respectives, qui transmettent leurs dossiers au fonds. Ce dernier propose en l’occurrence, grâce à un complément d’indemnisation, une meilleure indemnisation des exploitants agricoles, qui était jusqu’alors moindre que celle des salariés. Il offre également une possibilité de réparation aux enfants victimes de maladies liées à une exposition prénatale, via une commission d’indemnisation spécifique dédiée aux enfants. Ces deux derniers points constituent les progrès majeurs apportés par la création de ce fonds. Son rattachement à la sécurité sociale agricole et ses nombreuses similitudes de fonctionnement avec cette dernière interrogent en revanche sur sa capacité à faire évoluer le dispositif de réparation des maladies induites par les pesticides. Cette capacité paraît intimement liée à la mise à jour et l’adaptation des tableaux de maladies professionnelles en cohérence avec l’évolution des connaissances scientifiques. Summary Introduced on January first 2020, the compensation fund for victims of pesticides is integrated and directly managed by the agricultural social mutuality. This fund is dedicated to victims of occupational exposure to pesticides affiliated to the general, agricultural and local systems of Alsace-Moselle, which it replaces. This fund offers a flat-rate type compensation. It relies on the general and agricultural schemes tables of occupational diseases, and on a complementary system, which is based on a committee for the recognition of occupational diseases dedicated to pesticides. As before its creation, victims must send their occupational diseases declarations to their respective insurance funds, which submit the file to the compensation fund. The latter offers, thanks to additional compensation, better compensation for farm operators, which was until then less than that of farm employees. It also offers the possibility of compensation for children victims of illnesses due to prenatal exposure, through a specific compensation commission dedicated to children. These last two points represent the major advances brought about by this fund. However, its incorporation to agricultural social security and its many similarities with the latter, question its ability to change the compensation system for diseases induced by pesticides. This ability appears to be closely linked to the updating and adaptation of occupational disease tables in conformity with developments in scientific knowledge.

@article{jouzel_pesticides_2022,
	title = {Pesticides et santé humaine},
	issn = {0014-1941},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-etudes-2022-10-page-45.htm},
	language = {fr},
	number = {10},
	urldate = {2023-01-25},
	journal = {Etudes},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	month = oct,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Bibliographie\_available: 0
Cairndomain: www.cairn.info
Cite Par\_available: 0
Publisher: S.E.R.},
	pages = {45--56},
}

@book{dedieu_pesticides_2022,
	title = {Pesticides: {Le} confort de l'ignorance},
	isbn = {978-2-02-147350-6},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides},
	abstract = {Depuis soixante ans, les dangers des pesticides pour la biodiversité et la santé sont avérés. Alors pourquoi notre modèle agricole et alimentaire reste-t-il toujours dopé aux pesticides ? Les Monsanto Papers l’ont montré, les lobbyistes du secteur entretiennent savamment le doute quant à la gravité de leurs impacts environnementaux et sanitaires. Mais l’influence des industriels n’est que la face émergée d’une machinerie plus vaste de production de l’ignorance, reposant moins sur la manipulation que sur un déni collectif favorisé par les protocoles officiels de l’évaluation des risques. Face à l’ampleur des données et des dangers potentiels, il devient plus confortable d’ignorer des pans entiers de la connaissance plutôt que d’assumer le vertige de leurs conséquences sur notre modèle agricole. Au terme de ce voyage inédit au cœur de la fabrique de l’ignorance, l’auteur apporte des pistes et réflexions pour accélérer la transition vers une agriculture affranchie des pesticides. François Dedieu est sociologue à l’INRAE, au Laboratoire interdisciplinaire science innovation sociétés (Lisis). Expert pour l'ANSES, il enseigne notamment à Sciences Po Paris et à l’École des ponts et chaussées.},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Seuil},
	author = {Dedieu, François},
	month = nov,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: eZKZEAAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Social Science / General},
}

Depuis soixante ans, les dangers des pesticides pour la biodiversité et la santé sont avérés. Alors pourquoi notre modèle agricole et alimentaire reste-t-il toujours dopé aux pesticides ? Les Monsanto Papers l’ont montré, les lobbyistes du secteur entretiennent savamment le doute quant à la gravité de leurs impacts environnementaux et sanitaires. Mais l’influence des industriels n’est que la face émergée d’une machinerie plus vaste de production de l’ignorance, reposant moins sur la manipulation que sur un déni collectif favorisé par les protocoles officiels de l’évaluation des risques. Face à l’ampleur des données et des dangers potentiels, il devient plus confortable d’ignorer des pans entiers de la connaissance plutôt que d’assumer le vertige de leurs conséquences sur notre modèle agricole. Au terme de ce voyage inédit au cœur de la fabrique de l’ignorance, l’auteur apporte des pistes et réflexions pour accélérer la transition vers une agriculture affranchie des pesticides. François Dedieu est sociologue à l’INRAE, au Laboratoire interdisciplinaire science innovation sociétés (Lisis). Expert pour l'ANSES, il enseigne notamment à Sciences Po Paris et à l’École des ponts et chaussées.

@article{werner_glyphosate_2022,
	title = {The {Glyphosate} {Assemblage}: {Herbicides}, {Uneven} {Development}, and {Chemical} {Geographies} of {Ubiquity}},
	volume = {112},
	issn = {2469-4452, 2469-4460},
	shorttitle = {The {Glyphosate} {Assemblage}},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/24694452.2021.1898322},
	doi = {10.1080/24694452.2021.1898322},
	abstract = {The ubiquity of chemicals demands new ways of thinking about human–nature assemblages. This article develops a dialogue between agrarian political economy, critical commodity chains research, and chemical geographies through a case study of the world’s most widely used agrochemical: glyphosate, commonly known as Monsanto’s Roundup. In the 1980s, glyphosate triumphed as a benign biocide that promised both safety and effectiveness. This construct made possible a capitalist agricultural assemblage characterized by chemical pervasiveness, first as a chemical replacement for mechanical tillage and since the 1990s as the chemical input for genetically modified seed packages. The ubiquity that characterizes the glyphosate assemblage is also a geography of uneven development comprising shifting firm networks, policies, and trade. Central to this assemblage since 2000, yet largely ignored, is the outsized expansion of second- and third-tier generic pesticide producers, especially in China, for whom glyphosate is part of a network entry and upgrading development strategy. Today, the glyphosate assemblage faces unprecedented challenges from weed resistance and health controversies. Whether and how the herbicide assemblage restabilizes will be determined by the complex environmental and developmental challenges of chemical agriculture and pervasive chemicals broadly, which highlights the need for a transdisciplinary dialogue that cuts across these domains.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Annals of the American Association of Geographers},
	author = {Werner, Marion and Berndt, Christian and Mansfield, Becky},
	month = jan,
	year = {2022},
	pages = {19--35},
}

The ubiquity of chemicals demands new ways of thinking about human–nature assemblages. This article develops a dialogue between agrarian political economy, critical commodity chains research, and chemical geographies through a case study of the world’s most widely used agrochemical: glyphosate, commonly known as Monsanto’s Roundup. In the 1980s, glyphosate triumphed as a benign biocide that promised both safety and effectiveness. This construct made possible a capitalist agricultural assemblage characterized by chemical pervasiveness, first as a chemical replacement for mechanical tillage and since the 1990s as the chemical input for genetically modified seed packages. The ubiquity that characterizes the glyphosate assemblage is also a geography of uneven development comprising shifting firm networks, policies, and trade. Central to this assemblage since 2000, yet largely ignored, is the outsized expansion of second- and third-tier generic pesticide producers, especially in China, for whom glyphosate is part of a network entry and upgrading development strategy. Today, the glyphosate assemblage faces unprecedented challenges from weed resistance and health controversies. Whether and how the herbicide assemblage restabilizes will be determined by the complex environmental and developmental challenges of chemical agriculture and pervasive chemicals broadly, which highlights the need for a transdisciplinary dialogue that cuts across these domains.

@book{oublie_tropiques_2022,
	edition = {Les Escales, Steinkis},
	title = {Tropiques toxiques : {Le} scandale du chlordécone},
	shorttitle = {Tropiques toxiques},
	abstract = {Découvrez le livre Tropiques toxiques - Le scandale du chlordécone - dans la série Tropiques toxiques . Résumé : « Dans quelques centaines années, en ce même lieu, un autre voyageur, aussi désespéré que moi, pleurera la disparition de ce...},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	author = {Oublié, Jessica and Gobbi, Nicola and Avraam, Kathrine and Lebrun, Vinciane},
	year = {2022},
}

Découvrez le livre Tropiques toxiques - Le scandale du chlordécone - dans la série Tropiques toxiques . Résumé : « Dans quelques centaines années, en ce même lieu, un autre voyageur, aussi désespéré que moi, pleurera la disparition de ce...

@article{dedieu_organized_2022,
	title = {Organized denial at work: {The} difficult search for consistencies in {French} pesticide regulation},
	volume = {16},
	copyright = {© 2021 John Wiley \& Sons Australia, Ltd},
	issn = {1748-5991},
	shorttitle = {Organized denial at work},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/rego.12381},
	doi = {10.1111/rego.12381},
	abstract = {Why does it always take a long time to acknowledge environmental hazards such as climate change or air pollution, even when knowledge on their dangers has been available for years? Drawing on the case of French pesticide regulation, this article shows that this gap between knowledge and consequent action results not only from secretive corporate leverage on public decisions and expertise but also from the expertise and bureaucratic machinery behind pesticide regulation. This machinery fosters an organized denial where regulators systematically exclude uncomfortable knowledge that could challenge official risk assessment. Organized denial that legally maintains ignorance fulfills an implicit function. It preserves the legitimacy of the risk management system and, through it, the administrative and commercial organization of agricultural production in France.},
	language = {en},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Regulation \& Governance},
	author = {Dedieu, François},
	year = {2022},
	keywords = {denial, ignorance, pesticides, regulation, regulatory science, uncomfortable knowledge},
	pages = {951--973},
}

Why does it always take a long time to acknowledge environmental hazards such as climate change or air pollution, even when knowledge on their dangers has been available for years? Drawing on the case of French pesticide regulation, this article shows that this gap between knowledge and consequent action results not only from secretive corporate leverage on public decisions and expertise but also from the expertise and bureaucratic machinery behind pesticide regulation. This machinery fosters an organized denial where regulators systematically exclude uncomfortable knowledge that could challenge official risk assessment. Organized denial that legally maintains ignorance fulfills an implicit function. It preserves the legitimacy of the risk management system and, through it, the administrative and commercial organization of agricultural production in France.

@inproceedings{goutille_when_2022,
	address = {Pessac, France},
	title = {When ergonomics goes to meet farmers who are exposed, who expose themselves and others to pesticides. {An} essential multiscalar approach to act in prevention at the heart of the agricultural world},
	url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03634331},
	booktitle = {Exposer, s'exposer, être exposé aux pesticides. {L}'exposition au prisme des {SHS} 3es {Journées} d'étude du réseau {SHS}-{Pesticides}, 17 et 18 mars 2022},
	author = {Goutille, Fabienne and Jolly, Caroline and Garrigou, Alain},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
}

@article{goutille_traitements_2022,
	title = {Traitements phytosanitaires en viticulture française et prévention du risque pesticides. {Retour} d'expérience d'une communauté élargie de recherche ayant mobilisé l'ergotoxicologie},
	url = {https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03633776},
	doi = {10.4000/vertigo.33981},
	number = {Volume 21 numéro 3},
	journal = {VertigO : La Revue Électronique en Sciences de l'Environnement},
	author = {Goutille, Fabienne and Garrigou, Alain},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Publisher: VertigO},
	keywords = {activity analysis, agency, agentivité, analyse de l'activité, communauté élargie de recherche, ergotoxicologie, ergotoxicology, exposition, exposure, extended research community, health promotion, pesticides, promotion de la santé, prévention du risque, risk prevention, viticulture},
}

@phdthesis{goutille_ne_2022,
	type = {Theses},
	title = {Ne plus ignorer les agriculteurs : une contribution de l'ergonomie à la prévention du risque pesticides en milieu viticole},
	url = {https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03642008},
	school = {Université de Bordeaux},
	author = {Goutille, Fabienne},
	month = mar,
	year = {2022},
	note = {Issue: 2022BORD0079},
	keywords = {Constructed metrology, Ergotoxicologie, Ergotoxicology, Exposure factors to pesticides, Facteurs d'exposition aux pesticides, Métrologie construite, Participatory research, Prévention du risque, Recherche participative, Risk prevention, Usages des produits phytopharmaceutiques, Uses of phytopharmaceuticals},
}

@article{shattuck_generic_2021,
	title = {Generic, growing, green?: {The} changing political economy of the global pesticide complex},
	volume = {48},
	issn = {0306-6150},
	shorttitle = {Generic, growing, green?},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150.2020.1839053},
	doi = {10.1080/03066150.2020.1839053},
	abstract = {Agriculture is now more dependent on pesticides than ever. The value of global pesticide imports increased 3x faster in the 2000s than in the 1990s. Structural transformations in the industry – including reduced innovation, increased regulatory costs, consolidation, and a dramatic shift to generic pesticides largely produced in China – have shifted prices, supply chains and formulations. The ‘supermarket revolution’, migration, and rising labor costs are driving an increase in demand. The result is a pesticide complex that is multipolar, where commodity chains and environmental impacts are less legible, requiring a hard look at the chemical nature of agrarian capitalism.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {The Journal of Peasant Studies},
	author = {Shattuck, Annie},
	month = feb,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {Pesticides, agrarian change, political economy},
	pages = {231--253},
}

Agriculture is now more dependent on pesticides than ever. The value of global pesticide imports increased 3x faster in the 2000s than in the 1990s. Structural transformations in the industry – including reduced innovation, increased regulatory costs, consolidation, and a dramatic shift to generic pesticides largely produced in China – have shifted prices, supply chains and formulations. The ‘supermarket revolution’, migration, and rising labor costs are driving an increase in demand. The result is a pesticide complex that is multipolar, where commodity chains and environmental impacts are less legible, requiring a hard look at the chemical nature of agrarian capitalism.

@incollection{prete_for_2021,
	title = {For science, by science: {The} emergence and circulation of conflict of interest as a protest repertoire to fight against pesticides},
	isbn = {978-1-00-316103-5},
	shorttitle = {For science, by science},
	abstract = {Based on an analysis of the scientific literature, the press, and sociological interviews with activists, this chapter describes how the issue of industry influence on pesticide regulation and its framing in terms of “conflict of interest” (COI) have become central in the protest repertoire of environmental movements in the United States and, later, in France. It argues that three major changes in the institutional and social context of activism contributed to its success: the institutionalization of risk assessment, the development of investigative environmental journalism, and the professionalization of environmental health advocacy organizations. More broadly, the chapter questions the political effects of this framing in terms of COI. It suggests that it has enabled activist organizations to give public visibility to the issue of industry influence on pesticide regulation, but that it also tends to promote a rather narrow critique of pesticides as a technology.},
	booktitle = {Conflict of {Interest} and {Medicine}},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Prete, Giovanni and Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Dedieu, François},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Num Pages: 18},
}

Based on an analysis of the scientific literature, the press, and sociological interviews with activists, this chapter describes how the issue of industry influence on pesticide regulation and its framing in terms of “conflict of interest” (COI) have become central in the protest repertoire of environmental movements in the United States and, later, in France. It argues that three major changes in the institutional and social context of activism contributed to its success: the institutionalization of risk assessment, the development of investigative environmental journalism, and the professionalization of environmental health advocacy organizations. More broadly, the chapter questions the political effects of this framing in terms of COI. It suggests that it has enabled activist organizations to give public visibility to the issue of industry influence on pesticide regulation, but that it also tends to promote a rather narrow critique of pesticides as a technology.

@article{bureau-point_mondes_2021,
	title = {Les mondes agricoles face au problème des pesticides. {Compromis}, ajustements et négociations. {Introduction} au dossier.},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {1492-8442},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/34625},
	doi = {10.4000/vertigo.34625},
	abstract = {Depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les pesticides sont devenus la pierre angulaire d’un modèle agricole basé sur l’utilisation croissante d’intrants issus de l’industrie chimique. Majoritairement considérées comme une avancée révolutionnaire pour protéger les cultures, améliorer les rendements agricoles et répondre aux besoins alimentaires d’une population mondiale grandissante, ces substances se sont progressivement diffusées aux quatre coins du monde. Le « régime chimique » (Jas, ...},
	language = {fr},
	number = {Volume 21 Numéro 3},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {VertigO - la revue électronique en sciences de l'environnement},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Eve and Barthélémy, Carole and Demeulenaere, Elise and Doudou, Dimi Theodore and Thivet, Delphine},
	month = dec,
	year = {2021},
}

Depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les pesticides sont devenus la pierre angulaire d’un modèle agricole basé sur l’utilisation croissante d’intrants issus de l’industrie chimique. Majoritairement considérées comme une avancée révolutionnaire pour protéger les cultures, améliorer les rendements agricoles et répondre aux besoins alimentaires d’une population mondiale grandissante, ces substances se sont progressivement diffusées aux quatre coins du monde. Le « régime chimique » (Jas, ...

@article{isgren_environmental_2021,
	title = {An {Environmental} {Justice} {Perspective} on {Smallholder} {Pesticide} {Use} in {Sub}-{Saharan} {Africa}},
	volume = {30},
	issn = {10704965 (ISSN)},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-85097126512&doi=10.1177%2f1070496520974407&partnerID=40&md5=c9b5f08ddb38a16f77709b982dfd9282},
	doi = {10.1177/1070496520974407},
	abstract = {Pesticide use is increasing in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, and many smallholders purchase, handle, and apply toxic pesticides with inadequate equipment, knowledge, and technical support. Through the frame of environmental justice, this literature-based study analyzes characteristics, impacts, and drivers of smallholder pesticide use in sub-Saharan Africa, with particular attention to Uganda as a case. We find that market liberalization, poor regulation enforcement, and persistent neglect of agricultural extension place the burden of risk largely on farmers, while perceived necessity of pesticides and the elusive nature of impacts (especially under conditions of insufficient monitoring) likely delay social mobilization around pesticides. The environmental justice frame, which has seen limited application in smallholder contexts, importantly helps delineate future directions for research and practice. It is particularly effective for redirecting focus from highly limited managerial solutions for “safe use” toward deeper problem drivers and solutions capable of tackling them. © The Author(s) 2020.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Journal of Environment and Development},
	author = {Isgren, E. and Andersson, E.},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Place: Lund University Centre for Sustainability Studies (LUCSUS), Lund, Sweden
Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc.},
	keywords = {Africa, Africa South of the Sahara, Pesticides, Sub-Saharan Africa, Uganda, agrochemical, agrochemicals, environmental health, environmental justice, farming system, integrated pest management, pest control, pest management, pesticide, pesticides, slow violence, smallholder, smallholder farming},
	pages = {68--97},
}

Pesticide use is increasing in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa, and many smallholders purchase, handle, and apply toxic pesticides with inadequate equipment, knowledge, and technical support. Through the frame of environmental justice, this literature-based study analyzes characteristics, impacts, and drivers of smallholder pesticide use in sub-Saharan Africa, with particular attention to Uganda as a case. We find that market liberalization, poor regulation enforcement, and persistent neglect of agricultural extension place the burden of risk largely on farmers, while perceived necessity of pesticides and the elusive nature of impacts (especially under conditions of insufficient monitoring) likely delay social mobilization around pesticides. The environmental justice frame, which has seen limited application in smallholder contexts, importantly helps delineate future directions for research and practice. It is particularly effective for redirecting focus from highly limited managerial solutions for “safe use” toward deeper problem drivers and solutions capable of tackling them. © The Author(s) 2020.

@article{boullier_derriere_2021,
	title = {Derrière le spectre des « conflits d’intérêts » généralisés. {Les} agences face aux défis de l’évaluation réglementaire de produits},
	volume = {29},
	copyright = {© H. Boullier, Hosted by EDP Sciences, 2021},
	issn = {1240-1307, 1765-2979},
	url = {https://www.nss-journal.org/articles/nss/abs/2021/01/nss210016/nss210016.html},
	doi = {10.1051/nss/2021016},
	abstract = {Les agences réglementaires sont aujourd’hui au cœur des politiques de protection des populations et de l’environnement, en France comme en Europe. À chaque fois que les effets sanitaires d’un produit font l’objet d’une controverse publique (bisphénol A, benfluorex, glyphosate), ces agences sont mises en accusation : leurs procédures de gestion des conflits d’intérêts et leurs politiques de transparence seraient insuffisantes. Les débats qui ont récemment entouré les évaluations divergentes du Centre international de recherche sur le cancer (CIRC) et de l’Autorité européenne de sécurité des aliments (EFSA) sur la cancérogénicité du glyphosate suggèrent cependant une situation plus complexe. Plutôt qu’un problème de « conflit d’intérêts », les critiques formulées à l’égard de l’EFSA sont liées au fait que les questions qui lui sont posées, les protocoles sur lesquels elle s’appuie, et les données qu’elle utilise, le sont dans un contexte bien particulier : celui de l’évaluation réglementaire de produits en vue de leur commercialisation.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-02-02},
	journal = {Natures Sciences Sociétés},
	author = {Boullier, Henri},
	month = jan,
	year = {2021},
	note = {Number: 1
Publisher: EDP Sciences},
	pages = {103--108},
}

Les agences réglementaires sont aujourd’hui au cœur des politiques de protection des populations et de l’environnement, en France comme en Europe. À chaque fois que les effets sanitaires d’un produit font l’objet d’une controverse publique (bisphénol A, benfluorex, glyphosate), ces agences sont mises en accusation : leurs procédures de gestion des conflits d’intérêts et leurs politiques de transparence seraient insuffisantes. Les débats qui ont récemment entouré les évaluations divergentes du Centre international de recherche sur le cancer (CIRC) et de l’Autorité européenne de sécurité des aliments (EFSA) sur la cancérogénicité du glyphosate suggèrent cependant une situation plus complexe. Plutôt qu’un problème de « conflit d’intérêts », les critiques formulées à l’égard de l’EFSA sont liées au fait que les questions qui lui sont posées, les protocoles sur lesquels elle s’appuie, et les données qu’elle utilise, le sont dans un contexte bien particulier : celui de l’évaluation réglementaire de produits en vue de leur commercialisation.

@phdthesis{pellissier_tuer_2021,
	type = {These de doctorat},
	title = {Tuer les pestes pour protéger les cultures : sociohistoire de l’administration des pesticides en {France}},
	copyright = {Licence Etalab},
	shorttitle = {Tuer les pestes pour protéger les cultures},
	url = {https://theses.fr/2021UEFL2005},
	abstract = {Des produits - appelés « pesticides » - sont utilisés pour tuer des organismes vivants - les « pestes » - pour en protéger d’autres - les plantes cultivées. Ils sont donc destinés à la fois à tuer et à protéger. Il découle de ce paradoxe une tension entre la toxicité de ces produits et leur utilité, tension gérée par l’État qui les autorise. Ils sont à ce titre des « technoproduits », à la fois source de progrès et cause de dégâts. Ce constat constitue le point de départ de ce travail : pourquoi et comment l’État autorise-t-il des pesticides ? Les travaux sur le gouvernement des technoproduits et de leurs dégâts ont montré le rôle des instruments d’action publique et des infrastructures de pouvoir pour assurer la continuité de leur existence malgré la critique toujours renouvelée de leurs impacts. Cependant, ces travaux tendent à donner une impression de toute puissance des gouvernants, sans que l’on ne sache souvent très précisément qui ils sont et ce qu’ils font. À l’inverse, des travaux montrent la diversité des pratiques d’utilisation de ces produits, ou de leur critique, souvent sans que le lien avec le gouvernement des technoproduits ne puisse être clairement établi.Pour dépasser la dichotomie entre permanence des arrangements de pouvoirs et instabilité des dynamiques sociales, nous proposons de placer le regard au cœur de la gestion du paradoxe des pesticides, en nous intéressant sur le temps long à la façon dont l’administration s’organise et s’équipe pour gouverner les problèmes. Pour effectuer cette analyse, nous avons mobilisé la sociologie de l’action publique, en nous décentrant cependant des approches par les problèmes publics pour recentrer l’analyse sur les problèmes d’action publique : il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’action publique sans préjuger de la publicité des problèmes qu’elle traite. Nous avons également utilisé les outils de la sociohistoire et l’approche généalogique pour interroger les modalités contemporaines du gouvernement des pesticides au regard de ses développements passés. En conséquence, l’enquête de terrain s’affranchit de la périodisation habituellement utilisée par les recherches historiennes. Elle couvre une période allant d’une vingtaine d’année à plus de deux siècles selon le problème historicisé. Pour retracer la trajectoire des problèmes d’action publique, nous avons mobilisé de manière originale les textes de droit français et européen, ainsi que des entretiens semi-directifs et un corpus documentaire. Cette approche par le temps long n’a pas la finesse du récit historique. Elle est cependant nécessaire pour réinterroger la tension entre continuité et changement dans le gouvernement des pesticides.La thèse établit trois grands résultats. Premièrement, le gouvernement des dégâts des pesticides s’inscrit dans une temporalité beaucoup plus longue que la seule deuxième moitié du XXe siècle. Il précède la mise en place d’un marché gouverné par la qualité et encadré par l’État dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Il s’inscrit dans un cadre qui dépasse largement celui des pesticides : celui de l’usage contrôlé, qui repose sur la non interdiction de substances ou d’objets dangereux au nom de leur nécessité, et sur l’encadrement de leur usage. Deuxièmement, la thèse met en évidence l’importance des processus de fragmentation et de réassemblage : si la fragmentation est l’instrument privilégié de l’usage contrôlé en ce qu’il rend les problèmes divisibles et gouvernables, le réassemblage met ponctuellement en échec l’usage contrôlé. Troisièmement, la thèse montre que les changements dans le gouvernement des pesticides ne relèvent pas de la seule intégration de la critique mais qu’ils procèdent par des alignements nouveaux entre connaissances et intérêts},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	school = {Université Gustave Eiffel},
	author = {Pellissier, Fanny},
	collaborator = {Joly, Pierre-Benoît},
	month = may,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {300, Action publique, Agriculture, Instruments, Pesticides, Pesticides -- Application, Pesticides -- Droit, Pesticides -- Politique publique, Pesticides -- histoire, Public action, Regulation, Régulation, Socio-History, Sociohistoire},
}

Des produits - appelés « pesticides » - sont utilisés pour tuer des organismes vivants - les « pestes » - pour en protéger d’autres - les plantes cultivées. Ils sont donc destinés à la fois à tuer et à protéger. Il découle de ce paradoxe une tension entre la toxicité de ces produits et leur utilité, tension gérée par l’État qui les autorise. Ils sont à ce titre des « technoproduits », à la fois source de progrès et cause de dégâts. Ce constat constitue le point de départ de ce travail : pourquoi et comment l’État autorise-t-il des pesticides ? Les travaux sur le gouvernement des technoproduits et de leurs dégâts ont montré le rôle des instruments d’action publique et des infrastructures de pouvoir pour assurer la continuité de leur existence malgré la critique toujours renouvelée de leurs impacts. Cependant, ces travaux tendent à donner une impression de toute puissance des gouvernants, sans que l’on ne sache souvent très précisément qui ils sont et ce qu’ils font. À l’inverse, des travaux montrent la diversité des pratiques d’utilisation de ces produits, ou de leur critique, souvent sans que le lien avec le gouvernement des technoproduits ne puisse être clairement établi.Pour dépasser la dichotomie entre permanence des arrangements de pouvoirs et instabilité des dynamiques sociales, nous proposons de placer le regard au cœur de la gestion du paradoxe des pesticides, en nous intéressant sur le temps long à la façon dont l’administration s’organise et s’équipe pour gouverner les problèmes. Pour effectuer cette analyse, nous avons mobilisé la sociologie de l’action publique, en nous décentrant cependant des approches par les problèmes publics pour recentrer l’analyse sur les problèmes d’action publique : il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’action publique sans préjuger de la publicité des problèmes qu’elle traite. Nous avons également utilisé les outils de la sociohistoire et l’approche généalogique pour interroger les modalités contemporaines du gouvernement des pesticides au regard de ses développements passés. En conséquence, l’enquête de terrain s’affranchit de la périodisation habituellement utilisée par les recherches historiennes. Elle couvre une période allant d’une vingtaine d’année à plus de deux siècles selon le problème historicisé. Pour retracer la trajectoire des problèmes d’action publique, nous avons mobilisé de manière originale les textes de droit français et européen, ainsi que des entretiens semi-directifs et un corpus documentaire. Cette approche par le temps long n’a pas la finesse du récit historique. Elle est cependant nécessaire pour réinterroger la tension entre continuité et changement dans le gouvernement des pesticides.La thèse établit trois grands résultats. Premièrement, le gouvernement des dégâts des pesticides s’inscrit dans une temporalité beaucoup plus longue que la seule deuxième moitié du XXe siècle. Il précède la mise en place d’un marché gouverné par la qualité et encadré par l’État dans la première moitié du XXe siècle. Il s’inscrit dans un cadre qui dépasse largement celui des pesticides : celui de l’usage contrôlé, qui repose sur la non interdiction de substances ou d’objets dangereux au nom de leur nécessité, et sur l’encadrement de leur usage. Deuxièmement, la thèse met en évidence l’importance des processus de fragmentation et de réassemblage : si la fragmentation est l’instrument privilégié de l’usage contrôlé en ce qu’il rend les problèmes divisibles et gouvernables, le réassemblage met ponctuellement en échec l’usage contrôlé. Troisièmement, la thèse montre que les changements dans le gouvernement des pesticides ne relèvent pas de la seule intégration de la critique mais qu’ils procèdent par des alignements nouveaux entre connaissances et intérêts

@incollection{jas_corporate_2021,
	title = {Corporate {Systemic} {Ascendency} : {Perspectives} from the {Pesticide} {Industry} in {Postwar} {France}},
	isbn = {978-1-00-305387-3},
	abstract = {Although a pesticide industry had been present in France since the end of the nineteenth century, the use of pesticides only became dominant in French agriculture after World War II. The marginalization of other methods of pest control at the turn of the 1950s cannot simply be explained by policies in favor of agricultural intensification. This chapter provides an account of the important work carried out by the French pesticide industry to transform crop protection. This industry sought to impose itself as the most exclusive resource possible in the areas not only of pesticide regulation but also of crop protection research and practices. Based on two of the instruments that the pesticide industry set up at the time, a professional journal and a learned society, this chapter describes how it built a corporate systemic ascendency on different actors of the French crop protection. It shows that this ascendency relied on four long-term dynamics: the organization of the pesticide industry into a formidable business association, the pathologization and medicalization of crops, the professionalization and increased technicity of crop protection, and establishing of an ideological hold over actors of crop protection.},
	booktitle = {Pervasive {Powers}},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Jas, Nathalie},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Num Pages: 24},
}

Although a pesticide industry had been present in France since the end of the nineteenth century, the use of pesticides only became dominant in French agriculture after World War II. The marginalization of other methods of pest control at the turn of the 1950s cannot simply be explained by policies in favor of agricultural intensification. This chapter provides an account of the important work carried out by the French pesticide industry to transform crop protection. This industry sought to impose itself as the most exclusive resource possible in the areas not only of pesticide regulation but also of crop protection research and practices. Based on two of the instruments that the pesticide industry set up at the time, a professional journal and a learned society, this chapter describes how it built a corporate systemic ascendency on different actors of the French crop protection. It shows that this ascendency relied on four long-term dynamics: the organization of the pesticide industry into a formidable business association, the pathologization and medicalization of crops, the professionalization and increased technicity of crop protection, and establishing of an ideological hold over actors of crop protection.

@article{ferdinand_pesticides_2021,
	title = {Des pesticides dans les {Outre}-mer français. État des lieux et perspectives},
	volume = {63},
	issn = {9782356878229},
	shorttitle = {Des pesticides dans les {Outre}-mer français},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-ecologie-et-politique-2021-2-page-81.htm},
	abstract = {Aux frontières de l’imaginaire politique de la nation, les Outre-mer et leurs habitants sont aussi aux marges des conceptualisations des enjeux écologiques globaux depuis la France. Cette marginalisation est surprenante tant au regard de leurs écosystèmes, abritant 80 \% de la biodiversité nationale dont une forêt primaire en Guyane, 20 \% des atolls de la planète en Polynésie et la plus grande barrière récifale au monde en Nouvelle-Calédonie, qu’au regard de leurs luttes. Des manifestations contre les pesticides aux Antilles à la quête de justice à la suite des essais nucléaires en Polynésie en passant par les oppositions à l’extractivisme minier en Guyane ou aux politiques de déchets à La Réunion, les habitants des Outre-mer ont produit des conceptualisations de la crise écologique à partir de leurs situations postcoloniales. En collaboration avec l’Observatoire Terre-Monde, ce dossier propose de penser ces écologies politiques depuis les Outre-mer.},
	language = {FR},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Écologie \& politique},
	author = {Ferdinand, Malcom and Molinié, Erwan},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Place: Lormont
Publisher: Éditions Le Bord de l’eau},
	pages = {81--94},
}

Aux frontières de l’imaginaire politique de la nation, les Outre-mer et leurs habitants sont aussi aux marges des conceptualisations des enjeux écologiques globaux depuis la France. Cette marginalisation est surprenante tant au regard de leurs écosystèmes, abritant 80 % de la biodiversité nationale dont une forêt primaire en Guyane, 20 % des atolls de la planète en Polynésie et la plus grande barrière récifale au monde en Nouvelle-Calédonie, qu’au regard de leurs luttes. Des manifestations contre les pesticides aux Antilles à la quête de justice à la suite des essais nucléaires en Polynésie en passant par les oppositions à l’extractivisme minier en Guyane ou aux politiques de déchets à La Réunion, les habitants des Outre-mer ont produit des conceptualisations de la crise écologique à partir de leurs situations postcoloniales. En collaboration avec l’Observatoire Terre-Monde, ce dossier propose de penser ces écologies politiques depuis les Outre-mer.

@article{huc_levaluation_2021,
	title = {L’évaluation des risques des pesticides : entre savoir réglementaire et science académique},
	volume = {104},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-responsabilite-et-environnement-2021-4-page-28.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/re1.104.0028},
	abstract = {Depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, les pesticides constituent une catégorie de produits réglementés, dont la mise sur le marché est soumise à une autorisation administrative reposant sur une évaluation de leur efficacité et de leurs risques pour la santé humaine et l’environnement.Dans cet article, nous mettons en évidence le décalage pouvant exister entre, d’une part, les lignes directrices qui encadrent l’évaluation réglementaire des risques des pesticides et, d’autre part, l’évolution des données issues de la recherche académique sur ce sujet. Nous montrons cela en nous intéressant aux deux étapes fondamentales de l’évaluation réglementaire des risques que ces produits induisent pour la santé humaine : l’identification et la mesure des dangers, d’une part, et l’estimation des expositions, d’autre part.},
	language = {FR},
	number = {4},
	journal = {Annales des Mines - Responsabilité et environnement},
	author = {Huc, Laurence and Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: F.F.E.},
	pages = {28--31},
}

Depuis le milieu du XXe siècle, les pesticides constituent une catégorie de produits réglementés, dont la mise sur le marché est soumise à une autorisation administrative reposant sur une évaluation de leur efficacité et de leurs risques pour la santé humaine et l’environnement.Dans cet article, nous mettons en évidence le décalage pouvant exister entre, d’une part, les lignes directrices qui encadrent l’évaluation réglementaire des risques des pesticides et, d’autre part, l’évolution des données issues de la recherche académique sur ce sujet. Nous montrons cela en nous intéressant aux deux étapes fondamentales de l’évaluation réglementaire des risques que ces produits induisent pour la santé humaine : l’identification et la mesure des dangers, d’une part, et l’estimation des expositions, d’autre part.

@article{clapp_explaining_2021,
	title = {Explaining {Growing} {Glyphosate} {Use}: {The} {Political} {Economy} of {Herbicide}-{Dependent} {Agriculture}},
	volume = {67},
	issn = {0959-3780},
	shorttitle = {Explaining {Growing} {Glyphosate} {Use}},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959378021000182},
	doi = {10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2021.102239},
	abstract = {The growing use of chemical herbicides for weed control has become a dominant feature of modern industrial agriculture and a major environmental and health concern in agricultural systems worldwide. This paper seeks to explain how and why glyphosate-based agricultural herbicides have become so entrenched in modern agriculture. It shows that a complex interplay among technological, market, and regulatory developments have encouraged a lock-in of glyphosate linked technologies in agricultural systems. These are: (1) the repurposing of glyphosate for use with genetically modified crops; (2) the rise of the generic glyphosate market, which globalized the chemical’s use and encouraged new agricultural uses; (3) new technologies such as digital agriculture and genome editing that interface with glyphosate use; and (4) growing corporate market power and declining public investment in agricultural research programs that constrained innovation in non-herbicide weed control technologies.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Global Environmental Change},
	author = {Clapp, Jennifer},
	month = mar,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {Agriculture, Corporate power, Glyphosate, Herbicides, Regulation, Technological innovation},
	pages = {102239},
}

The growing use of chemical herbicides for weed control has become a dominant feature of modern industrial agriculture and a major environmental and health concern in agricultural systems worldwide. This paper seeks to explain how and why glyphosate-based agricultural herbicides have become so entrenched in modern agriculture. It shows that a complex interplay among technological, market, and regulatory developments have encouraged a lock-in of glyphosate linked technologies in agricultural systems. These are: (1) the repurposing of glyphosate for use with genetically modified crops; (2) the rise of the generic glyphosate market, which globalized the chemical’s use and encouraged new agricultural uses; (3) new technologies such as digital agriculture and genome editing that interface with glyphosate use; and (4) growing corporate market power and declining public investment in agricultural research programs that constrained innovation in non-herbicide weed control technologies.

@article{allard-huver_glyphosate_2021,
	title = {Glyphosate, la «guerre des urines» a bien eu lieu},
	volume = {22},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-les-enjeux-de-l-information-et-de-la-communication-2021-S2-page-11.htm},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-05-23},
	journal = {Les Enjeux de l’information et de la communication},
	author = {Allard-Huver, François},
	year = {2021},
	note = {Publisher: Cairn/Cairn},
	pages = {11--24},
}

@misc{biggi_living_2021,
	address = {Rochester, NY},
	type = {{SSRN} {Scholarly} {Paper}},
	title = {Living in a poisonous {World}. {The} {Geography} of {Inventions} in the {Pesticide} {Industry}},
	url = {https://papers.ssrn.com/abstract=3937284},
	doi = {10.2139/ssrn.3937284},
	abstract = {The invention of dark innovations, which we define as technologies that possess intrinsic features that can cause significant harm to humans and their ecosystems, is expected to shift from high income democratic countries to lower income authoritarian countries which are then blamed for being pollution havens. We take patents in the pesticide industry as a possible space for dark innovations and find that, while pesticides patents boomed in China after 2005, the progressive, democratic, high-income California still retains a leadership in the invention of highly toxic pesticides, which outperform Chinese patents also in terms of geographical scope.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	author = {Biggi, Gianluca and Giuliani, Elisa and Martinelli, Arianna},
	month = oct,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {China., Patents, Persistent organic pollutants (POP), Pesticides, United States, regions},
}

The invention of dark innovations, which we define as technologies that possess intrinsic features that can cause significant harm to humans and their ecosystems, is expected to shift from high income democratic countries to lower income authoritarian countries which are then blamed for being pollution havens. We take patents in the pesticide industry as a possible space for dark innovations and find that, while pesticides patents boomed in China after 2005, the progressive, democratic, high-income California still retains a leadership in the invention of highly toxic pesticides, which outperform Chinese patents also in terms of geographical scope.

@incollection{brunier_ignorance_2021,
	title = {L'ignorance en chaîne : la sous-reconnaissance des hémopathies professionnelles liées aux pesticides},
	shorttitle = {L'ignorance en chaîne},
	url = {https://sciencespo.hal.science/hal-03095668},
	abstract = {En nous focalisant sur une seule famille de pathologies - les hémopathies - et un même type de risques professionnels - les expositions aux pesticides-, nous faisons l'hypothèse que la sous-reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles peut être pensée comme une "chaîne d'ignorance". Ce terme vise à souligner la pluralité des formes d'ignorance qui entourent un même phénomène social et à les articuler entre elles. Ces différents mécanismes peuvent être non seulement juxtaposés mais aussi se renforcer mutuellement : l'ignorance est ici distribuée et cumulative. Dans le cadre de ce chapitre nous examinons trois étapes : la production des savoirs toxicologiques et épidémiologiques portant sur le lien entre hémopathies et pesticides ; la traduction de ces savoirs en tableaux de maladies professionnelles ; l'engagement des patients dans des démarches de reconnaissance en maladies professionnelles.},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2024-03-02},
	publisher = {Presses des Mines},
	author = {Brunier, Sylvain and Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2021},
	pages = {215},
}

En nous focalisant sur une seule famille de pathologies - les hémopathies - et un même type de risques professionnels - les expositions aux pesticides-, nous faisons l'hypothèse que la sous-reconnaissance des maladies professionnelles peut être pensée comme une "chaîne d'ignorance". Ce terme vise à souligner la pluralité des formes d'ignorance qui entourent un même phénomène social et à les articuler entre elles. Ces différents mécanismes peuvent être non seulement juxtaposés mais aussi se renforcer mutuellement : l'ignorance est ici distribuée et cumulative. Dans le cadre de ce chapitre nous examinons trois étapes : la production des savoirs toxicologiques et épidémiologiques portant sur le lien entre hémopathies et pesticides ; la traduction de ces savoirs en tableaux de maladies professionnelles ; l'engagement des patients dans des démarches de reconnaissance en maladies professionnelles.

@article{zollet_resisting_2021,
	title = {Resisting the vineyard invasion: {Anti}-pesticide movements as a vehicle for territorial food democracy and just sustainability transitions},
	volume = {86},
	issn = {0743-0167},
	shorttitle = {Resisting the vineyard invasion},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0743016721001947},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jrurstud.2021.06.020},
	abstract = {Academic literature has so far explored food democracy and citizen participation in agri-food system governance mainly in relation to the ‘food’ end of agri-food systems, and primarily in urban contexts. We argue that this focus can be usefully extended to agricultural production and to wider territorial processes occurring in rural areas. In this study, we examine the development of a grassroots movement demanding stricter municipal regulation of agricultural pesticide use and support for a more sustainable and localised agri-food system. The study site, located in the north-eastern Italian Alps, has in recent years been characterized by the spread of intensive agriculture, particularly due to the expansion of vineyards. Our conceptual framework brings together the literature on food democracy and just sustainability transitions, seen from a territorial perspective. We use this framework to examine the role played by civil society organisations and alternative food networks in municipal and territorial agri-food system governance. The results show how the grassroots anti-pesticide mobilisation played a key role in reforming municipal pesticide regulations and in slowing down the spread of intensive agriculture in the province. We also draw attention to the framings used by activists to gain the support of public opinion and local administrators. Finally, we discuss the role played by different forms of food democracy processes in facilitating the emergence of a territorial vision of just sustainability transitions.},
	urldate = {2024-01-23},
	journal = {Journal of Rural Studies},
	author = {Zollet, Simona and Maharjan, Keshav Lall},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {Agri-food system governance, Alternative food networks, Anti-pesticide movements, Food democracy, Just sustainability, Territorial embeddedness},
	pages = {318--329},
}

Academic literature has so far explored food democracy and citizen participation in agri-food system governance mainly in relation to the ‘food’ end of agri-food systems, and primarily in urban contexts. We argue that this focus can be usefully extended to agricultural production and to wider territorial processes occurring in rural areas. In this study, we examine the development of a grassroots movement demanding stricter municipal regulation of agricultural pesticide use and support for a more sustainable and localised agri-food system. The study site, located in the north-eastern Italian Alps, has in recent years been characterized by the spread of intensive agriculture, particularly due to the expansion of vineyards. Our conceptual framework brings together the literature on food democracy and just sustainability transitions, seen from a territorial perspective. We use this framework to examine the role played by civil society organisations and alternative food networks in municipal and territorial agri-food system governance. The results show how the grassroots anti-pesticide mobilisation played a key role in reforming municipal pesticide regulations and in slowing down the spread of intensive agriculture in the province. We also draw attention to the framings used by activists to gain the support of public opinion and local administrators. Finally, we discuss the role played by different forms of food democracy processes in facilitating the emergence of a territorial vision of just sustainability transitions.

@book{bertomeu-sanchez_making_2021,
	title = {The {Making} of the {Spanish} {Pesticide} {Industry} {During} the {Early} {Francoist} {Dictatorship} : {Experts}, {Autarky}, {Agnotology}, and {Fascism}},
	isbn = {978-1-00-305387-3},
	shorttitle = {The {Making} of the {Spanish} {Pesticide} {Industry} {During} the {Early} {Francoist} {Dictatorship}},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003053873-3/making-spanish-pesticide-industry-early-francoist-dictatorship-jos%C3%A9-ram%C3%B3n-bertomeu-s%C3%A1nchez},
	abstract = {This chapter reviews the coproduction of the Spanish pesticide treadmill and the early Francoist regime. I move away from dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT)-centered narratives by paying attention to other sociotechnological products (arsenic pesticides), human and nonhuman protagonists (agricultural engineers and Colorado beetles), toxic hazards (poisoning of workers and food consumers), and geopolitical contexts (fascist and autarky policies in Spain during the 1940s). I discuss how the politics of autarky offered new opportunities for developing new agronomic programs, chemical industry, and autarkic policies. These circumstances were behind the making of the Register of Pesticides in 1942. In the last part of this chapter, I discuss the consequences of these regulations in invisibilizing the risks of pesticides for farmers and food consumers. Pesticides have become sources of slow poisoning and tools for social control while reinforcing the alliance of agricultural engineers and fascist politicians in their autarkic/authoritarian dreams.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Bertomeu-Sánchez, José Ramón},
	month = sep,
	year = {2021},
	doi = {10.4324/9781003053873-3},
	note = {Pages: 33-57
Publication Title: Pervasive Powers},
}

This chapter reviews the coproduction of the Spanish pesticide treadmill and the early Francoist regime. I move away from dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT)-centered narratives by paying attention to other sociotechnological products (arsenic pesticides), human and nonhuman protagonists (agricultural engineers and Colorado beetles), toxic hazards (poisoning of workers and food consumers), and geopolitical contexts (fascist and autarky policies in Spain during the 1940s). I discuss how the politics of autarky offered new opportunities for developing new agronomic programs, chemical industry, and autarkic policies. These circumstances were behind the making of the Register of Pesticides in 1942. In the last part of this chapter, I discuss the consequences of these regulations in invisibilizing the risks of pesticides for farmers and food consumers. Pesticides have become sources of slow poisoning and tools for social control while reinforcing the alliance of agricultural engineers and fascist politicians in their autarkic/authoritarian dreams.

@article{degbelo_agriculteurs_2021,
	title = {Agriculteurs et salariés agricoles mis en (in)capacité dans le débat sur les pesticides},
	volume = {166-167},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/},
	issn = {0224-4365, 1775-416X},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/travailemploi/13244},
	doi = {10.4000/travailemploi.13244},
	abstract = {Les effets sanitaires liés à l’usage des pesticides agricoles sont de plus en plus dénoncés en France, à travers des mobilisations portées par des associations environnementales, des riverains, des consommateurs ou des élus locaux. Le débat public sur le sujet s’est intensifié sous l’effet d’une forte médiatisation à partir de 2016. Toutefois, les voix des agriculteurs et plus encore celles des salariés y sont peu audibles. Une enquête qualitative menée en Gironde permet d’interroger ce paradoxe : comment comprendre la quasi-absence des travailleurs agricoles, notamment salariés, du débat public sur les pesticides alors que leur surexposition est prouvée ? Mobilisant l’approche par les capabilités, cet article analyse et identifie les processus structurels et situationnels qui génèrent cette quasi-absence de participation. Pour mieux comprendre ce qui se joue lors des discussions publiques sur les pesticides, l’enquête s’est notamment intéressée à la prise de parole des travailleurs agricoles en situation d’activité. Elle révèle alors des inégalités entre viticulteurs et salariés en contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI) d’une part, et les salariés en contrat à durée déterminée (CDD) et ouvriers saisonniers d’autre part. Plus encore, elle montre qu’au-delà d’une simple opposition employeur/salarié, ces inégalités opèrent de façon plus complexe à l’intérieur d’un même statut, notamment celui de saisonnier.
          , 
            The effects of the use of agricultural pesticides on health are increasingly denounced in France, through campaigns led by environmental associations, residents, consumers and local elected representatives. Public debate on the subject has intensified since 2016 as a result of intense media coverage. However, the voices of farmers, and even more so those of employees, are barely heard. A qualitative study carried out in Gironde (France) examines this paradox: how explain the absence of agricultural workers, particularly salaried employees, from the public debate on pesticides when it has been proven that they are overexposed? Using the capabilities approach, this article analyses and identifies the structural and situational processes that produce this almost complete absence of participation. In order to gain a better understanding of what is at stake in public discussions on pesticides, the study has looked in particular at what they say when they are working. It reveals inequalities between vine-growers and employees on permanent contracts on the one hand, and employees on fixed-term contracts and seasonal workers on the other. Moreover, it shows that these inequalities are more complex than a simple employer/employee divide, because they operate within the same status, particularly that of seasonal worker.},
	urldate = {2024-12-02},
	journal = {Travail et emploi},
	author = {Degbelo, Agossè Nadège and Candau, Jacqueline and Ginelli, Ludovic},
	year = {2021},
	pages = {155--181},
}

Les effets sanitaires liés à l’usage des pesticides agricoles sont de plus en plus dénoncés en France, à travers des mobilisations portées par des associations environnementales, des riverains, des consommateurs ou des élus locaux. Le débat public sur le sujet s’est intensifié sous l’effet d’une forte médiatisation à partir de 2016. Toutefois, les voix des agriculteurs et plus encore celles des salariés y sont peu audibles. Une enquête qualitative menée en Gironde permet d’interroger ce paradoxe : comment comprendre la quasi-absence des travailleurs agricoles, notamment salariés, du débat public sur les pesticides alors que leur surexposition est prouvée ? Mobilisant l’approche par les capabilités, cet article analyse et identifie les processus structurels et situationnels qui génèrent cette quasi-absence de participation. Pour mieux comprendre ce qui se joue lors des discussions publiques sur les pesticides, l’enquête s’est notamment intéressée à la prise de parole des travailleurs agricoles en situation d’activité. Elle révèle alors des inégalités entre viticulteurs et salariés en contrat à durée indéterminée (CDI) d’une part, et les salariés en contrat à durée déterminée (CDD) et ouvriers saisonniers d’autre part. Plus encore, elle montre qu’au-delà d’une simple opposition employeur/salarié, ces inégalités opèrent de façon plus complexe à l’intérieur d’un même statut, notamment celui de saisonnier. , The effects of the use of agricultural pesticides on health are increasingly denounced in France, through campaigns led by environmental associations, residents, consumers and local elected representatives. Public debate on the subject has intensified since 2016 as a result of intense media coverage. However, the voices of farmers, and even more so those of employees, are barely heard. A qualitative study carried out in Gironde (France) examines this paradox: how explain the absence of agricultural workers, particularly salaried employees, from the public debate on pesticides when it has been proven that they are overexposed? Using the capabilities approach, this article analyses and identifies the structural and situational processes that produce this almost complete absence of participation. In order to gain a better understanding of what is at stake in public discussions on pesticides, the study has looked in particular at what they say when they are working. It reveals inequalities between vine-growers and employees on permanent contracts on the one hand, and employees on fixed-term contracts and seasonal workers on the other. Moreover, it shows that these inequalities are more complex than a simple employer/employee divide, because they operate within the same status, particularly that of seasonal worker.

@article{ginelli_pouvoir_2021,
	title = {Pouvoir parler des pesticides ? {Une} recherche-action pour éprouver les capabilités des travailleurs viticoles ({Gironde}, {France})},
	volume = {21-3},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {1492-8442},
	shorttitle = {Pouvoir parler des pesticides ?},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/33921},
	doi = {10.4000/vertigo.33921},
	abstract = {En France, l’intense débat public sur l’usage des pesticides demeure encore peu accessible aux travailleurs agricoles alors même qu’un changement de pratiques est attendu de leur part et qu’ils sont fortement exposés. Cette configuration de la « transition » relative aux pesticides soulève simultanément des enjeux sanitaires, environnementaux et de justice sociale, renouant avec certains mouvements sociaux, qu’il s’agisse de l’Environmental Justice aux États-Unis ou de l’« écologisme des pauvres » dans les pays du Sud (Martinez-Alier, 2014). Nous faisons l’hypothèse que la voix peu audible des travailleurs agricoles dans l’espace public est le signe de capabilités entravées (Sen 2000, de Munck 2008). Qu’ils soient salariés ou agriculteurs participant aux travaux, notre recherche vise donc à identifier les processus sociaux, parfois différents, qui renforcent ou fragilisent leurs capabilités à dire leurs préoccupations relatives aux pesticides. Nous éprouvons cette hypothèse à partir d’un choix méthodologique original, celui d’une recherche-action engagée dans l’émancipation des travailleurs viticoles dans le département français de la Gironde. Il s’avère que des cadrages « forts » (politiques de gestion du risque et de santé au travail) mettent les travailleurs en incapacité d’exprimer leurs préoccupations vis-à-vis des pesticides. D’autres facteurs structurels à l’échelle du territoire et de la filière font que la mise sous silence des travailleurs domine, sans être totale. Les difficultés « opérationnelles » pour mettre en place un groupe de viticulteurs, et plus encore pour les salariés, sont alors particulièrement révélatrices de ces processus antagonistes de mise en (in)capacités en jeu dans la transition relative aux pesticides.
          , 
            In France, the intense public debate on pesticides is still hardly accessible to agricultural workers, even though they are expected to change their practices and are highly exposed. This configuration of pesticide use "transition" raises health, environmental and social justice issues, as do specific social movements, such as Environmental Justice in the United States or "ecologism of the poor" in the South (Martinez-Alier, 2014). We hypothesize that the weak voice of farmworkers in the public space is a sign of hindered capabilities (Sen 2000, de Munck 2008). Whether they are employees or farmers participating in winegrowing work, our research aims to identify the social processes, sometimes different, that strengthen or weaken their capabilities to express their concerns about pesticides. We test this hypothesis using an original methodological choice, an action-research committed to empowering vineyard workers in Gironde. It turns out that "strong" frames (risk management and occupational health policies) make it impossible for workers to express their concerns about pesticides. Other structural factors on the scale of the territory and the wine sector mean that the silencing of workers is dominant without being total. The "operational" difficulties in setting up a group of winegrowers, and even more so for the employees, are therefore particularly revealing of these antagonistic processes of (in)capacity at play in the transition to pesticides.},
	urldate = {2024-12-02},
	journal = {VertigO},
	author = {Ginelli, Ludovic and Candau, Jacqueline and Degbelo, Agossè Nadège and Noûs, Camille},
	year = {2021},
}

En France, l’intense débat public sur l’usage des pesticides demeure encore peu accessible aux travailleurs agricoles alors même qu’un changement de pratiques est attendu de leur part et qu’ils sont fortement exposés. Cette configuration de la « transition » relative aux pesticides soulève simultanément des enjeux sanitaires, environnementaux et de justice sociale, renouant avec certains mouvements sociaux, qu’il s’agisse de l’Environmental Justice aux États-Unis ou de l’« écologisme des pauvres » dans les pays du Sud (Martinez-Alier, 2014). Nous faisons l’hypothèse que la voix peu audible des travailleurs agricoles dans l’espace public est le signe de capabilités entravées (Sen 2000, de Munck 2008). Qu’ils soient salariés ou agriculteurs participant aux travaux, notre recherche vise donc à identifier les processus sociaux, parfois différents, qui renforcent ou fragilisent leurs capabilités à dire leurs préoccupations relatives aux pesticides. Nous éprouvons cette hypothèse à partir d’un choix méthodologique original, celui d’une recherche-action engagée dans l’émancipation des travailleurs viticoles dans le département français de la Gironde. Il s’avère que des cadrages « forts » (politiques de gestion du risque et de santé au travail) mettent les travailleurs en incapacité d’exprimer leurs préoccupations vis-à-vis des pesticides. D’autres facteurs structurels à l’échelle du territoire et de la filière font que la mise sous silence des travailleurs domine, sans être totale. Les difficultés « opérationnelles » pour mettre en place un groupe de viticulteurs, et plus encore pour les salariés, sont alors particulièrement révélatrices de ces processus antagonistes de mise en (in)capacités en jeu dans la transition relative aux pesticides. , In France, the intense public debate on pesticides is still hardly accessible to agricultural workers, even though they are expected to change their practices and are highly exposed. This configuration of pesticide use "transition" raises health, environmental and social justice issues, as do specific social movements, such as Environmental Justice in the United States or "ecologism of the poor" in the South (Martinez-Alier, 2014). We hypothesize that the weak voice of farmworkers in the public space is a sign of hindered capabilities (Sen 2000, de Munck 2008). Whether they are employees or farmers participating in winegrowing work, our research aims to identify the social processes, sometimes different, that strengthen or weaken their capabilities to express their concerns about pesticides. We test this hypothesis using an original methodological choice, an action-research committed to empowering vineyard workers in Gironde. It turns out that "strong" frames (risk management and occupational health policies) make it impossible for workers to express their concerns about pesticides. Other structural factors on the scale of the territory and the wine sector mean that the silencing of workers is dominant without being total. The "operational" difficulties in setting up a group of winegrowers, and even more so for the employees, are therefore particularly revealing of these antagonistic processes of (in)capacity at play in the transition to pesticides.

@article{stein_toxic_2021,
	title = {Toxic {Sensorium}: {Agrochemicals} in the {African} {Anthropocene}},
	volume = {12},
	issn = {2150-6779},
	shorttitle = {Toxic {Sensorium}},
	url = {https://research.wur.nl/en/publications/toxic-sensorium-agrochemicals-in-the-african-anthropocene},
	doi = {10.3167/ARES.2021.120106},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Environment and Society: Advances in Research},
	author = {Stein, Serena and Luna, Jessie},
	month = sep,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {87--107},
}

@article{muller_glyphosatelove_2021,
	title = {Glyphosate—{A} love story. {Ordinary} thoughtlessness and response‐ability in industrial farming},
	volume = {21},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary-wiley-com.inshs.bib.cnrs.fr/doi/abs/10.1111/joac.12374},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Journal of Agrarian Change},
	author = {Müller, Birgit},
	year = {2021},
	pages = {160--179},
}

@article{demortain_science_2021,
	series = {Special {Section} on {Pollinator} decline: human and policy dimensions * {Social} insects},
	title = {The science behind the ban: the outstanding impact of ecotoxicological research on the regulation of neonicotinoids},
	volume = {46},
	issn = {2214-5745},
	shorttitle = {The science behind the ban},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2214574521000250},
	doi = {10.1016/j.cois.2021.02.017},
	abstract = {The restrictions and bans imposed on insecticides of the neonicotinoid family in Europe were legitimized by emerging knowledge about their impact on the health of bee populations. That such knowledge was articulated and acted upon in the regulatory space is puzzling, given the standard forms of regulatory science, and the ways in which scientific knowledge is used in this very space. This short article reviews research in social science about regulation and regulatory knowledge, to help understand how research on bee decline opened the possibility of wide regulatory restrictions on neonicotinoids.},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Current Opinion in Insect Science},
	author = {Demortain, David},
	month = aug,
	year = {2021},
	pages = {78--82},
}

The restrictions and bans imposed on insecticides of the neonicotinoid family in Europe were legitimized by emerging knowledge about their impact on the health of bee populations. That such knowledge was articulated and acted upon in the regulatory space is puzzling, given the standard forms of regulatory science, and the ways in which scientific knowledge is used in this very space. This short article reviews research in social science about regulation and regulatory knowledge, to help understand how research on bee decline opened the possibility of wide regulatory restrictions on neonicotinoids.

@article{bureau-point_pesticides_2021,
	title = {Pesticides et récits de crise dans le monde paysan cambodgien},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {2111-5028},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/anthropologiesante/9054},
	doi = {10.4000/anthropologiesante.9054},
	abstract = {Au Cambodge, l’intensification de la production agricole, par le recours à des semences à haut rendement, l’utilisation d’intrants chimiques et l’amélioration des systèmes d’irrigation, s’est accélérée à partir des années 1990. Les acteurs du secteur agroalimentaire se sont insérés dans des marchés plus complexes, interdépendants et mondialisés. Si les intrants issus de la chimie de synthèse représentent pour les paysans une avancée majeure pour améliorer les rendements agricoles, ils font également l’objet de remises en question croissantes, à l’instar des sociétés occidentales où leurs usages massifs sont de plus en plus controversés. Des récits de crise émergent à l’échelle des scientifiques, des médias, du politique, des organisations non gouvernementales, mais aussi au niveau plus intime des paysans et de la population générale exposée dans son quotidien. Après avoir retracé au préalable l’histoire du développement de l’agrochimie au Cambodge et de sa régulation, cet article rend compte de l’expression de la crise à ces différentes échelles dans le pays.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {22},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Anthropologie \& Santé. Revue internationale francophone d'anthropologie de la santé},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Eve},
	month = may,
	year = {2021},
	keywords = {Cambodge, expérience chimique, pesticides, récits de crise},
}

Au Cambodge, l’intensification de la production agricole, par le recours à des semences à haut rendement, l’utilisation d’intrants chimiques et l’amélioration des systèmes d’irrigation, s’est accélérée à partir des années 1990. Les acteurs du secteur agroalimentaire se sont insérés dans des marchés plus complexes, interdépendants et mondialisés. Si les intrants issus de la chimie de synthèse représentent pour les paysans une avancée majeure pour améliorer les rendements agricoles, ils font également l’objet de remises en question croissantes, à l’instar des sociétés occidentales où leurs usages massifs sont de plus en plus controversés. Des récits de crise émergent à l’échelle des scientifiques, des médias, du politique, des organisations non gouvernementales, mais aussi au niveau plus intime des paysans et de la population générale exposée dans son quotidien. Après avoir retracé au préalable l’histoire du développement de l’agrochimie au Cambodge et de sa régulation, cet article rend compte de l’expression de la crise à ces différentes échelles dans le pays.

@article{postel_marjorie_2020,
	title = {Marjorie {Spock}: {An} {Unsung} {Hero} in the {Fight} {Against} {DDT} and in the {Rise} of the {Modern} {Environmental} {Movement}},
	shorttitle = {Marjorie {Spock}},
	url = {https://www.considera.org/downloads/Published%20Papers/marjorie-spock-web.pdf},
	urldate = {2024-03-29},
	author = {Postel, Sandra},
	year = {2020},
}

@incollection{mayance_verdissement_2020,
	edition = {Eve Fouilleux, Laura Michel},
	title = {Un verdissement contrôlé par la profession. {Le} cas de l’agriculture raisonnée en {France}},
	booktitle = {Quand l’alimentation se fait politique(s)},
	publisher = {PUR},
	author = {Mayance, Pierre},
	year = {2020},
	pages = {143--160},
}

@book{foucart_gardiens_2020,
	address = {Paris},
	title = {Les gardiens de la raison. {Enquête} sur la désinformation scientifique},
	url = {https://www.editionsladecouverte.fr/les_gardiens_de_la_raison-9782348046155},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	publisher = {La Découverte},
	author = {Foucart, Stéphane and Horel, Stéphane and Laurens, Sylvain},
	year = {2020},
}

@article{jouzel_microscope_2020,
	title = {Le microscope et le macroscope. {Conflits} de perspectives disciplinaires sur les liens entre pesticides et santé au travail},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1635-0421},
	url = {https://stm.cairn.info/revue-environnement-risques-et-sante-2020-2-page-106?lang=fr&tab=resume},
	language = {fr},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-09-18},
	journal = {Environnement, Risques \& Santé},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: JLE Editions},
	pages = {106--112},
}

@phdthesis{aulagnier_reduire_2020,
	type = {Thèse de doctorat},
	title = {Réduire sans contraindre. {Le} gouvernement des pratiques agricoles à l'épreuve des pesticides},
	copyright = {Licence Etalab},
	shorttitle = {La substitution dans l’action publique},
	url = {https://www.theses.fr/s151004},
	urldate = {2023-01-27},
	school = {Paris, Institut d'études politiques},
	author = {Aulagnier, Alexis},
	collaborator = {Dubuisson-Quellier, Sophie and Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	year = {2020},
}

@article{dedieu_domestication_2020,
	title = {La domestication de l’épidémiologie. {Les} maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides, de la science à la reconnaissance},
	volume = {VOL. 9},
	issn = {2260-0965},
	shorttitle = {La domestication de l’épidémiologie},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-gouvernement-et-action-publique-2020-2-page-15.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/gap.202.0015},
	abstract = {Ce numéro varia débute par un article d’une grande actualité en ces temps de Covid-19 : il met en évidence les
limites de la conversion des données épidémiologiques en instruments d’action publique en soulignant le poids des logiques administratives. Les deux articles suivants portent sur des processus de mise en oeuvre : l’un étudie l’appropriation de la réforme de 2015 de l’enseignement moral et civique (EMC) par les professeurs de lycée à l’aune de leur rapport complexe aux prescriptions ; l’autre examine la manière dont les comportements des artistes sont façonnés par les normes d’activation du RSA et leurs interactions avec les agents de l’État social. La dernière
contribution montre comment les Points conseils budget (PCB), développés en 2016 pour améliorer la situation financière des ménages et leur inclusion bancaire dans le cadre du plan de lutte contre la pauvreté, font bouger les frontières à la fois entre le privé et le public, et entre l’économique et le social.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2023-01-25},
	journal = {Gouvernement et action publique},
	author = {Dedieu, François and Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	year = {2020},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Presses de Sciences Po},
	keywords = {agriculture, expertise, maladies professionnelles, pesticides, épidémiologie},
	pages = {15--40},
}

Ce numéro varia débute par un article d’une grande actualité en ces temps de Covid-19 : il met en évidence les limites de la conversion des données épidémiologiques en instruments d’action publique en soulignant le poids des logiques administratives. Les deux articles suivants portent sur des processus de mise en oeuvre : l’un étudie l’appropriation de la réforme de 2015 de l’enseignement moral et civique (EMC) par les professeurs de lycée à l’aune de leur rapport complexe aux prescriptions ; l’autre examine la manière dont les comportements des artistes sont façonnés par les normes d’activation du RSA et leurs interactions avec les agents de l’État social. La dernière contribution montre comment les Points conseils budget (PCB), développés en 2016 pour améliorer la situation financière des ménages et leur inclusion bancaire dans le cadre du plan de lutte contre la pauvreté, font bouger les frontières à la fois entre le privé et le public, et entre l’économique et le social.

@article{benko_people_2020,
	title = {People need to know! {Notification} and the regulation of pesticide use near public schools in {California}},
	volume = {3},
	issn = {2514-8486},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/2514848619851102},
	doi = {10.1177/2514848619851102},
	abstract = {This article takes up a recent proposal by the California Department of Pesticide Regulation to regulate pesticide use near public schools with the goal of examining notifications and the public debate over their use. Entailing an exchange of information between growers and schools, notifications provide schools with information about pesticide applications taking place nearby. While the procedural aspects are coherent, the regulatory purpose behind notification and its subsequent effects are considerably less so. I draw on literature related to pesticide drift and the politics of scale in order to discuss the strategic differences between notifications and their better known regulatory counterpart, buffer zones, and to highlight the significance of these differences for public debate over the problem of pesticide drift, and how best to regulate it. I argue that Department of Pesticide Regulation’s proposal presents conflicting imperatives that obfuscate the scale of pesticide drift risk and correspond to disparate sets of actors and prescribed actions. This central contradiction has put stakeholders in the position of being unsure about what notifications can do, and has led them to invoke disparate justifications for and against the proposed requirements. I argue, however, that the on-the-ground effects of notifications are the same, regardless of discursive framing. Intended to function as a protective measure, notifications instead shift the burden of protection on to individual school staff and parents through a neoliberal process of responsibilization. Literature on governmentality and health risk management animates the ways that information dissemination can work as responsibilizing policy. This effect is especially problematic considering the limitations faced by Latinx farmworker communities. As this case shows, the lack of choice in a governmental structure that ostensibly provides more freedom to take action when pesticide drift is imminent is a constraint on poor, minority communities, even while it is considered an increased freedom by others.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-11-12},
	journal = {Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space},
	author = {Benko, Keli},
	month = mar,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd STM},
	pages = {164--185},
}

This article takes up a recent proposal by the California Department of Pesticide Regulation to regulate pesticide use near public schools with the goal of examining notifications and the public debate over their use. Entailing an exchange of information between growers and schools, notifications provide schools with information about pesticide applications taking place nearby. While the procedural aspects are coherent, the regulatory purpose behind notification and its subsequent effects are considerably less so. I draw on literature related to pesticide drift and the politics of scale in order to discuss the strategic differences between notifications and their better known regulatory counterpart, buffer zones, and to highlight the significance of these differences for public debate over the problem of pesticide drift, and how best to regulate it. I argue that Department of Pesticide Regulation’s proposal presents conflicting imperatives that obfuscate the scale of pesticide drift risk and correspond to disparate sets of actors and prescribed actions. This central contradiction has put stakeholders in the position of being unsure about what notifications can do, and has led them to invoke disparate justifications for and against the proposed requirements. I argue, however, that the on-the-ground effects of notifications are the same, regardless of discursive framing. Intended to function as a protective measure, notifications instead shift the burden of protection on to individual school staff and parents through a neoliberal process of responsibilization. Literature on governmentality and health risk management animates the ways that information dissemination can work as responsibilizing policy. This effect is especially problematic considering the limitations faced by Latinx farmworker communities. As this case shows, the lack of choice in a governmental structure that ostensibly provides more freedom to take action when pesticide drift is imminent is a constraint on poor, minority communities, even while it is considered an increased freedom by others.

@article{grimonprez_pesticides_2020,
	title = {Pesticides et riverains: l'impossible conciliation juridique?},
	volume = {Doctrine 174},
	language = {fr},
	number = {6},
	journal = {La Semaine juridique. Editions Législatives.},
	author = {Grimonprez, Benoît and Bouchema, Inès},
	year = {2020},
}

@article{faber_poisoning_2020,
	title = {Poisoning the {World} for {Profit}: {Petro}-{Chemical} {Capital} and the {Global} {Pesticide} {Crisis}},
	volume = {31},
	shorttitle = {Poisoning the {World} for {Profit}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/10455752.2020.1829794},
	urldate = {2021-10-14},
	author = {Faber, Daniel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2020},
}

@article{cheze_understanding_2020,
	title = {Understanding farmers' reluctance to reduce pesticide use: {A} choice experiment},
	volume = {167},
	issn = {0921-8009},
	shorttitle = {Understanding farmers' reluctance to reduce pesticide use},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0921800919300552},
	doi = {10.1016/j.ecolecon.2019.06.004},
	abstract = {Despite reducing the use of pesticides being a major challenge in developed countries, dedicated agri-environmental policies have not yet proven successful in doing so. We analyze conventional farmers' willingness to reduce their use of synthetic pesticides. To do so, we conduct a discrete choice experiment that includes the risk of large production losses due to pests. Our results indicate that this risk strongly limits farmers' willingness to change their practices, regardless of the consequences on average profit. Furthermore, the administrative burden has a significant effect on farmers' decisions. Reducing the negative health and environmental impacts of pesticides is a significant motivator only when respondents believe that pesticides affect the environment. Farmers who earn revenue from outside their farms and/or believe that yields can be maintained while reducing the use of pesticides are significantly more willing to adopt low-pesticide practices. Policy recommendations are derived from our results.},
	urldate = {2024-06-17},
	journal = {Ecological Economics},
	author = {Chèze, Benoît and David, Maia and Martinet, Vincent},
	month = jan,
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {Agricultural practices, Discrete choice experiment, Pesticides, Production risk},
	pages = {106349},
}

Despite reducing the use of pesticides being a major challenge in developed countries, dedicated agri-environmental policies have not yet proven successful in doing so. We analyze conventional farmers' willingness to reduce their use of synthetic pesticides. To do so, we conduct a discrete choice experiment that includes the risk of large production losses due to pests. Our results indicate that this risk strongly limits farmers' willingness to change their practices, regardless of the consequences on average profit. Furthermore, the administrative burden has a significant effect on farmers' decisions. Reducing the negative health and environmental impacts of pesticides is a significant motivator only when respondents believe that pesticides affect the environment. Farmers who earn revenue from outside their farms and/or believe that yields can be maintained while reducing the use of pesticides are significantly more willing to adopt low-pesticide practices. Policy recommendations are derived from our results.

@article{luna_pesticides_2020,
	title = {‘{Pesticides} are our children now’: cultural change and the technological treadmill in the {Burkina} {Faso} cotton sector},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {1572-8366},
	shorttitle = {‘{Pesticides} are our children now’},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-019-09999-y},
	doi = {10.1007/s10460-019-09999-y},
	abstract = {Amidst broad debates about the “New Green Revolution” in Africa, input-intensive agriculture is on the rise in some parts of Africa. This paper examines the underlying drivers of the recent and rapid adoption of herbicides and genetically modified seeds in the Burkina Faso cotton sector. Drawing on 8 months of ethnographic fieldwork in the Houndé region, this article contends that economic and cultural dynamics—often considered separately in analyses of technology adoption—have co-produced a self-reinforcing technological treadmill. On the one hand, male farmers seek to increase cotton production in response to an economic squeeze. At the same time, broader cultural shifts toward individualism have created labor shortages as a result of families splitting apart, parents putting their children in school, and some women and young men refusing to provide free labor. Male cotton farmers thus increase production by turning to labor-saving inputs like herbicides, but these inputs create more debt, further locking farmers into intensive production. This article thus expands on the classic concept of the technological treadmill, demonstrating how economic and cultural processes intersect within a process of agrarian change to drive labor-saving agricultural technology adoption in the Burkinabè cotton sector. This expanded treadmill concept illuminates the complex dynamics compelling farmers’ choices to opt into input-intensive agriculture, and also helps explain rising farmer differentiation, as poorer farmers struggle to stay afloat and wealthier farmers expand.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Agriculture and Human Values},
	author = {Luna, Jessie K.},
	month = jun,
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {Africa, Agricultural technology adoption, Bt cotton, Green Revolution, Herbicides, Labor shortages},
	pages = {449--462},
}

Amidst broad debates about the “New Green Revolution” in Africa, input-intensive agriculture is on the rise in some parts of Africa. This paper examines the underlying drivers of the recent and rapid adoption of herbicides and genetically modified seeds in the Burkina Faso cotton sector. Drawing on 8 months of ethnographic fieldwork in the Houndé region, this article contends that economic and cultural dynamics—often considered separately in analyses of technology adoption—have co-produced a self-reinforcing technological treadmill. On the one hand, male farmers seek to increase cotton production in response to an economic squeeze. At the same time, broader cultural shifts toward individualism have created labor shortages as a result of families splitting apart, parents putting their children in school, and some women and young men refusing to provide free labor. Male cotton farmers thus increase production by turning to labor-saving inputs like herbicides, but these inputs create more debt, further locking farmers into intensive production. This article thus expands on the classic concept of the technological treadmill, demonstrating how economic and cultural processes intersect within a process of agrarian change to drive labor-saving agricultural technology adoption in the Burkinabè cotton sector. This expanded treadmill concept illuminates the complex dynamics compelling farmers’ choices to opt into input-intensive agriculture, and also helps explain rising farmer differentiation, as poorer farmers struggle to stay afloat and wealthier farmers expand.

@article{garrigou_critical_2020,
	title = {Critical review of the role of {PPE} in the prevention of risks related to agricultural pesticide use},
	volume = {123},
	issn = {0925-7535},
	url = {http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0925753519321381},
	doi = {https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssci.2019.104527},
	abstract = {Personal protection equipment (PPE) holds a privileged position in safety interventions in many countries, despite the fact that they should only be used as a last resort. This is even more paradoxical because many concerns have arisen as to their actual effectiveness under working conditions and their ability to provide the protection attributed to them by certain occupational safety strategies and marketing authorisation procedures. Are these concerns justified? This article is intended to provide an update on what we know of the issue based on a critical analysis of the literature to date. Analysis focuses on the assessment of the effectiveness of coveralls used to protect from plant protection products in OECD countries. All forms of assessment were retained: discussion of the observed effectiveness of PPE in relation to the underlying assumptions of marketing authorisation procedures, laboratory tests of equipment, practical field tests in which PPE-wearing practices were controlled and uncontrolled, analyses of the efficiency of preventive instructions based on wearing such coveralls. Findings show that recommending the use of PPE is key to the granting of marketing authorisation. Some dangerous products only get marketing authorisation because it is assumed that wearing PPE will considerably limit exposure. They would be banned if it were not for this assumption of protection. However the actual effectiveness of PPE in working conditions may be over-estimated. In addition many factors (cost, availability, thermic and mechanical discomfort) may make instructions to wear PPE inapplicable. Advising the use of PPE does not always mean effective protection.},
	journal = {Safety Science},
	author = {Garrigou, A. and Laurent, C. and Berthet, A. and Colosio, C. and Jas, N. and Daubas-Letourneux, V. and Filho, J.-M. [Jackson and Jouzel, J.-N. and Samuel, O. and Baldi, I. and Lebailly, P. and Galey, L. and Goutille, F. and Judon, N.},
	year = {2020},
	pages = {104527},
}

Personal protection equipment (PPE) holds a privileged position in safety interventions in many countries, despite the fact that they should only be used as a last resort. This is even more paradoxical because many concerns have arisen as to their actual effectiveness under working conditions and their ability to provide the protection attributed to them by certain occupational safety strategies and marketing authorisation procedures. Are these concerns justified? This article is intended to provide an update on what we know of the issue based on a critical analysis of the literature to date. Analysis focuses on the assessment of the effectiveness of coveralls used to protect from plant protection products in OECD countries. All forms of assessment were retained: discussion of the observed effectiveness of PPE in relation to the underlying assumptions of marketing authorisation procedures, laboratory tests of equipment, practical field tests in which PPE-wearing practices were controlled and uncontrolled, analyses of the efficiency of preventive instructions based on wearing such coveralls. Findings show that recommending the use of PPE is key to the granting of marketing authorisation. Some dangerous products only get marketing authorisation because it is assumed that wearing PPE will considerably limit exposure. They would be banned if it were not for this assumption of protection. However the actual effectiveness of PPE in working conditions may be over-estimated. In addition many factors (cost, availability, thermic and mechanical discomfort) may make instructions to wear PPE inapplicable. Advising the use of PPE does not always mean effective protection.

@article{prete_staging_2019,
	title = {Staging {International} {Environmental} {Justice}: {The} {International} {Monsanto} {Tribunal}},
	volume = {42},
	issn = {1555-2934},
	shorttitle = {Staging {International} {Environmental} {Justice}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/plar.12310},
	doi = {10.1111/plar.12310},
	abstract = {Opinions tribunals dealing with environmental issues have multiplied over the last several years as a consequence of the rise of international environmental law and its promotion by international networks. Drawing on an ethnographic investigation of one of those tribunals—the International Monsanto Tribunal— this article reflects on the many objectives they often pursue: strengthening political positions, publicizing environmental and health social struggles, and promoting legal theories. In our case, we show that articulating those objectives involved intense work to stage the tribunal's legitimacy. We analyze this work and how it was put to the test during and after the sessions of the tribunal. Our article broadly suggests that environmental opinion tribunals are political arenas where rights and identities are not only asserted but also negotiated and legitimized.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review},
	author = {Prete, Giovanni and Cournil, Christel},
	year = {2019},
	note = {\_eprint: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/plar.12310},
	keywords = {International Monsanto Tribunal, ecocide, environment, law, opinion tribunal},
	pages = {191--209},
}

Opinions tribunals dealing with environmental issues have multiplied over the last several years as a consequence of the rise of international environmental law and its promotion by international networks. Drawing on an ethnographic investigation of one of those tribunals—the International Monsanto Tribunal— this article reflects on the many objectives they often pursue: strengthening political positions, publicizing environmental and health social struggles, and promoting legal theories. In our case, we show that articulating those objectives involved intense work to stage the tribunal's legitimacy. We analyze this work and how it was put to the test during and after the sessions of the tribunal. Our article broadly suggests that environmental opinion tribunals are political arenas where rights and identities are not only asserted but also negotiated and legitimized.

@article{nishimoto_global_2019,
	title = {Global trends in the crop protection industry},
	volume = {44},
	issn = {1348-589X},
	url = {https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6718354/},
	doi = {10.1584/jpestics.D19-101},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Journal of Pesticide Science},
	author = {Nishimoto, Ray},
	month = aug,
	year = {2019},
	pmid = {31530972},
	pmcid = {PMC6718354},
	pages = {141--147},
}

@article{bertomeu-sanchez_arsenical_2019,
	title = {Arsenical {Pesticides} in {Early} {Francoist} {Spain}: {Fascism}, {Autarky}, {Agricultural} {Engineers} and the {Invisibility} of {Toxic} {Risks}},
	volume = {13},
	shorttitle = {Arsenical {Pesticides} in {Early} {Francoist} {Spain}},
	url = {https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/host-2019-0004},
	doi = {10.2478/host-2019-0004},
	abstract = {AbstractLead arsenate was introduced on a massive scale in agriculture in Spain in the early 1940s. With the support of a network of agricultural engineers, the new Francoist state encouraged the production and use of lead arsenate as the main weapon against a newly arrived pest, the Colorado potato beetle. In this paper I discuss arsenical pesticides as sociotechnological products which played a pivotal role in the joint production of both chemical-based agriculture and the emerging Francoist regime in Spain during the 1940s. I review the campaigns organized by agriculture engineers and the making of the new National Register for Phytosanitary Products in 1942. The new regulations promoted research in pesticide quality control but also contributed to concealing the health hazards. This invisibilization of the risks took shape in the confluence of interests of the emerging Francoist state, the new pesticide industry, and the large network of agricultural engineers.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {HoST - Journal of History of Science and Technology},
	author = {Bertomeu-Sánchez, José Ramón},
	month = jun,
	year = {2019},
	pages = {76--105},
}

AbstractLead arsenate was introduced on a massive scale in agriculture in Spain in the early 1940s. With the support of a network of agricultural engineers, the new Francoist state encouraged the production and use of lead arsenate as the main weapon against a newly arrived pest, the Colorado potato beetle. In this paper I discuss arsenical pesticides as sociotechnological products which played a pivotal role in the joint production of both chemical-based agriculture and the emerging Francoist regime in Spain during the 1940s. I review the campaigns organized by agriculture engineers and the making of the new National Register for Phytosanitary Products in 1942. The new regulations promoted research in pesticide quality control but also contributed to concealing the health hazards. This invisibilization of the risks took shape in the confluence of interests of the emerging Francoist state, the new pesticide industry, and the large network of agricultural engineers.

@article{bertomeu-sanchez_introduction_2019,
	title = {Introduction. {Pesticides}: {Past} and {Present}},
	volume = {13},
	issn = {1646-7752},
	shorttitle = {Introduction. {Pesticides}},
	url = {https://www.sciendo.com/article/10.2478/host-2019-0001},
	doi = {10.2478/host-2019-0001},
	abstract = {Chemical agents have been employed in pest control for centuries, but during the second half of the nineteenth century their use intensified considerably. The increasing international commerce of seeds and crops, the expansion of monoculture across the planet, and the new modes of circulation provided by the new motorized transports (trains, cars, modern ships) led to a global spread of new pests, which explains, at least in part, the intensification of the use of chemical pesticides in agriculture. At the turn of the twentieth century, the use of arsenic compounds, copper salts and nicotine extracts was already a common practice in many parts of the world. Moreover, these agents were part of the processes of specialization and intensification in agriculture, which introduced new forms of land ownership and mechanized production and also expanded the modes of irrigation, the use of agrochemicals such as synthetic fertilizers and herbicides, and plant breeding techniques. Since the end of the World War II, synthetic pesticides have been essential elements of the intensification of agriculture and the so-called Introduction. Pesticides: Past and Present},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-23},
	journal = {HoST - Journal of History of Science and Technology},
	author = {Bertomeu-Sánchez, José Ramón},
	month = jun,
	year = {2019},
	pages = {1--27},
}

Chemical agents have been employed in pest control for centuries, but during the second half of the nineteenth century their use intensified considerably. The increasing international commerce of seeds and crops, the expansion of monoculture across the planet, and the new modes of circulation provided by the new motorized transports (trains, cars, modern ships) led to a global spread of new pests, which explains, at least in part, the intensification of the use of chemical pesticides in agriculture. At the turn of the twentieth century, the use of arsenic compounds, copper salts and nicotine extracts was already a common practice in many parts of the world. Moreover, these agents were part of the processes of specialization and intensification in agriculture, which introduced new forms of land ownership and mechanized production and also expanded the modes of irrigation, the use of agrochemicals such as synthetic fertilizers and herbicides, and plant breeding techniques. Since the end of the World War II, synthetic pesticides have been essential elements of the intensification of agriculture and the so-called Introduction. Pesticides: Past and Present

@book{jouzel_pesticides_2019,
	address = {Paris},
	title = {Pesticides, comment ignorer ce que l'on sait ?},
	isbn = {978-2-7246-2522-6},
	abstract = {Les pesticides sont des produits dangereux. Pour cette raison, ils comptent parmi les substances chimiques les plus surveillées et ce, depuis des décennies. Des agences d’évaluation des risques contrôlent leur mise sur le marché et assurent une toxico-vigilance de leurs effets sur la santé. Comment alors expliquer l’accumulation de données épidémiologiques qui attestent la sur-incidence de pathologies chroniques – maladies neurodégénératives, hémopathies malignes, cancers – parmi les populations humaines les plus exposées, et en particulier les agriculteurs ? Pourquoi des résultats aussi inquiétants sont-ils si peu de répercussion sur les autorisations de mise en vente ? Le sociologue Jean-Noël Jouzel a mené l’enquête en France et aux États-Unis pour comprendre ce qui conduit les agences d’évaluation à ignorer volontairement certaines données scientifiques lorsqu’elles n’ont pas été élaborées selon les normes de la toxicologie réglementaire. Les industriels ont bien compris le profit qu’ils pouvaient tirer de cette routine normative. Ils ont en effet tout intérêt à suivre ce cadre, disposant par ailleurs des ressources matérielles nécessaires pour s’y conformer.},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Presses de Sciences Po},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	month = oct,
	year = {2019},
	keywords = {Business \& Economics / Consumer Behavior, Business \& Economics / General, Business \& Economics / Industries / Agribusiness, Political Science / General, Political Science / Public Policy / Agriculture \& Food Policy, Social Science / Disease \& Health Issues},
}

Les pesticides sont des produits dangereux. Pour cette raison, ils comptent parmi les substances chimiques les plus surveillées et ce, depuis des décennies. Des agences d’évaluation des risques contrôlent leur mise sur le marché et assurent une toxico-vigilance de leurs effets sur la santé. Comment alors expliquer l’accumulation de données épidémiologiques qui attestent la sur-incidence de pathologies chroniques – maladies neurodégénératives, hémopathies malignes, cancers – parmi les populations humaines les plus exposées, et en particulier les agriculteurs ? Pourquoi des résultats aussi inquiétants sont-ils si peu de répercussion sur les autorisations de mise en vente ? Le sociologue Jean-Noël Jouzel a mené l’enquête en France et aux États-Unis pour comprendre ce qui conduit les agences d’évaluation à ignorer volontairement certaines données scientifiques lorsqu’elles n’ont pas été élaborées selon les normes de la toxicologie réglementaire. Les industriels ont bien compris le profit qu’ils pouvaient tirer de cette routine normative. Ils ont en effet tout intérêt à suivre ce cadre, disposant par ailleurs des ressources matérielles nécessaires pour s’y conformer.

@article{rauchecker_territorial_2019,
	title = {The territorial and sectoral dimensions of advocacy – {The} conflicts about pesticide use in {Argentina}},
	volume = {75},
	issn = {0962-6298},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0962629818304724},
	doi = {10.1016/j.polgeo.2019.102067},
	abstract = {The massive increase of pesticide use in transgenic agriculture has sparked conflicts in the heartland of Argentinean agriculture. These political conflicts have led to an extension of pesticide regulation from the national and provincial to the municipal scale, and – simultaneously – to an extension from agrarian policy to environmental and health policy, and later to urban and regional planning. These intertwined territorial and sectoral changes to pesticide regulation cannot be explained by the existing literature about advocacy strategies which separates territorial and sectoral analyses. Based on the concepts of boundary control, politics of scale, and venue shopping, I elaborate three advocacy strategies: closing, opening, and change of territorial and sectoral decision arenas. I conducted a single case study of the conflict about pesticide use near the urban area of San Francisco (province of Córdoba) based on qualitative data collected during research trips to Argentina. The success and failure of the advocacy strategies applied by the pro-pesticide and the anti-pesticide coalitions explain the adoption of a strict municipal pesticide law in the town San Francisco dominated by agriculture, the subsequent failure of the implementation of a (unanimously adopted) law, and the later reform attempt to water down the municipal pesticide law. The empirical case shows that the advocacy strategies are not only selected based on the position of an advocacy group in the power relations, as stated in the literature, but that they are also based on the accordance of the beliefs and interests of an advocacy group to the valid policy definition.},
	urldate = {2024-01-23},
	journal = {Political Geography},
	author = {Rauchecker, Markus},
	month = nov,
	year = {2019},
	keywords = {Argentina, Boundary control, Environmental conflicts, Glyphosate, Politics of scale, Venue shopping},
	pages = {102067},
}

The massive increase of pesticide use in transgenic agriculture has sparked conflicts in the heartland of Argentinean agriculture. These political conflicts have led to an extension of pesticide regulation from the national and provincial to the municipal scale, and – simultaneously – to an extension from agrarian policy to environmental and health policy, and later to urban and regional planning. These intertwined territorial and sectoral changes to pesticide regulation cannot be explained by the existing literature about advocacy strategies which separates territorial and sectoral analyses. Based on the concepts of boundary control, politics of scale, and venue shopping, I elaborate three advocacy strategies: closing, opening, and change of territorial and sectoral decision arenas. I conducted a single case study of the conflict about pesticide use near the urban area of San Francisco (province of Córdoba) based on qualitative data collected during research trips to Argentina. The success and failure of the advocacy strategies applied by the pro-pesticide and the anti-pesticide coalitions explain the adoption of a strict municipal pesticide law in the town San Francisco dominated by agriculture, the subsequent failure of the implementation of a (unanimously adopted) law, and the later reform attempt to water down the municipal pesticide law. The empirical case shows that the advocacy strategies are not only selected based on the position of an advocacy group in the power relations, as stated in the literature, but that they are also based on the accordance of the beliefs and interests of an advocacy group to the valid policy definition.

@article{arancibia_undone_2019,
	title = {Undone {Science} and {Counter}-{Expertise}: {Fighting} for {Justice} in an {Argentine} {Community} {Contaminated} by {Pesticides}},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {0950-5431},
	shorttitle = {Undone {Science} and {Counter}-{Expertise}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/09505431.2018.1533936},
	doi = {10.1080/09505431.2018.1533936},
	abstract = {STS and social movement scholars have shown the importance of ‘getting undone science done’ to advance the goals of social movements fighting environmental health injustice. The production and mobilization of counter-expertise, meaning the reliance on expertise, broadly construed, to contest regulatory decisions based on scientific knowledge, must be further analyzed by differentiating among types of expertise and strategies to mobilize them. In social mobilization against the unrestricted use of pesticides in Argentina, the affected community in Ituzaingó Anexo developed three types of expertise. The community first drew upon its own local knowledge of cases of illness and, as lay people, produced the first epidemiological map of this area. Then, they enrolled scientists and NGOs as allies to jointly learn about pesticide contamination as an explanation for illness. The enlisted scientists produced new knowledge by conducting environmental and epidemiological studies. Finally, sympathetic public health authorities, legal experts, and a district attorney designed a successful legal strategy to stop fumigations in that area and enforce local regulations. The case confirms the importance of producing undone science, and shows that its effectiveness can be explained by intertwined strategies deployed by a triad of lay/local, scientific, and legal experts to overcome the expertise barrier.},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2024-01-23},
	journal = {Science as Culture},
	author = {Arancibia, Florencia and Motta, Renata},
	month = jul,
	year = {2019},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/09505431.2018.1533936},
	keywords = {Argentina, Health-environmental justice, expertise, pesticides, social movements, undone science},
	pages = {277--302},
}

STS and social movement scholars have shown the importance of ‘getting undone science done’ to advance the goals of social movements fighting environmental health injustice. The production and mobilization of counter-expertise, meaning the reliance on expertise, broadly construed, to contest regulatory decisions based on scientific knowledge, must be further analyzed by differentiating among types of expertise and strategies to mobilize them. In social mobilization against the unrestricted use of pesticides in Argentina, the affected community in Ituzaingó Anexo developed three types of expertise. The community first drew upon its own local knowledge of cases of illness and, as lay people, produced the first epidemiological map of this area. Then, they enrolled scientists and NGOs as allies to jointly learn about pesticide contamination as an explanation for illness. The enlisted scientists produced new knowledge by conducting environmental and epidemiological studies. Finally, sympathetic public health authorities, legal experts, and a district attorney designed a successful legal strategy to stop fumigations in that area and enforce local regulations. The case confirms the importance of producing undone science, and shows that its effectiveness can be explained by intertwined strategies deployed by a triad of lay/local, scientific, and legal experts to overcome the expertise barrier.

@book{boudia_gouverner_2019,
	address = {Versailles},
	edition = {Quae},
	series = {Sciences en question},
	title = {Gouverner un monde toxique},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/lectures/35475},
	abstract = {Depuis plusieurs années, Soraya Boudia et Nathalie Jas participent au développement d’une réflexion collective, entre sociologie, histoire et science politique, sur la contamination du monde par des substances toxiques, sur ses conséquences concrètes, et sur les modes de gouvernement qui l’ont rendue – et continuent de la rendre – possible. Parmi les jalons de ce programme de recherche, on peut citer deux livres qu’elles ont codirigés, Toxicants, Health and Regulation since 1945 et Powerless ...},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	author = {Boudia, Soraya and Jas, Nathalie},
	year = {2019},
}

Depuis plusieurs années, Soraya Boudia et Nathalie Jas participent au développement d’une réflexion collective, entre sociologie, histoire et science politique, sur la contamination du monde par des substances toxiques, sur ses conséquences concrètes, et sur les modes de gouvernement qui l’ont rendue – et continuent de la rendre – possible. Parmi les jalons de ce programme de recherche, on peut citer deux livres qu’elles ont codirigés, Toxicants, Health and Regulation since 1945 et Powerless ...

@book{foucart_et_2019,
	edition = {Seuil},
	title = {Et le monde devint silencieux {Comment} l'agrochimie a détruit les insectes},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	author = {Foucart, Stéphane},
	year = {2019},
}

@article{bureau-point_substances_2019,
	title = {Substances chimiques et peurs alimentaires au {Cambodge}},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {1620-3224},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/moussons/5417},
	doi = {10.4000/moussons.5417},
	abstract = {Les substances chimiques (ជាតិគីមី jāti gīmī) présentes dans l’alimentation font l’objet d’une préoccupation collective croissante au Cambodge. Malgré leur caractère invisible, l’idée selon laquelle les aliments contiennent des résidus chimiques néfastes pour la santé, a fait son chemin. Tout un ensemble de peurs alimentaires émergent. Un nouvel imaginaire des aliments se répand et chacun tente de mettre en place des stratégies pour s’arranger avec la peur de la contamination. À partir d’une étude ethnographique réalisée au Cambodge entre juin 2018 et mars 2019 auprès de citadins, d’agriculteurs, de vendeurs de riz, de produits frais et de vendeurs d’intrants agricoles, cet article rend compte des imaginaires collectifs des aliments et des accommodements qui s’élaborent en réaction à la peur de la contamination.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {34},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Moussons. Recherche en sciences humaines sur l’Asie du Sud-Est},
	author = {Bureau-Point, Ève and Doeurn, Seyha},
	month = nov,
	year = {2019},
	keywords = {Cambodge, imaginaire, invisibilité, pesticides, peurs alimentaires, santé},
	pages = {109--140},
}

Les substances chimiques (ជាតិគីមី jāti gīmī) présentes dans l’alimentation font l’objet d’une préoccupation collective croissante au Cambodge. Malgré leur caractère invisible, l’idée selon laquelle les aliments contiennent des résidus chimiques néfastes pour la santé, a fait son chemin. Tout un ensemble de peurs alimentaires émergent. Un nouvel imaginaire des aliments se répand et chacun tente de mettre en place des stratégies pour s’arranger avec la peur de la contamination. À partir d’une étude ethnographique réalisée au Cambodge entre juin 2018 et mars 2019 auprès de citadins, d’agriculteurs, de vendeurs de riz, de produits frais et de vendeurs d’intrants agricoles, cet article rend compte des imaginaires collectifs des aliments et des accommodements qui s’élaborent en réaction à la peur de la contamination.

@book{mart_pesticides_2018,
	title = {Pesticides, {A} {Love} {Story}: {America}'s {Enduring} {Embrace} of {Dangerous} {Chemicals}},
	isbn = {978-0-7006-2649-6},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides, {A} {Love} {Story}},
	abstract = {\"Presto! No More Pests!\" proclaimed a 1955 article introducing two new pesticides, \"miracle-workers for the housewife and back-yard farmer.\" Easy to use, effective, and safe: who wouldn\&\#39;t love synthetic pesticides? Apparently most Americans did—and apparently still do. Why—in the face of dire warnings, rising expense, and declining effectiveness—do we cling to our chemicals? Michelle Mart wondered. Her book, a cultural history of pesticide use in postwar America, offers an answer.America\&\#39;s embrace of synthetic pesticides began when they burst on the scene during World War II and has held steady into the 21st century—for example, more than 90\% of soybeans grown in the US in 2008 are Roundup Ready GMOs, dependent upon generous use of the herbicide glyphosate to control weeds. Mart investigates the attraction of pesticides, with their up-to-the-minute promise of modernity, sophisticated technology, and increased productivity—in short, their appeal to human dreams of controlling nature. She also considers how they reinforced Cold War assumptions of Western economic and material superiority.Though the publication of Rachel Carson\&\#39;s Silent Spring and the rise of environmentalism might have marked a turning point in Americans\&\#39; faith in pesticides, statistics tell a different story. Pesticides, a Love Story recounts the campaign against DDT that famously ensued; but the book also shows where our notions of Silent Spring\&\#39;s revolutionary impact falter—where, in spite of a ban on DDT, farm use of pesticides in the United States more than doubled in the thirty years after the book was published. As a cultural survey of popular and political attitudes toward pesticides, Pesticides, a Love Story tries to make sense of this seeming paradox. At heart, it is an exploration of the story we tell ourselves about the costs and benefits of pesticides—and how corporations, government officials, ordinary citizens, and the press shape that story to reflect our ideals, interests, and emotions.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {University Press of Kansas},
	author = {Mart, Michelle},
	month = jan,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: kQitEAAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {History / United States / 20th Century},
}

"Presto! No More Pests!" proclaimed a 1955 article introducing two new pesticides, "miracle-workers for the housewife and back-yard farmer." Easy to use, effective, and safe: who wouldn't love synthetic pesticides? Apparently most Americans did—and apparently still do. Why—in the face of dire warnings, rising expense, and declining effectiveness—do we cling to our chemicals? Michelle Mart wondered. Her book, a cultural history of pesticide use in postwar America, offers an answer.America's embrace of synthetic pesticides began when they burst on the scene during World War II and has held steady into the 21st century—for example, more than 90% of soybeans grown in the US in 2008 are Roundup Ready GMOs, dependent upon generous use of the herbicide glyphosate to control weeds. Mart investigates the attraction of pesticides, with their up-to-the-minute promise of modernity, sophisticated technology, and increased productivity—in short, their appeal to human dreams of controlling nature. She also considers how they reinforced Cold War assumptions of Western economic and material superiority.Though the publication of Rachel Carson's Silent Spring and the rise of environmentalism might have marked a turning point in Americans' faith in pesticides, statistics tell a different story. Pesticides, a Love Story recounts the campaign against DDT that famously ensued; but the book also shows where our notions of Silent Spring's revolutionary impact falter—where, in spite of a ban on DDT, farm use of pesticides in the United States more than doubled in the thirty years after the book was published. As a cultural survey of popular and political attitudes toward pesticides, Pesticides, a Love Story tries to make sense of this seeming paradox. At heart, it is an exploration of the story we tell ourselves about the costs and benefits of pesticides—and how corporations, government officials, ordinary citizens, and the press shape that story to reflect our ideals, interests, and emotions.

@article{williams_that_2018,
	title = {“{That} we may live”: {Pesticides}, plantations, and environmental racism in the {United} {States} {South}},
	volume = {1},
	issn = {2514-8486},
	shorttitle = {“{That} we may live”},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/2514848618778085},
	doi = {10.1177/2514848618778085},
	abstract = {This article situates pesticides as technologies marked by both continuities and discontinuities from previous modes of agrarian racism in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, a plantation region of the United States South. Attention to the historical-geographical specificity of pesticide intensification, I argue, provides the means to understand pesticide intensification as a mode of what I term agro-environmental racism. Anti-Black racism shaped the politics of pesticides, underpinning policies and material practices that were destructive of both the environment and human welfare in the Delta and beyond. The structures and ideologies of plantation racism helped position the Delta as one of the most pesticide-intensive sectors of U.S. agriculture during the mid-20th century—a particularly consequential period for both the intensification of pesticides and the formation of contemporary environmentalism. Pesticides were defended by agro-industrial interests as technologies supporting agricultural production—and particularly that of cotton, the most pesticide-intensive commodity crop. Simultaneously, they were figured as technologies crucial to a normative way of life. Although pesticides were articulated without explicit mention of race by the 1960s, I argue that the freedom struggle activism of the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union and Fannie Lou Hamer provide context necessary to explain the pesticide politics of the Delta’s plantation bloc. These mobilizations to enact more just, sustainable, and livable geographies were an indictment of a plantation politics which put the health of cotton and profitability of plantations above all else.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1-2},
	urldate = {2024-12-17},
	journal = {Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space},
	author = {Williams, Brian},
	month = mar,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd STM},
	keywords = {Black geographies, Environmental racism, agriculture, chemical geographies, cotton plantations, environmental justice, pesticides, political ecology},
	pages = {243--267},
}

This article situates pesticides as technologies marked by both continuities and discontinuities from previous modes of agrarian racism in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, a plantation region of the United States South. Attention to the historical-geographical specificity of pesticide intensification, I argue, provides the means to understand pesticide intensification as a mode of what I term agro-environmental racism. Anti-Black racism shaped the politics of pesticides, underpinning policies and material practices that were destructive of both the environment and human welfare in the Delta and beyond. The structures and ideologies of plantation racism helped position the Delta as one of the most pesticide-intensive sectors of U.S. agriculture during the mid-20th century—a particularly consequential period for both the intensification of pesticides and the formation of contemporary environmentalism. Pesticides were defended by agro-industrial interests as technologies supporting agricultural production—and particularly that of cotton, the most pesticide-intensive commodity crop. Simultaneously, they were figured as technologies crucial to a normative way of life. Although pesticides were articulated without explicit mention of race by the 1960s, I argue that the freedom struggle activism of the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union and Fannie Lou Hamer provide context necessary to explain the pesticide politics of the Delta’s plantation bloc. These mobilizations to enact more just, sustainable, and livable geographies were an indictment of a plantation politics which put the health of cotton and profitability of plantations above all else.

@inproceedings{demortain_are_2018,
	title = {Are scientists agents of corporate power on public policy? {Food} and chemicals firms, the {International} {Life} {Science} {Institute} ({ILSI}) and the use of science for diffuse lobbying strategies},
	shorttitle = {Are scientists agents of corporate power on public policy?},
	abstract = {The notion of "corporate authority" implies that corporations have achieved a certain degree of legitimacy and credibility in their engagement with the workings of policy. One of these sources of legitimacy and credibility is science, indeed a resource that corporations seem to have learnt to accumulate and leverage. Journalistic investigations, documents released in Courts or historical research suggest that the hiring of scientists and scientific consultants as part of corporate lobbying strategies, is common practice, for instance in the chemical industry at large. Some scientists maintain ties with corporations, sometimes over long periods of time, to such an extent that they are in a position of conflict of interest when they are asked, by public authorities, to review data and help assess risk. They are positioned in expert committees or regulatory agencies to, at least implicitly, comfort the defense of corporate interests. They have become but one component of broader lobbying strategies developed by corporations to circle regulators and policy-makers, and shape their thinking. In this paper, I cover the case of one vehicle of such science-borne strategy of regulatory influence, the International Life Science Institute, to show that the power of corporations on public policy should less be measured by their capacity to shape a given decision concerning their product and commercial interests, and to hire a given scientist to influence the outcome of a regulatory process, than to shape the framework of policy-making by acting simultaneously in a diversity of institutional places. 2},
	author = {Demortain, David},
	month = jun,
	year = {2018},
}

The notion of "corporate authority" implies that corporations have achieved a certain degree of legitimacy and credibility in their engagement with the workings of policy. One of these sources of legitimacy and credibility is science, indeed a resource that corporations seem to have learnt to accumulate and leverage. Journalistic investigations, documents released in Courts or historical research suggest that the hiring of scientists and scientific consultants as part of corporate lobbying strategies, is common practice, for instance in the chemical industry at large. Some scientists maintain ties with corporations, sometimes over long periods of time, to such an extent that they are in a position of conflict of interest when they are asked, by public authorities, to review data and help assess risk. They are positioned in expert committees or regulatory agencies to, at least implicitly, comfort the defense of corporate interests. They have become but one component of broader lobbying strategies developed by corporations to circle regulators and policy-makers, and shape their thinking. In this paper, I cover the case of one vehicle of such science-borne strategy of regulatory influence, the International Life Science Institute, to show that the power of corporations on public policy should less be measured by their capacity to shape a given decision concerning their product and commercial interests, and to hire a given scientist to influence the outcome of a regulatory process, than to shape the framework of policy-making by acting simultaneously in a diversity of institutional places. 2

@article{fontans-alvarez_vinculos_2018,
	title = {Los vínculos entre la investigación sobre agrotóxicos y multinacionales agroindustriales: el caso del glifosato},
	volume = {46},
	copyright = {Copyright (c) 2018 Agro sur},
	issn = {0304-8802},
	shorttitle = {Los vínculos entre la investigación sobre agrotóxicos y multinacionales agroindustriales},
	url = {http://revistas.uach.cl/index.php/agrosur/article/view/5927},
	doi = {10.4206/agrosur.2018.v46n2-09},
	abstract = {Nowadays, glyphosate is the most used herbicide in the southern cone. Its effects on human health, particularly the carcinogenic ones, are evaluated as far as from the 80s. In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer belonging to the WHO classified it as “probably carcinogenic in humans”. A year later this organism and the FAO concluded that it is improbable that it presents carcinogenic effects. The European Commission, after assuring that it was not detrimental, approved in renewing its license; although there was conclusive scientific evidence as being a probable carcinogenic substance. There are antagonistic ideological positions between the economic interests of the technological and farming development and social movements which question the consolidation of this productive model because of their consequences. These social movements question: what scientific knowledge is generated? who generates it? and how? This work contributes to the debate of those questions, characterizing the production of scientific knowledge in the mainstream of the Web of Science (WOS), linked to the 6 greatest world agroindustrial multinationals: Basf, Bayer, Dow Agroscience, Dupont, Monsanto and Syngenta. The results show delay or generalized absence of analysis of the environmental and human health impacts of glyphosate (1970-2011). Currently, in this frame of worldwide and intensive use of glyphosate a slight increase in the evaluation of its effects was detected but still remains low.},
	language = {es},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Agro sur},
	author = {Fontans-Álvarez, E. and Sosa, B. and Fonseca, A. Da and Gazzano, I. and Achkar, M. and Altieri, M.},
	month = aug,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Number: 2},
	pages = {71--80},
}

Nowadays, glyphosate is the most used herbicide in the southern cone. Its effects on human health, particularly the carcinogenic ones, are evaluated as far as from the 80s. In 2015, the International Agency for Research on Cancer belonging to the WHO classified it as “probably carcinogenic in humans”. A year later this organism and the FAO concluded that it is improbable that it presents carcinogenic effects. The European Commission, after assuring that it was not detrimental, approved in renewing its license; although there was conclusive scientific evidence as being a probable carcinogenic substance. There are antagonistic ideological positions between the economic interests of the technological and farming development and social movements which question the consolidation of this productive model because of their consequences. These social movements question: what scientific knowledge is generated? who generates it? and how? This work contributes to the debate of those questions, characterizing the production of scientific knowledge in the mainstream of the Web of Science (WOS), linked to the 6 greatest world agroindustrial multinationals: Basf, Bayer, Dow Agroscience, Dupont, Monsanto and Syngenta. The results show delay or generalized absence of analysis of the environmental and human health impacts of glyphosate (1970-2011). Currently, in this frame of worldwide and intensive use of glyphosate a slight increase in the evaluation of its effects was detected but still remains low.

@article{fabbri_influence_2018,
	title = {The {Influence} of {Industry} {Sponsorship} on the {Research} {Agenda}: {A} {Scoping} {Review}},
	volume = {108},
	issn = {0090-0036},
	shorttitle = {The {Influence} of {Industry} {Sponsorship} on the {Research} {Agenda}},
	url = {https://ajph.aphapublications.org/doi/full/10.2105/AJPH.2018.304677},
	doi = {10.2105/AJPH.2018.304677},
	abstract = {Background. Corporate interests have the potential to influence public debate and policymaking by influencing the research agenda, namely the initial step in conducting research, in which the purpose of the study is defined and the questions are framed.

Objectives. We conducted a scoping review to identify and synthesize studies that explored the influence of industry sponsorship on research agendas across different fields.

Search Methods. We searched MEDLINE, Scopus, and Embase (from inception to September 2017) for all original research and systematic reviews addressing corporate influence on the research agenda. We hand searched the reference lists of included studies and contacted experts in the field to identify additional studies.

Selection Criteria. We included empirical articles and systematic reviews that explored industry sponsorship of research and its influence on research agendas in any field. There were no restrictions on study design, language, or outcomes measured. We excluded editorials, letters, and commentaries as well as articles that exclusively focused on the influence of industry sponsorship on other phases of research such as methods, results, and conclusions or if industry sponsorship was not reported separately from other funding sources.

Data Collection and Analysis. At least 2 authors independently screened and then extracted any quantitative or qualitative data from each study. We grouped studies thematically for descriptive analysis by design and outcome reported. We developed the themes inductively until all studies were accounted for. Two investigators independently rated the level of evidence of the included studies using the Oxford Centre for Evidence-Based Medicine ratings.

Main Results. We included 36 articles. Nineteen cross-sectional studies quantitatively analyzed patterns in research topics by sponsorship and showed that industry tends to prioritize lines of inquiry that focus on products, processes, or activities that can be commercialized. Seven studies analyzed internal industry documents and provided insight on the strategies the industry used to reshape entire fields of research through the prioritization of topics that supported its policy and legal positions. Ten studies used surveys and interviews to explore the researchers’ experiences and perceptions of the influence of industry funding on research agendas, showing that they were generally aware of the risk that sponsorship could influence the choice of research priorities.

Conclusions. Corporate interests can drive research agendas away from questions that are the most relevant for public health. Strategies to counteract corporate influence on the research agenda are needed, including heightened disclosure of funding sources and conflicts of interest in published articles to allow an assessment of commercial biases. We also recommend policy actions beyond disclosure such as increasing funding for independent research and strict guidelines to regulate the interaction of research institutes with commercial entities.

Public Health Implications. The influence on the research agenda has given the industry the potential to affect policymaking by influencing the type of evidence that is available and the kinds of public health solutions considered. The results of our scoping review support the need to develop strategies to counteract corporate influence on the research agenda.},
	number = {11},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {American Journal of Public Health},
	author = {Fabbri, Alice and Lai, Alexandra and Grundy, Quinn and Bero, Lisa Anne},
	month = nov,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: American Public Health Association},
	pages = {e9--e16},
}

Background. Corporate interests have the potential to influence public debate and policymaking by influencing the research agenda, namely the initial step in conducting research, in which the purpose of the study is defined and the questions are framed. Objectives. We conducted a scoping review to identify and synthesize studies that explored the influence of industry sponsorship on research agendas across different fields. Search Methods. We searched MEDLINE, Scopus, and Embase (from inception to September 2017) for all original research and systematic reviews addressing corporate influence on the research agenda. We hand searched the reference lists of included studies and contacted experts in the field to identify additional studies. Selection Criteria. We included empirical articles and systematic reviews that explored industry sponsorship of research and its influence on research agendas in any field. There were no restrictions on study design, language, or outcomes measured. We excluded editorials, letters, and commentaries as well as articles that exclusively focused on the influence of industry sponsorship on other phases of research such as methods, results, and conclusions or if industry sponsorship was not reported separately from other funding sources. Data Collection and Analysis. At least 2 authors independently screened and then extracted any quantitative or qualitative data from each study. We grouped studies thematically for descriptive analysis by design and outcome reported. We developed the themes inductively until all studies were accounted for. Two investigators independently rated the level of evidence of the included studies using the Oxford Centre for Evidence-Based Medicine ratings. Main Results. We included 36 articles. Nineteen cross-sectional studies quantitatively analyzed patterns in research topics by sponsorship and showed that industry tends to prioritize lines of inquiry that focus on products, processes, or activities that can be commercialized. Seven studies analyzed internal industry documents and provided insight on the strategies the industry used to reshape entire fields of research through the prioritization of topics that supported its policy and legal positions. Ten studies used surveys and interviews to explore the researchers’ experiences and perceptions of the influence of industry funding on research agendas, showing that they were generally aware of the risk that sponsorship could influence the choice of research priorities. Conclusions. Corporate interests can drive research agendas away from questions that are the most relevant for public health. Strategies to counteract corporate influence on the research agenda are needed, including heightened disclosure of funding sources and conflicts of interest in published articles to allow an assessment of commercial biases. We also recommend policy actions beyond disclosure such as increasing funding for independent research and strict guidelines to regulate the interaction of research institutes with commercial entities. Public Health Implications. The influence on the research agenda has given the industry the potential to affect policymaking by influencing the type of evidence that is available and the kinds of public health solutions considered. The results of our scoping review support the need to develop strategies to counteract corporate influence on the research agenda.

@article{clapp_mega-mergers_2018,
	title = {Mega-{Mergers} on the {Menu}: {Corporate} {Concentration} and the {Politics} of {Sustainability} in the {Global} {Food} {System}},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {1526-3800},
	shorttitle = {Mega-{Mergers} on the {Menu}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00454},
	doi = {10.1162/glep_a_00454},
	abstract = {The agricultural input industry has become more concentrated in the wake of recently announced corporate mergers in the sector. This article examines the environmental implications of corporate concentration in the agricultural input sector and outlines the challenges of establishing effective international policy and governance on this issue. The article makes two arguments. First, corporate concentration matters for food system sustainability. Consolidation in the global seed and agro-chemical industries has been deeply entwined with the rise of industrial agriculture, which has been associated with a host of environmental problems including an increase in agro-chemical use and the loss of agricultural biodiversity. Second, although corporate concentration has important sustainability implications, there is little recognition of the potential connection between these issues in international governance measures. The article outlines a number of factors that discourage the development of policy and governance on these issues, including the lack of a clear scientific consensus on how best to promote sustainable agriculture; the weak and fragmented nature of regulatory frameworks and institutions that oversee competition policy and food system sustainability; the power of agribusiness firms to influence policy outcomes; and the complex and distanced nature of the underlying drivers of corporate concentration in the sector.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Global Environmental Politics},
	author = {Clapp, Jennifer},
	month = may,
	year = {2018},
	pages = {12--33},
}

The agricultural input industry has become more concentrated in the wake of recently announced corporate mergers in the sector. This article examines the environmental implications of corporate concentration in the agricultural input sector and outlines the challenges of establishing effective international policy and governance on this issue. The article makes two arguments. First, corporate concentration matters for food system sustainability. Consolidation in the global seed and agro-chemical industries has been deeply entwined with the rise of industrial agriculture, which has been associated with a host of environmental problems including an increase in agro-chemical use and the loss of agricultural biodiversity. Second, although corporate concentration has important sustainability implications, there is little recognition of the potential connection between these issues in international governance measures. The article outlines a number of factors that discourage the development of policy and governance on these issues, including the lack of a clear scientific consensus on how best to promote sustainable agriculture; the weak and fragmented nature of regulatory frameworks and institutions that oversee competition policy and food system sustainability; the power of agribusiness firms to influence policy outcomes; and the complex and distanced nature of the underlying drivers of corporate concentration in the sector.

@article{brisbois_political_2018,
	title = {Political {Ecologies} of {Global} {Health}: {Pesticide} {Exposure} in {Southwestern} {Ecuador}'s {Banana} {Industry}},
	volume = {50},
	issn = {00664812 (ISSN)},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-85020426331&doi=10.1111%2fanti.12340&partnerID=40&md5=996fa3a1ec6dc7c2487ae7503c530129},
	doi = {10.1111/anti.12340},
	abstract = {Pesticide exposure in Ecuador's banana industry reflects political economic and ecological processes that interact across scales to affect human health. We use this case study to illustrate opportunities for applying political ecology of health scholarship in the burgeoning field of global health. Drawing on an historical literature review and ethnographic data collected in Ecuador's El Oro province, we present three main areas where a political ecological approach can enrich global health scholarship: perceptive characterization of multi-scalar and ecologically entangled pathways to health outcomes; critical analysis of discursive dynamics such as competing scalar narratives; and appreciation of the environment-linked subjectivities and emotions of people experiencing globalized health impacts. Rapprochement between these fields may also provide political ecologists with access to valuable empirical data on health outcomes, venues for engaged scholarship, and opportunities to synthesize numerous insightful case studies and discern broader patterns. © 2017 The Author. Antipode published by John Wiley \& Sons Ltd on behalf of Antipode Foundation Ltd.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Antipode},
	author = {Brisbois, B.W. and Harris, L. and Spiegel, J.M.},
	year = {2018},
	note = {Place: ["School of Population and Public Health, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada", "Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada", "Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Studies, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa"]
Publisher: Blackwell Publishing Inc.},
	keywords = {Ecuador, El Oro, Musa, Pesticides, ecosystem health, engaged scholarship, ethnography, global health, literature review, occupational exposure, occupational health, pesticide, political ecology, pollution exposure, public health},
	pages = {61--81},
}

Pesticide exposure in Ecuador's banana industry reflects political economic and ecological processes that interact across scales to affect human health. We use this case study to illustrate opportunities for applying political ecology of health scholarship in the burgeoning field of global health. Drawing on an historical literature review and ethnographic data collected in Ecuador's El Oro province, we present three main areas where a political ecological approach can enrich global health scholarship: perceptive characterization of multi-scalar and ecologically entangled pathways to health outcomes; critical analysis of discursive dynamics such as competing scalar narratives; and appreciation of the environment-linked subjectivities and emotions of people experiencing globalized health impacts. Rapprochement between these fields may also provide political ecologists with access to valuable empirical data on health outcomes, venues for engaged scholarship, and opportunities to synthesize numerous insightful case studies and discern broader patterns. © 2017 The Author. Antipode published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of Antipode Foundation Ltd.

@article{cardon_public_2018,
	title = {Public conviction with no scientific evidence: undone popular epidemiology and the denunciation of the health effects of pesticides in a {French} apple-growing region},
	volume = {4},
	issn = {null},
	shorttitle = {Public conviction with no scientific evidence},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/23251042.2017.1374231},
	doi = {10.1080/23251042.2017.1374231},
	abstract = {Popular epidemiology refers to processes in which a group of individuals collects, produces, and analyses heterogeneous data, in order to prove the negative effects of specific economic activities or infrastructures on their health and the environment. Despite the attention they receive, social movements that engage in popular epidemiology seldom come into being and, if they do, are often abandoned before they achieve their goal. This article draws on a qualitative sociological investigation carried out in a French region, where for many years, the development of industrial agriculture has led to concerns regarding the impact of pesticides on the population’s health. It describes the emergence of a protest movement and analyses the factors that encouraged this movement to accept a certain level of uncertainty regarding the toxicity of pesticides and to devote few resources to scientific activities. More generally, this article suggests that taking into account the national structuration of environmental movements and their legal contexts is crucial to understanding popular epidemiology processes and the relationship between social movements and science.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-11-01},
	journal = {Environmental Sociology},
	author = {Cardon, Vincent and Prete, Giovanni},
	month = apr,
	year = {2018},
	keywords = {Public health, popular epidemiology, risk, risk perception, undone science},
	pages = {253--263},
}

Popular epidemiology refers to processes in which a group of individuals collects, produces, and analyses heterogeneous data, in order to prove the negative effects of specific economic activities or infrastructures on their health and the environment. Despite the attention they receive, social movements that engage in popular epidemiology seldom come into being and, if they do, are often abandoned before they achieve their goal. This article draws on a qualitative sociological investigation carried out in a French region, where for many years, the development of industrial agriculture has led to concerns regarding the impact of pesticides on the population’s health. It describes the emergence of a protest movement and analyses the factors that encouraged this movement to accept a certain level of uncertainty regarding the toxicity of pesticides and to devote few resources to scientific activities. More generally, this article suggests that taking into account the national structuration of environmental movements and their legal contexts is crucial to understanding popular epidemiology processes and the relationship between social movements and science.

@article{salaris_vers_2018,
	title = {Vers une ethnographie comparée des émotions : des victimes du {Distilbène} aux victimes des pesticides},
	volume = {25},
	issn = {9782807392106},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-internationale-de-politique-comparee-2018-3-4-page-71.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/ripc.253.0071},
	abstract = {Longtemps délaissée ou décriée par les sciences sociales, l’étude des émotions connaît un regain d’intérêt ces dernières années, notamment dans la sociologie des mobilisations. La normalisation progressive de cet objet de recherche ne va cependant pas sans poser un certain nombre de questions – voire de « tourments » – pour l’enquêteur impliqué dans une recherche de ce type. Cela est d’autant plus vrai dans le cadre d’enquêtes ethnographiques où le chercheur se trouve directement engagé auprès de ses enquêtés et donc confronté à leurs affects et émotions. Pourtant, la combinaison d’une approche ethnographique et comparative dans le travail de recherche sur les émotions propose de nombreuses perspectives scientifiques. Ces méthodes permettent de saisir au mieux les états affectifs qui s’exercent et se manifestent empiriquement. Du fait, malgré les nombreuses difficultés méthodologiques de ce type d’enquêtes, l’approche comparative et l’investissement sur plusieurs terrains facilitent le travail de distanciation du chercheur. En s’appuyant sur l’expérience d’une enquête sur deux mobilisations émotionnelles – les mobilisations de victimes du Distilbène et les agriculteurs victimes des pesticides – cet article méthodologique se propose de présenter les apports de l’ethnographie comparée des émotions pour la sociologie et la science politique.},
	language = {FR},
	number = {3-4},
	journal = {Revue internationale de politique comparée},
	author = {Salaris, Coline},
	year = {2018},
	note = {Place: Louvain-la-Neuve
Publisher: De Boeck Supérieur},
	pages = {71--97},
}

Longtemps délaissée ou décriée par les sciences sociales, l’étude des émotions connaît un regain d’intérêt ces dernières années, notamment dans la sociologie des mobilisations. La normalisation progressive de cet objet de recherche ne va cependant pas sans poser un certain nombre de questions – voire de « tourments » – pour l’enquêteur impliqué dans une recherche de ce type. Cela est d’autant plus vrai dans le cadre d’enquêtes ethnographiques où le chercheur se trouve directement engagé auprès de ses enquêtés et donc confronté à leurs affects et émotions. Pourtant, la combinaison d’une approche ethnographique et comparative dans le travail de recherche sur les émotions propose de nombreuses perspectives scientifiques. Ces méthodes permettent de saisir au mieux les états affectifs qui s’exercent et se manifestent empiriquement. Du fait, malgré les nombreuses difficultés méthodologiques de ce type d’enquêtes, l’approche comparative et l’investissement sur plusieurs terrains facilitent le travail de distanciation du chercheur. En s’appuyant sur l’expérience d’une enquête sur deux mobilisations émotionnelles – les mobilisations de victimes du Distilbène et les agriculteurs victimes des pesticides – cet article méthodologique se propose de présenter les apports de l’ethnographie comparée des émotions pour la sociologie et la science politique.

@article{clausing_pesticides_2018,
	title = {Pesticides and public health: an analysis of the regulatory approach to assessing the carcinogenicity of glyphosate in the {European} {Union}},
	volume = {72},
	copyright = {© Article author(s) (or their employer(s) unless otherwise stated in the text of the article) 2018. All rights reserved. No commercial use is permitted unless otherwise expressly granted.. This is an open access article distributed in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution Non Commercial (CC BY-NC 4.0) license, which permits others to distribute, remix, adapt, build upon this work non-commercially, and license their derivative works on different terms, provided the original work is properly cited and the use is non-commercial. See: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/},
	issn = {0143-005X, 1470-2738},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides and public health},
	url = {https://jech.bmj.com/content/72/8/668},
	doi = {10.1136/jech-2017-209776},
	abstract = {The present paper scrutinises the European authorities’ assessment of the carcinogenic hazard posed by glyphosate based on Regulation (EC) 1272/2008. We use the authorities’ own criteria as a benchmark to analyse their weight of evidence (WoE) approach. Therefore, our analysis goes beyond the comparison of the assessments made by the European Food Safety Authority and the International Agency for Research on Cancer published by others. We show that not classifying glyphosate as a carcinogen by the European authorities, including the European Chemicals Agency, appears to be not consistent with, and in some instances, a direct violation of the applicable guidance and guideline documents. In particular, we criticise an arbitrary attenuation by the authorities of the power of statistical analyses; their disregard of existing dose–response relationships; their unjustified claim that the doses used in the mouse carcinogenicity studies were too high and their contention that the carcinogenic effects were not reproducible by focusing on quantitative and neglecting qualitative reproducibility. Further aspects incorrectly used were historical control data, multisite responses and progression of lesions to malignancy. Contrary to the authorities’ evaluations, proper application of statistical methods and WoE criteria inevitably leads to the conclusion that glyphosate is ‘probably carcinogenic’ (corresponding to category 1B in the European Union).},
	language = {en},
	number = {8},
	urldate = {2023-02-02},
	journal = {J Epidemiol Community Health},
	author = {Clausing, Peter and Robinson, Claire and Burtscher-Schaden, Helmut},
	month = aug,
	year = {2018},
	pmid = {29535253},
	note = {Publisher: BMJ Publishing Group Ltd
Section: Essay},
	keywords = {ECHA, EFSA, carcinogenicity, glyphosate, weight of evidence},
	pages = {668--672},
}

The present paper scrutinises the European authorities’ assessment of the carcinogenic hazard posed by glyphosate based on Regulation (EC) 1272/2008. We use the authorities’ own criteria as a benchmark to analyse their weight of evidence (WoE) approach. Therefore, our analysis goes beyond the comparison of the assessments made by the European Food Safety Authority and the International Agency for Research on Cancer published by others. We show that not classifying glyphosate as a carcinogen by the European authorities, including the European Chemicals Agency, appears to be not consistent with, and in some instances, a direct violation of the applicable guidance and guideline documents. In particular, we criticise an arbitrary attenuation by the authorities of the power of statistical analyses; their disregard of existing dose–response relationships; their unjustified claim that the doses used in the mouse carcinogenicity studies were too high and their contention that the carcinogenic effects were not reproducible by focusing on quantitative and neglecting qualitative reproducibility. Further aspects incorrectly used were historical control data, multisite responses and progression of lesions to malignancy. Contrary to the authorities’ evaluations, proper application of statistical methods and WoE criteria inevitably leads to the conclusion that glyphosate is ‘probably carcinogenic’ (corresponding to category 1B in the European Union).

@book{amiet_riverainete_2018,
	title = {La riveraineté à l'épreuve des pesticides: analyse exploratoire d'un risque diffus},
	isbn = {979-10-92006-06-3},
	shorttitle = {La riveraineté à l'épreuve des pesticides},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {La discussion.},
	author = {Amiet, Etienne},
	year = {2018},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: phORwgEACAAJ},
}

@article{leonelli_glyphosate_2018,
	title = {The glyphosate saga and the fading democratic legitimacy of {European} {Union} risk regulation},
	volume = {25},
	issn = {1023-263X},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1023263X18796981},
	doi = {10.1177/1023263X18796981},
	abstract = {This article endeavours to explore the glyphosate saga through the prism of a socially acceptable risk approach to the governance of public health and environmental risks in the European Union. After a brief overview on the nature and rationale of socially acceptable risk approaches, the article analyses the controversial case of glyphosate’s renewal of approval, casting light on the position of the agencies and institutions involved throughout the risk assessment and risk management phases. Against this overall backdrop, the article deconstructs the European Commission’s artificial legal narrative on ‘sound’ science and glyphosate and contends that the Commission had scientific and legal grounds, as well as compelling political reasons, to accept the requests put forward by the ‘Ban Glyphosate’ European Citizens’ Initiative and the European Parliament. The Commission relied on a narrow evidence-based approach, disregarding the widespread public perception that the uncertain risks posed by glyphosate are socially unacceptable, and ignoring the argument that the existing risk management measures are insufficient to achieve the intended EU level of public health and environmental protection. In so doing, the Commission has ultimately lost a crucial opportunity to re-legitimise and re-democratise EU risk regulation.},
	language = {en},
	number = {5},
	urldate = {2024-11-11},
	journal = {Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law},
	author = {Leonelli, Giulia Claudia},
	month = oct,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd},
	pages = {582--606},
}

This article endeavours to explore the glyphosate saga through the prism of a socially acceptable risk approach to the governance of public health and environmental risks in the European Union. After a brief overview on the nature and rationale of socially acceptable risk approaches, the article analyses the controversial case of glyphosate’s renewal of approval, casting light on the position of the agencies and institutions involved throughout the risk assessment and risk management phases. Against this overall backdrop, the article deconstructs the European Commission’s artificial legal narrative on ‘sound’ science and glyphosate and contends that the Commission had scientific and legal grounds, as well as compelling political reasons, to accept the requests put forward by the ‘Ban Glyphosate’ European Citizens’ Initiative and the European Parliament. The Commission relied on a narrow evidence-based approach, disregarding the widespread public perception that the uncertain risks posed by glyphosate are socially unacceptable, and ignoring the argument that the existing risk management measures are insufficient to achieve the intended EU level of public health and environmental protection. In so doing, the Commission has ultimately lost a crucial opportunity to re-legitimise and re-democratise EU risk regulation.

@article{romero_chemical_2017,
	title = {Chemical {Geographies}},
	volume = {3},
	issn = {2373-566X, 2373-5678},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/2373566X.2017.1298972},
	doi = {10.1080/2373566X.2017.1298972},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-12-05},
	journal = {GeoHumanities},
	author = {Romero, Adam M. and Guthman, Julie and Galt, Ryan E. and Huber, Matt and Mansfield, Becky and Sawyer, Suzana},
	month = jan,
	year = {2017},
	pages = {158--177},
}

@article{aulagnier_technologies_2017,
	title = {Des technologies controversées et de leurs alternatives. {Le} cas des pesticides agricoles en {France}},
	volume = {59},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {0038-0296},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/sdt/840},
	doi = {10.4000/sdt.840},
	abstract = {Dans cet article nous analysons les débats qui se tiennent au sein d’un plan d’action publique visant à identifier des leviers pour réduire la consommation de pesticides dans l’agriculture française. Nous montrons que la définition d’alternatives à cette technologie controversée est le théâtre de mises en concurrence entre différentes solutions candidates. Alors qu’une approche portée par les agronomes en faveur d’une transformation systémique des pratiques agricoles s’impose dans un premier temps, nous analysons les ressorts de l’irruption et du succès d’une approche concurrente, portée notamment par l’industrie des intrants agricoles et fondée sur la mise au point de produits de substitution aux pesticides. Dans le prolongement des travaux abordant la construction des problèmes publics, l’attention portée à la définition des solutions proposées en réponse à ces problèmes invite à s’interroger sur les temporalités dissonantes auxquelles sont soumis les décideurs publics et les acteurs technoscientifiques, et aux difficultés de ces derniers à faire face aux injonctions d’opérationnalisation de leurs travaux.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Sociologie du travail},
	author = {Aulagnier, Alexis and Goulet, Frédéric},
	month = aug,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Agriculture, Industrie, Pesticides, Problèmes publics, Science, Technologies alternatives, État},
}

Dans cet article nous analysons les débats qui se tiennent au sein d’un plan d’action publique visant à identifier des leviers pour réduire la consommation de pesticides dans l’agriculture française. Nous montrons que la définition d’alternatives à cette technologie controversée est le théâtre de mises en concurrence entre différentes solutions candidates. Alors qu’une approche portée par les agronomes en faveur d’une transformation systémique des pratiques agricoles s’impose dans un premier temps, nous analysons les ressorts de l’irruption et du succès d’une approche concurrente, portée notamment par l’industrie des intrants agricoles et fondée sur la mise au point de produits de substitution aux pesticides. Dans le prolongement des travaux abordant la construction des problèmes publics, l’attention portée à la définition des solutions proposées en réponse à ces problèmes invite à s’interroger sur les temporalités dissonantes auxquelles sont soumis les décideurs publics et les acteurs technoscientifiques, et aux difficultés de ces derniers à faire face aux injonctions d’opérationnalisation de leurs travaux.

@article{ansaloni_marche_2017,
	title = {Le marché comme instrument politique. {Le} désengagement de l'État dans l'usage des pesticides en {France}},
	volume = {105},
	issn = {1150-1944},
	shorttitle = {Le marché comme instrument politique},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-societes-contemporaines-2017-1-page-79.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/soco.105.0079},
	abstract = {ResumeÀ partir de l'exemple du marché de la formation préparant à l'obtention du certificat d'usage des pesticides, cet article appréhende une modalité centrale d'exercice du pouvoir politique contemporain par laquelle les agents de l'État initient un marché pour prendre en charge un problème public. Se démarquant des études sur la gouvernementalité, notre enquête révèle dans notre cas d'étude un évidement de la capacité d'action du ministère de l'Agriculture. Cette situation favorise l'autonomisation des pratiques marchandes vis-à-vis de la réglementation, donc l'hétéronomisation de l'action étatique. L'article analyse pourquoi, au moment de la création du marché comme lors de sa régulation, le rapport de force était défavorable aux agents du ministère de l'Agriculture, au profit de ses fournisseurs.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-27},
	journal = {Sociétés contemporaines},
	author = {Ansaloni, Matthieu},
	year = {2017},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Presses de Sciences Po},
	pages = {79--102},
}

ResumeÀ partir de l'exemple du marché de la formation préparant à l'obtention du certificat d'usage des pesticides, cet article appréhende une modalité centrale d'exercice du pouvoir politique contemporain par laquelle les agents de l'État initient un marché pour prendre en charge un problème public. Se démarquant des études sur la gouvernementalité, notre enquête révèle dans notre cas d'étude un évidement de la capacité d'action du ministère de l'Agriculture. Cette situation favorise l'autonomisation des pratiques marchandes vis-à-vis de la réglementation, donc l'hétéronomisation de l'action étatique. L'article analyse pourquoi, au moment de la création du marché comme lors de sa régulation, le rapport de force était défavorable aux agents du ministère de l'Agriculture, au profit de ses fournisseurs.

@article{villemaine_productivisme_2017,
	title = {Le productivisme agricole en images. {Une} analyse sociohistorique de couvertures illustrées de guides techniques (1959-2014)},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/itti/1017},
	doi = {10.4000/itti.1017},
	abstract = {Cet article analyse un corpus iconographique constitué de couvertures de guides techniques agricoles, distribués par des coopératives céréalières à leurs adhérents sur une période de près de cinquante ans (1959-2014). Ces couvertures illustrées témoignent du genre d’agriculture que ces coopératives cherchent à façonner au fil du temps, de la façon dont elles entendent (se) représenter et intéresser les agriculteurs, au sein d’un espace professionnel concurrentiel où elles doivent affirmer et défendre leur position face à des critiques diverses. Elles donnent ainsi à voir comment ces coopératives participent de la construction de l’imaginaire productiviste et de ses transformations. Dans les années 1960 et 1970, la dialectique de la pathologisation-médicalisation des cultures, pour inciter les agriculteurs à traiter, apparaît centrale. Dans les années 1980 et 1990, les pesticides et ennemis des cultures sont occultés au profit de la mise en avant de la production par la coopérative de connaissances technico-scientifiques pour une « agriculture raisonnée ». Au milieu des années 2000, une rhétorique du care se met en place, mettant en scène des chefs d’entreprises agricoles, fins agronomes et responsables, prenant soin du développement durable en bon père de famille.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {Images du travail, travail des images},
	author = {Villemaine, Robin},
	month = sep,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Number: 4
Publisher: Université de Poitiers},
	keywords = {France, agriculture, coopérative, productivisme, sociologie visuelle},
}

Cet article analyse un corpus iconographique constitué de couvertures de guides techniques agricoles, distribués par des coopératives céréalières à leurs adhérents sur une période de près de cinquante ans (1959-2014). Ces couvertures illustrées témoignent du genre d’agriculture que ces coopératives cherchent à façonner au fil du temps, de la façon dont elles entendent (se) représenter et intéresser les agriculteurs, au sein d’un espace professionnel concurrentiel où elles doivent affirmer et défendre leur position face à des critiques diverses. Elles donnent ainsi à voir comment ces coopératives participent de la construction de l’imaginaire productiviste et de ses transformations. Dans les années 1960 et 1970, la dialectique de la pathologisation-médicalisation des cultures, pour inciter les agriculteurs à traiter, apparaît centrale. Dans les années 1980 et 1990, les pesticides et ennemis des cultures sont occultés au profit de la mise en avant de la production par la coopérative de connaissances technico-scientifiques pour une « agriculture raisonnée ». Au milieu des années 2000, une rhétorique du care se met en place, mettant en scène des chefs d’entreprises agricoles, fins agronomes et responsables, prenant soin du développement durable en bon père de famille.

@article{jorgensen_downstream_2017,
	title = {Downstream management practices of transnational companies in institutionally vulnerable countries: {Export} and use of hazardous products},
	volume = {140},
	issn = {0959-6526},
	shorttitle = {Downstream management practices of transnational companies in institutionally vulnerable countries},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959652616316705},
	doi = {10.1016/j.jclepro.2016.10.060},
	abstract = {Analyses of social and environmental management in transnational product chains focus often upstream on suppliers in socially and institutionally vulnerable countries and these suppliers' hazardous processes. Furthermore focus is on transnational companies' responsibility when they source from such suppliers. On the contrary, not much focus has been on transnational companies' downstream export of hazardous products to vulnerable countries and the product use in those countries. The article uses pesticides as case of hazardous products and identifies mechanisms in the downstream social and environmental management of a Danish pesticide company in vulnerable countries and especially in Brazil. The identified mechanisms are: the transnational company's on-going interpretation of the regulatory and ethical obligations for development and use of its hazardous products in vulnerable countries, path dependency and path creation in the business strategy, geographical and organisational coverage of the management systems and practices, the willingness of the company to address social and institutional vulnerability in use countries, and the roles of users and other actors in development and facilitation of more sustainable practices. The mechanisms are discussed with reference to other analyses. In the conclusion the mechanisms are presented as themes in future research and civil society organisations' activities and as guidance in businesses' development and assessment of more sustainable management practices. The benefits of transnational research cooperation for this type of research are also discussed.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Journal of Cleaner Production},
	author = {Jørgensen, Michael Søgaard and Milanez, Bruno},
	month = jan,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Hazardous products, Innovation with users, Institutional vulnerability, Path dependency, Social constitution of company, Transnational company},
	pages = {1095--1104},
}

Analyses of social and environmental management in transnational product chains focus often upstream on suppliers in socially and institutionally vulnerable countries and these suppliers' hazardous processes. Furthermore focus is on transnational companies' responsibility when they source from such suppliers. On the contrary, not much focus has been on transnational companies' downstream export of hazardous products to vulnerable countries and the product use in those countries. The article uses pesticides as case of hazardous products and identifies mechanisms in the downstream social and environmental management of a Danish pesticide company in vulnerable countries and especially in Brazil. The identified mechanisms are: the transnational company's on-going interpretation of the regulatory and ethical obligations for development and use of its hazardous products in vulnerable countries, path dependency and path creation in the business strategy, geographical and organisational coverage of the management systems and practices, the willingness of the company to address social and institutional vulnerability in use countries, and the roles of users and other actors in development and facilitation of more sustainable practices. The mechanisms are discussed with reference to other analyses. In the conclusion the mechanisms are presented as themes in future research and civil society organisations' activities and as guidance in businesses' development and assessment of more sustainable management practices. The benefits of transnational research cooperation for this type of research are also discussed.

@article{jansen_business_2017,
	title = {Business {Conflict} and {Risk} {Regulation}: {Understanding} the {Influence} of the {Pesticide} {Industry}},
	volume = {17},
	issn = {1526-3800},
	shorttitle = {Business {Conflict} and {Risk} {Regulation}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1162/GLEP_a_00427},
	doi = {10.1162/GLEP_a_00427},
	abstract = {Despite the criticism, frequent in the literature, of business influence on the formulation of pesticide risk regulation, there has been remarkably little systematic study of this practice. This article discusses Costa Rica pesticide producers’ business influence on global and national efforts to improve risk regulation. Generic pesticide producers, selling off-patent chemicals, contest the views of traditional, research-based pesticide companies, which demand stricter application of global regulatory guidelines. These business sectors use different forms of power (as identified in neo-Gramscian theory) for bending regulation to their advantage. The argument developed here builds on neo-pluralist business conflict theory for explaining shifts in environmental governance. It challenges a recently made argument that business conflict increases the state’s ability to issue more restrictive environmental regulation. Instead, to truly understand the outcomes of business conflict–environmental governance interactions and the implementation of global environmental standards, researchers should analyze the structural heterogeneity within states.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Global Environmental Politics},
	author = {Jansen, Kees},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	pages = {48--66},
}

Despite the criticism, frequent in the literature, of business influence on the formulation of pesticide risk regulation, there has been remarkably little systematic study of this practice. This article discusses Costa Rica pesticide producers’ business influence on global and national efforts to improve risk regulation. Generic pesticide producers, selling off-patent chemicals, contest the views of traditional, research-based pesticide companies, which demand stricter application of global regulatory guidelines. These business sectors use different forms of power (as identified in neo-Gramscian theory) for bending regulation to their advantage. The argument developed here builds on neo-pluralist business conflict theory for explaining shifts in environmental governance. It challenges a recently made argument that business conflict increases the state’s ability to issue more restrictive environmental regulation. Instead, to truly understand the outcomes of business conflict–environmental governance interactions and the implementation of global environmental standards, researchers should analyze the structural heterogeneity within states.

@article{fouilleux_feeding_2017,
	title = {‘{Feeding} 9 billion people’: global food security debates and the productionist trap},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {1350-1763},
	shorttitle = {‘{Feeding} 9 billion people’},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1334084},
	doi = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1334084},
	abstract = {Food security, a long-established item on the international agenda, raises many issues including production, consumption, poverty, inequalities, healthcare and conflicts. However, in 2007/2008 the global food security debate was relaunched with a single dominant focus which continues to the present day: increasing agricultural production. This paper explains this productionist bias – which may translate into inadequate policies – by combining insights from institutionalist and cognitive analyses. We show that, despite recent reforms, the global food security field remains dominated by macro- and micro-institutions that put food availability and agricultural production at the heart of the problem and solutions. The political and discursive strategies developed by transnational corporations and private foundations to promote their productivist interests are also key, along with the demands of dominant farmers’ unions in exporting countries. Although advocating opposite development patterns, civil society actors implicitly reinforce the productionist perspective through their focus on family agriculture.},
	number = {11},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Journal of European Public Policy},
	author = {Fouilleux, Eve and Bricas, Nicolas and Alpha, Arlène},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2017.1334084},
	keywords = {FAO, TNC, global food security, global policy, productionism, productivism},
	pages = {1658--1677},
}

Food security, a long-established item on the international agenda, raises many issues including production, consumption, poverty, inequalities, healthcare and conflicts. However, in 2007/2008 the global food security debate was relaunched with a single dominant focus which continues to the present day: increasing agricultural production. This paper explains this productionist bias – which may translate into inadequate policies – by combining insights from institutionalist and cognitive analyses. We show that, despite recent reforms, the global food security field remains dominated by macro- and micro-institutions that put food availability and agricultural production at the heart of the problem and solutions. The political and discursive strategies developed by transnational corporations and private foundations to promote their productivist interests are also key, along with the demands of dominant farmers’ unions in exporting countries. Although advocating opposite development patterns, civil society actors implicitly reinforce the productionist perspective through their focus on family agriculture.

@article{jouzel_normalisation_2017,
	title = {La normalisation des alertes sanitaires. {Le} traitement administratif des données sur l’exposition des agriculteurs aux pesticides},
	volume = {96},
	issn = {9782275029061},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-droit-et-societe-2017-2-page-241.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/drs.096.0241},
	abstract = {Le traitement administratif des alertes sanitaires connaît actuellement une forte dynamique d’institutionnalisation, marquée par l’apparition d’agences dédiées et par l’adoption de textes de loi définissant et protégeant le statut des « lanceurs d’alerte ». Une conséquence peu étudiée de ce processus est la multiplication des agents administratifs qui jouent un rôle d’intermédiaires entre les acteurs sociaux qui lancent ces alertes et ceux qui les prennent en charge. À partir de l’analyse de la circulation d’une alerte mettant en cause l’efficacité de dispositifs de réduction des risques qui conditionnent l’autorisation de mise sur le marché des pesticides, cet article montre que ces acteurs intermédiaires peuvent favoriser la domestication des alertes sanitaires, c’est-à-dire leur traduction dans des termes moins problématiques pour les politiques publiques en place.},
	language = {FR},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Droit et société},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2017},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Lextenso},
	pages = {241--256},
}

Le traitement administratif des alertes sanitaires connaît actuellement une forte dynamique d’institutionnalisation, marquée par l’apparition d’agences dédiées et par l’adoption de textes de loi définissant et protégeant le statut des « lanceurs d’alerte ». Une conséquence peu étudiée de ce processus est la multiplication des agents administratifs qui jouent un rôle d’intermédiaires entre les acteurs sociaux qui lancent ces alertes et ceux qui les prennent en charge. À partir de l’analyse de la circulation d’une alerte mettant en cause l’efficacité de dispositifs de réduction des risques qui conditionnent l’autorisation de mise sur le marché des pesticides, cet article montre que ces acteurs intermédiaires peuvent favoriser la domestication des alertes sanitaires, c’est-à-dire leur traduction dans des termes moins problématiques pour les politiques publiques en place.

@article{bozzini_pesticide_2017,
	title = {Pesticide {Policy} and {Politics} in the {European} {Union}},
	issn = {978-3-319-52735-2},
	doi = {10.1007/978-3-319-52736-9},
	abstract = {This book explores the regulation of pesticides in the European Union in order to reveal the complex, controversial, and contested nature of an assessment system proudly declared by the EU to be ‘the strictest in the world’. The current regulatory framework is based on Regulation 1107/2009, which substantially reformed the previous system. The analysis describes the new criteria and procedures for the authorization of active substances to be used in the production of pesticides, traces the lengthy policy formulation process, and identifies factors that made policy change possible. Further, the book illustrates the current controversies that characterise the implementation of Regulation 1107/2009: the ban of pesticides harmful to pollinators, the renewal of the authorization of glyphosate, and the definition of criteria for the assessment of endocrine disruption. The author provides information on policy outcomes and highlights persisting shortcomings in the enforcement of EU regulation. This book will appeal to students and scholars from a variety of disciplines, including political science, political sociology, and public policy.},
	journal = {Pesticide Policy and Politics in the European Union: Regulatory Assessment, Implementation and Enforcement},
	author = {Bozzini, Emanuela},
	month = jan,
	year = {2017},
}

This book explores the regulation of pesticides in the European Union in order to reveal the complex, controversial, and contested nature of an assessment system proudly declared by the EU to be ‘the strictest in the world’. The current regulatory framework is based on Regulation 1107/2009, which substantially reformed the previous system. The analysis describes the new criteria and procedures for the authorization of active substances to be used in the production of pesticides, traces the lengthy policy formulation process, and identifies factors that made policy change possible. Further, the book illustrates the current controversies that characterise the implementation of Regulation 1107/2009: the ban of pesticides harmful to pollinators, the renewal of the authorization of glyphosate, and the definition of criteria for the assessment of endocrine disruption. The author provides information on policy outcomes and highlights persisting shortcomings in the enforcement of EU regulation. This book will appeal to students and scholars from a variety of disciplines, including political science, political sociology, and public policy.

@book{ackerman-leist_precautionary_2017,
	title = {A {Precautionary} {Tale}: {How} {One} {Small} {Town} {Banned} {Pesticides}, {Preserved} {Its} {Food} {Heritage}, and {Inspired} a {Movement}},
	isbn = {978-1-60358-706-8},
	shorttitle = {A {Precautionary} {Tale}},
	abstract = {Mals, Italy, has long been known as the breadbasket of the Tyrol. But recently the tiny town became known for something else entirely. A Precautionary Tale tells us why, introducing readers to an unlikely group of activists and a forward-thinking mayor who came together to ban pesticides in Mals by a referendum vote—making it the first place on Earth to accomplish such a feat, and a model for other towns and regions to follow.  For hundreds of years, the people of Mals had cherished their traditional foodways and kept their local agriculture organic. Their town had become a mecca for tourists drawn by the alpine landscape, the rural and historic character of the villages, and the fine breads, wines, cheeses, herbs, vegetables, and the other traditional foods they produced. Yet Mals is located high up in the eastern Alps, and the valley below was being steadily overtaken by big apple producers, heavily dependent on pesticides. As Big Apple crept further and further up the region’s mountainsides, their toxic spray drifted with the valley’s ever-present winds and began to fall on the farms and fields of Mals—threatening their organic certifications, as well as their health and that of their livestock.   The advancing threats gradually motivated a diverse cast of characters to take action—each in their own unique way, and then in concert in an iconic display of direct democracy in action. As Ackerman-Leist recounts their uprising, we meet an organic dairy farmer who decides to speak up when his hay is poisoned by drift; a pediatrician who engaged other medical professionals to protect the soil, water, and air that the health of her patients depends upon; a hairdresser whose salon conversations mobilized the town’s women in an extraordinarily conceived campaign; and others who together orchestrated one of the rare revolutionary successes of our time and inspired a movement now snaking its way through Europe and the United States.  A foreword by Vandana Shiva calls upon others to follow in Mals’s footsteps.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Chelsea Green Publishing},
	author = {Ackerman-Leist, Philip},
	month = oct,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: EsY7DwAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {History / Europe / General, History / Europe / Italy, Nature / Environmental Conservation \& Protection, Political Science / Public Policy / Agriculture \& Food Policy, Political Science / Public Policy / Environmental Policy, Social Science / Agriculture \& Food},
}

Mals, Italy, has long been known as the breadbasket of the Tyrol. But recently the tiny town became known for something else entirely. A Precautionary Tale tells us why, introducing readers to an unlikely group of activists and a forward-thinking mayor who came together to ban pesticides in Mals by a referendum vote—making it the first place on Earth to accomplish such a feat, and a model for other towns and regions to follow. For hundreds of years, the people of Mals had cherished their traditional foodways and kept their local agriculture organic. Their town had become a mecca for tourists drawn by the alpine landscape, the rural and historic character of the villages, and the fine breads, wines, cheeses, herbs, vegetables, and the other traditional foods they produced. Yet Mals is located high up in the eastern Alps, and the valley below was being steadily overtaken by big apple producers, heavily dependent on pesticides. As Big Apple crept further and further up the region’s mountainsides, their toxic spray drifted with the valley’s ever-present winds and began to fall on the farms and fields of Mals—threatening their organic certifications, as well as their health and that of their livestock. The advancing threats gradually motivated a diverse cast of characters to take action—each in their own unique way, and then in concert in an iconic display of direct democracy in action. As Ackerman-Leist recounts their uprising, we meet an organic dairy farmer who decides to speak up when his hay is poisoned by drift; a pediatrician who engaged other medical professionals to protect the soil, water, and air that the health of her patients depends upon; a hairdresser whose salon conversations mobilized the town’s women in an extraordinarily conceived campaign; and others who together orchestrated one of the rare revolutionary successes of our time and inspired a movement now snaking its way through Europe and the United States. A foreword by Vandana Shiva calls upon others to follow in Mals’s footsteps.

@book{tompkins_ghostworkers_2016,
	edition = {1},
	title = {Ghostworkers and {Greens}: {The} {Cooperative} {Campaigns} of {Farmworkers} and {Environmentalists} for {Pesticide} {Reform}},
	isbn = {978-0-8014-5668-8},
	shorttitle = {Ghostworkers and {Greens}},
	url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctt18kr5sh},
	abstract = {Throughout the twentieth century, despite compelling evidence that some pesticides posed a threat to human and environmental health, growers and the USDA continued to favor agricultural chemicals over cultural and biological forms of pest control. In \textit{Ghostworkers and Greens} , Adam Tompkins reveals a history of unexpected cooperation between farmworker groups and environmental organizations. Tompkins shows that the separate movements shared a common concern about the effects of pesticides on human health. This enabled bridge-builders within the disparate organizations to foster cooperative relationships around issues of mutual concern to share information, resources, and support.  Nongovernmental organizations, particularly environmental organizations and farmworker groups, played a key role in pesticide reform. For nearly fifty years, these groups served as educators, communicating to the public scientific and experiential information about the adverse effects of pesticides on human health and the environment, and built support for the amendment of pesticide policies and the alteration of pesticide use practices. Their efforts led to the passage of more stringent regulations to better protect farmworkers, the public, and the environment. Environmental organizations and farmworker groups also acted as watchdogs, monitoring the activity of regulatory agencies and bringing suit when necessary to ensure that they fulfilled their responsibilities to the public. These groups served as not only lobbyists but also essential components of successful democratic governance, ensuring public participation and more effective policy implementation.},
	urldate = {2023-01-25},
	publisher = {Cornell University Press},
	author = {Tompkins, Adam},
	year = {2016},
}

Throughout the twentieth century, despite compelling evidence that some pesticides posed a threat to human and environmental health, growers and the USDA continued to favor agricultural chemicals over cultural and biological forms of pest control. In Ghostworkers and Greens , Adam Tompkins reveals a history of unexpected cooperation between farmworker groups and environmental organizations. Tompkins shows that the separate movements shared a common concern about the effects of pesticides on human health. This enabled bridge-builders within the disparate organizations to foster cooperative relationships around issues of mutual concern to share information, resources, and support. Nongovernmental organizations, particularly environmental organizations and farmworker groups, played a key role in pesticide reform. For nearly fifty years, these groups served as educators, communicating to the public scientific and experiential information about the adverse effects of pesticides on human health and the environment, and built support for the amendment of pesticide policies and the alteration of pesticide use practices. Their efforts led to the passage of more stringent regulations to better protect farmworkers, the public, and the environment. Environmental organizations and farmworker groups also acted as watchdogs, monitoring the activity of regulatory agencies and bringing suit when necessary to ensure that they fulfilled their responsibilities to the public. These groups served as not only lobbyists but also essential components of successful democratic governance, ensuring public participation and more effective policy implementation.

@misc{noauthor_another_2016,
	title = {Another inconvenient truth: pesticides companies flood {EU} institutions paying millions of euros in lobbying},
	shorttitle = {Another inconvenient truth},
	url = {https://www.pan-europe.info/press-releases/2016/11/another-inconvenient-truth-pesticides-companies-flood-eu-institutions-paying},
	abstract = {Today, the European Crop Protection Association (ECPA) has organised a conference in the European Parliament on the importance of pesticides in EU agriculture. The fallacious century-old “we need to feed the world” argument is still regularly claimed by the pesticide industry to support a model that is a dead end: low-efficiency, high health costs, low employment rate, high environmental impacts. The real inconvenient truth is the conventional agriculture model has failed in Europe. Farmers are suffering: low incomes, health problems and more and more farms disappearing.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {PAN Europe},
	month = nov,
	year = {2016},
}

Today, the European Crop Protection Association (ECPA) has organised a conference in the European Parliament on the importance of pesticides in EU agriculture. The fallacious century-old “we need to feed the world” argument is still regularly claimed by the pesticide industry to support a model that is a dead end: low-efficiency, high health costs, low employment rate, high environmental impacts. The real inconvenient truth is the conventional agriculture model has failed in Europe. Farmers are suffering: low incomes, health problems and more and more farms disappearing.

@article{nicourt_mobilisations_2016,
	title = {Les mobilisations des victimes de pesticides ont-elles modifié les pratiques des viticulteurs languedociens ?},
	volume = {16},
	issn = {1492-8442},
	url = {https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/vertigo/2012-v12-n3-vertigo02678/1037584ar/},
	abstract = {The article proposes to consider a possible inflection of conceptions of winegrowers pains they suffer when applying pesticides. Now victims of pesticides have formed an association and have promoted the recognition of occupational diseases. This is a break. Among winegrowers investigated a decade ago, this conception change seems however limited. Indeed, contemporary shifts in the profession seem rather linked to the new crisis experienced by growers, forcing their work, especially into individualization. Their use of pesticides did not vary much. They do not notice abnormal mortalities among their colleagues, and the pains or diseases they suffer, while their individual use of pesticides, does not seem to be an alert for them. They still deny its scope by dissolving them in the wide category of work daily pains. For employers, perform treatments now becomes legally risky. It is mainly local residents, or institutions, rather than wine growers that now challenge the use of pesticides. While local authorities are concerned about quality of drinking water, the market is like a judge examining only incriminating facts. The demand for organic wines is growing, while cellarmen customer’s even oenologists challenge winegrowers on their pesticide use. Despite these inflections, the denial of winegrowers on the consequences of pains they suffer still seems mostly their only possible strategy.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {[VertigO] La revue électronique en sciences de l’environnement},
	author = {Nicourt, Christian},
	year = {2016},
	note = {Publisher: Université du Québec à Montréal},
	keywords = {bio, cancer, denial, déni, health, labor, maux, organic, pains, pesticides, risk, risque, santé, travail, vin, viticulture, wine},
}

The article proposes to consider a possible inflection of conceptions of winegrowers pains they suffer when applying pesticides. Now victims of pesticides have formed an association and have promoted the recognition of occupational diseases. This is a break. Among winegrowers investigated a decade ago, this conception change seems however limited. Indeed, contemporary shifts in the profession seem rather linked to the new crisis experienced by growers, forcing their work, especially into individualization. Their use of pesticides did not vary much. They do not notice abnormal mortalities among their colleagues, and the pains or diseases they suffer, while their individual use of pesticides, does not seem to be an alert for them. They still deny its scope by dissolving them in the wide category of work daily pains. For employers, perform treatments now becomes legally risky. It is mainly local residents, or institutions, rather than wine growers that now challenge the use of pesticides. While local authorities are concerned about quality of drinking water, the market is like a judge examining only incriminating facts. The demand for organic wines is growing, while cellarmen customer’s even oenologists challenge winegrowers on their pesticide use. Despite these inflections, the denial of winegrowers on the consequences of pains they suffer still seems mostly their only possible strategy.

@article{guthman_midas_2016,
	title = {Midas’ {Not}-{So}-{Golden} {Touch}: {On} the {Demise} of {Methyl} {Iodide} as a {Soil} {Fumigant} in {California}},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {1523-908X},
	shorttitle = {Midas’ {Not}-{So}-{Golden} {Touch}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/1523908X.2015.1077441},
	doi = {10.1080/1523908X.2015.1077441},
	abstract = {The demise of the soil fumigant, Midas, was heralded as a major environmental movement achievement, when Arysta LifeScience eventually deemed it economically non-viable and withdrew from US markets just before resolution of a lawsuit. Building on scholarship that focuses on strategy to understand how social movements sometimes win, we show how activist tactics were able to exploit the missteps of their opponents. These included the unreasonable expectations of Arysta for grower adoptions, the foibles of the director of California's Department of Pesticide Regulation in registering the chemical, and the reluctance of California's strawberry industry to discontinue use of methyl bromide. Although activist tactics, such as public comments and protests, had only a modest impact on the regulatory process, they had a major impact on grower adoptions of the chemical. This, together with a lawsuit that was not going well for the defendants, ultimately led to the withdrawal. Still, there was a great deal of luck involved, especially in the lawsuit in which the judge made rulings and statements favourable to the plaintiffs. Here, ‘scientization’, worked in favour of the movement rather than the industry.},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Journal of Environmental Policy \& Planning},
	author = {Guthman, Julie and Brown, Sandy},
	month = may,
	year = {2016},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/1523908X.2015.1077441},
	keywords = {Social movement strategy, environmental movements, methyl iodide, pesticide regulation, strawberry industry},
	pages = {324--341},
}

The demise of the soil fumigant, Midas, was heralded as a major environmental movement achievement, when Arysta LifeScience eventually deemed it economically non-viable and withdrew from US markets just before resolution of a lawsuit. Building on scholarship that focuses on strategy to understand how social movements sometimes win, we show how activist tactics were able to exploit the missteps of their opponents. These included the unreasonable expectations of Arysta for grower adoptions, the foibles of the director of California's Department of Pesticide Regulation in registering the chemical, and the reluctance of California's strawberry industry to discontinue use of methyl bromide. Although activist tactics, such as public comments and protests, had only a modest impact on the regulatory process, they had a major impact on grower adoptions of the chemical. This, together with a lawsuit that was not going well for the defendants, ultimately led to the withdrawal. Still, there was a great deal of luck involved, especially in the lawsuit in which the judge made rulings and statements favourable to the plaintiffs. Here, ‘scientization’, worked in favour of the movement rather than the industry.

@article{brower_sugar_2016,
	title = {From the {Sugar} {Oligarchy} to the {Agrochemical} {Oligopoly}: {Situating} {Monsanto} and {Gang}’s {Occupation} of {Hawai}‘i},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {1552-8014},
	shorttitle = {From the {Sugar} {Oligarchy} to the {Agrochemical} {Oligopoly}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/15528014.2016.1208342},
	doi = {10.1080/15528014.2016.1208342},
	abstract = {As the site of origin for nearly all herbicide-tolerant corn seed, and with more experimental field trials of genetically engineered crops than anywhere else in the United States, Hawai‘i is placed at the epicenter of the agrochemical+seed+biotechnology industry’s global chains of production. This paper offers a critical reading of why most genetically engineered corn seed sold globally can be traced back to the most isolated islands in the world. Contra dominant narratives, it is argued that it is more than sunshine that makes Hawai‘i’s soils ideal for growing patented seeds engineered to withstand pesticide. Ideas of naturalness and inevitability are interrogated for what they elide and sustain. It is suggested that true alternatives require attention especially to the things assumed most immutable.},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Food, Culture \& Society},
	author = {Brower, Andrea},
	month = jul,
	year = {2016},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/15528014.2016.1208342},
	keywords = {GMO, Hawai‘i, agriculture, capitalism, colonialism, environmental justice, monsanto, pesticide, plantation, sugar},
	pages = {587--614},
}

As the site of origin for nearly all herbicide-tolerant corn seed, and with more experimental field trials of genetically engineered crops than anywhere else in the United States, Hawai‘i is placed at the epicenter of the agrochemical+seed+biotechnology industry’s global chains of production. This paper offers a critical reading of why most genetically engineered corn seed sold globally can be traced back to the most isolated islands in the world. Contra dominant narratives, it is argued that it is more than sunshine that makes Hawai‘i’s soils ideal for growing patented seeds engineered to withstand pesticide. Ideas of naturalness and inevitability are interrogated for what they elide and sustain. It is suggested that true alternatives require attention especially to the things assumed most immutable.

@article{jouzel_journalistes_2016,
	title = {Des journalistes qui font les victimes ?{Le} traitement médiatique des maladies professionnelles liées aux pesticides},
	volume = {198},
	issn = {9782713225208},
	shorttitle = {Des journalistes qui font les victimes ?},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-etudes-rurales-2016-2-page-155.htm},
	doi = {10.4000/etudesrurales.11361},
	abstract = {Comment explorer les représentations de l’agriculture, alors que la profession subit de nombreuses crises profondes ? Les relations entre médias et agriculture ont fait l’objet de multiples travaux en sciences sociales depuis les années 1960. Or, cette thématique semble avoir été progressivement délaissée depuis le début des années 1990. Ce numéro propose de relancer un chantier de recherche qui relie la sociologie des médias à celle des mobilisations. Une telle approche revisite de manière dynamique, à travers une analyse des luttes et des enjeux, la sociologie de la profession agricole et de l’agriculture. Ses contributions abordent la transformation de l’espace de la représentation agricole et du champ médiatique. On passe ainsi d’un accord collectif sur le projet de la modernisation agricole dans les années 1960 à la convocation aujourd’hui de l’agriculteur devant le tribunal de l’opinion publique.
Ce dossier, réalisé par des chercheurs de diverses disciplines des sciences sociales (ethnologie, sociologie, science politique) traite d’abord de la question du magistère de la parole (qui parle au nom des agriculteurs ?), aborde ensuite les médias comme supports de mobilisations et interroge enfin leur rôle comme ressources et contraintes pour les acteurs engagés. Une variété de sujets sont traités : depuis la FNSEA (Fédération nationale des syndicats d’exploitants agricoles) à la gauche paysanne et José Bové, en passant par les algues vertes, le problème des pesticides, la naissance de l’agriculture biologique, la place des femmes dans la profession ou encore les nouvelles formes d’action de l’Apli (Association des producteurs de lait indépendants) et celles, plus traditionnelles, d’investissement des élites dans la formation. Ces luttes médiatiques et syndicales, nous donnent ainsi à voir l’agriculture en représentation(s).},
	language = {FR},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Études rurales},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2016},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Éditions de l'EHESS},
	pages = {155--170},
}

Comment explorer les représentations de l’agriculture, alors que la profession subit de nombreuses crises profondes ? Les relations entre médias et agriculture ont fait l’objet de multiples travaux en sciences sociales depuis les années 1960. Or, cette thématique semble avoir été progressivement délaissée depuis le début des années 1990. Ce numéro propose de relancer un chantier de recherche qui relie la sociologie des médias à celle des mobilisations. Une telle approche revisite de manière dynamique, à travers une analyse des luttes et des enjeux, la sociologie de la profession agricole et de l’agriculture. Ses contributions abordent la transformation de l’espace de la représentation agricole et du champ médiatique. On passe ainsi d’un accord collectif sur le projet de la modernisation agricole dans les années 1960 à la convocation aujourd’hui de l’agriculteur devant le tribunal de l’opinion publique. Ce dossier, réalisé par des chercheurs de diverses disciplines des sciences sociales (ethnologie, sociologie, science politique) traite d’abord de la question du magistère de la parole (qui parle au nom des agriculteurs ?), aborde ensuite les médias comme supports de mobilisations et interroge enfin leur rôle comme ressources et contraintes pour les acteurs engagés. Une variété de sujets sont traités : depuis la FNSEA (Fédération nationale des syndicats d’exploitants agricoles) à la gauche paysanne et José Bové, en passant par les algues vertes, le problème des pesticides, la naissance de l’agriculture biologique, la place des femmes dans la profession ou encore les nouvelles formes d’action de l’Apli (Association des producteurs de lait indépendants) et celles, plus traditionnelles, d’investissement des élites dans la formation. Ces luttes médiatiques et syndicales, nous donnent ainsi à voir l’agriculture en représentation(s).

@article{jouzel_lexploitation_2016,
	title = {‪{De} l’exploitation familiale à la mobilisation collective‪. {La} place des conjointes dans un mouvement d’agriculteurs victimes des pesticides},
	volume = {147},
	shorttitle = {‪{De} l’exploitation familiale à la mobilisation collective‪},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-travail-et-emploi-2016-3-page-77.htm},
	doi = {10.4000/travailemploi.7146},
	abstract = {Dans cet article, nous étudions les liens entre les transformations à l’œuvre dans la sphère privée des familles d’agriculteurs et les modalités de la représentation publique de la profession agricole. Pour cela, nous nous interrogeons sur la place des femmes dans un mouvement d’agriculteurs qui s’estiment victimes des pesticides. Nous montrons qu’en tant que conjointes, elles constituent un appui décisif dans le parcours qui permet à leurs époux de se considérer et de se revendiquer comme des victimes des pesticides. Nous mettons également en évidence l’ambiguïté de leur positionnement dans l’action collective : reconnues comme d’indispensables relais de la mobilisation, elles restent essentiellement limitées à ce rôle d’intermédiaires, n’accédant elles-mêmes au statut de victimes qu’indirectement, par l’expérience du deuil. Si cette dernière légitime leur place au sein de l’association, elle induit également un éloignement vis-à-vis du monde agricole, générant d’inévitables tensions.},
	language = {FR},
	number = {3},
	journal = {Travail et emploi},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2016},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: DARES},
	pages = {77--100},
}

Dans cet article, nous étudions les liens entre les transformations à l’œuvre dans la sphère privée des familles d’agriculteurs et les modalités de la représentation publique de la profession agricole. Pour cela, nous nous interrogeons sur la place des femmes dans un mouvement d’agriculteurs qui s’estiment victimes des pesticides. Nous montrons qu’en tant que conjointes, elles constituent un appui décisif dans le parcours qui permet à leurs époux de se considérer et de se revendiquer comme des victimes des pesticides. Nous mettons également en évidence l’ambiguïté de leur positionnement dans l’action collective : reconnues comme d’indispensables relais de la mobilisation, elles restent essentiellement limitées à ce rôle d’intermédiaires, n’accédant elles-mêmes au statut de victimes qu’indirectement, par l’expérience du deuil. Si cette dernière légitime leur place au sein de l’association, elle induit également un éloignement vis-à-vis du monde agricole, générant d’inévitables tensions.

@article{arancibia_regulatory_2016,
	title = {Regulatory {Science} and {Social} {Movements}: {The} {Trial} {Against} the {Use} of {Pesticides} in {Argentina}},
	volume = {9},
	shorttitle = {Regulatory {Science} and {Social} {Movements}},
	doi = {10.3798/tia.1937-0237.16022},
	abstract = {In August 2012 a transgenic soy producer and a pesticide spraying pilot were sentenced to three years of conditional prison for potential pollution and harm to public health in Cordoba, Argentina. This was the first case of pesticide pollution judged by Criminal Law in Latin America and the verdict became a turning point in the struggle to regulate pesticides in Argentina. The trial was initiated by the movement “Madres de Ituzaingó” from a neighborhood surrounded by transgenic soy fields sprayed with glyphosate-based herbicides (to which GM seeds are resistant). They found an increase in cancer rates and made the nexus between their illnesses and glyphosate exposure. In this way, they challenged official “regulatory science”, which classifies glyphosate as a product of low toxicity, commercialized and used without restriction. Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation, I found that the ruling was an outcome of interconnected actions which included typical forms of protest, the production of “undone science”, as well as other actions involving expertise.},
	journal = {Theory in Action},
	author = {Arancibia, Florencia},
	month = oct,
	year = {2016},
	pages = {1--21},
}

In August 2012 a transgenic soy producer and a pesticide spraying pilot were sentenced to three years of conditional prison for potential pollution and harm to public health in Cordoba, Argentina. This was the first case of pesticide pollution judged by Criminal Law in Latin America and the verdict became a turning point in the struggle to regulate pesticides in Argentina. The trial was initiated by the movement “Madres de Ituzaingó” from a neighborhood surrounded by transgenic soy fields sprayed with glyphosate-based herbicides (to which GM seeds are resistant). They found an increase in cancer rates and made the nexus between their illnesses and glyphosate exposure. In this way, they challenged official “regulatory science”, which classifies glyphosate as a product of low toxicity, commercialized and used without restriction. Through in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation, I found that the ruling was an outcome of interconnected actions which included typical forms of protest, the production of “undone science”, as well as other actions involving expertise.

@article{martin_production_2016,
	title = {La production des savoirs sur les pesticides dans la règlementation européenne},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {1492-8442},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/vertigo/17878},
	doi = {10.4000/vertigo.17878},
	abstract = {Cet article présente une approche critique des règles de production des connaissances sur la nocivité des produits phytopharmaceutiques en droit européen. Inscrit dans le cadre théorique emprunté à la sociologie, l’agnotologie, il montre que la méconnaissance de l’origine des normes européennes et leur nature juridique sont des facteurs expliquant que leur substance engendre une production d’ignorance sur la nocivité des pesticides. Les règles européennes de production des savoirs sur les pesticides sont en effet le fruit d’un phénomène de circulation des normes entre l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économique et l’Union européenne depuis le début des années 70. Ce trait des règles européennes, méconnu de la littérature juridique académique, est d’autant plus invisible que le transfert des normes s’opère par le biais de nombreux textes techniques qui relèvent tant de la soft law que du droit dur. Le contenu des règles européennes de production des connaissances sur la nocivité des produits phytopharmaceutiques confirme qu’elles produisent de l’ignorance à deux niveaux : les critères harmonisés de nocivité déterminants pour l’interdiction d’accès au marché sont incomplets et peuvent être écartés par le jeu de dérogations ; les règles annoncent la production de savoirs sur trois catégories de substances prises individuellement, mais seule l’une d’elles est l’objet d’une évaluation, tandis que les règles d’identification des risques liés aux effets cumulés des substances n’existent toujours pas.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {Hors-série 27},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {VertigO - la revue électronique en sciences de l'environnement},
	author = {Martin, Annie},
	month = dec,
	year = {2016},
	keywords = {OCDE, circulation des normes, droit européen, méthodes de production des savoirs, nocivité, pesticides, produits chimiques, produits phytopharmaceutiques},
}

Cet article présente une approche critique des règles de production des connaissances sur la nocivité des produits phytopharmaceutiques en droit européen. Inscrit dans le cadre théorique emprunté à la sociologie, l’agnotologie, il montre que la méconnaissance de l’origine des normes européennes et leur nature juridique sont des facteurs expliquant que leur substance engendre une production d’ignorance sur la nocivité des pesticides. Les règles européennes de production des savoirs sur les pesticides sont en effet le fruit d’un phénomène de circulation des normes entre l’Organisation de coopération et de développement économique et l’Union européenne depuis le début des années 70. Ce trait des règles européennes, méconnu de la littérature juridique académique, est d’autant plus invisible que le transfert des normes s’opère par le biais de nombreux textes techniques qui relèvent tant de la soft law que du droit dur. Le contenu des règles européennes de production des connaissances sur la nocivité des produits phytopharmaceutiques confirme qu’elles produisent de l’ignorance à deux niveaux : les critères harmonisés de nocivité déterminants pour l’interdiction d’accès au marché sont incomplets et peuvent être écartés par le jeu de dérogations ; les règles annoncent la production de savoirs sur trois catégories de substances prises individuellement, mais seule l’une d’elles est l’objet d’une évaluation, tandis que les règles d’identification des risques liés aux effets cumulés des substances n’existent toujours pas.

@book{wurster_ddt_2015,
	title = {{DDT} {Wars}: {Rescuing} {Our} {National} {Bird}, {Preventing} {Cancer}, and {Creating} the {Environmental} {Defense} {Fund}},
	isbn = {978-0-19-021941-3},
	shorttitle = {{DDT} {Wars}},
	abstract = {DDT Wars is the untold inside story of the decade-long scientific, legal and strategic campaign that culminated in the national ban of the insecticide DDT in 1972. The widespread misinformation, disinformation and mythology of the DDT issue are corrected in this book. DDT contamination had become worldwide, concentrating up food chains and causing birds to lay thin-shelled eggs that broke in the nests. Populations of many species of predatory and fish-eating birds collapsed, including the American Bald Eagle, Osprey, Peregrine Falcon and Brown Pelican. Their numbers recovered spectacularly in the decades following the ban. During the campaign DDT and five other insecticides were found to cause cancer in laboratory tests, which led to bans of these six pesticides by international treaty in 2001. This campaign produced lasting changes in American pesticide policies. The legal precedents broke down the court "standing" barrier, forming the basis for the development of environmental law as we know it today. This case history represents one of the greatest environmental victories of recent decades. DDT is still "controversial" because it has been deceptively interjected into the "climate wars."  This campaign was led by the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF), founded in 1967 by ten citizens, most of them scientists, volunteers without special political connections or financial resources. Their strategy was to take environmental problems to court. There were many setbacks along the way in this exciting and entertaining story. The group was often kicked out of court, but a few determined citizens made a large difference for environmental protection and public health. Author Charles Wurster was one of the leaders of the campaign. The first six years of EDF history are described as it struggled to survive. Now EDF is one of the world's great environmental advocacy organizations defending our climate, ecosystems, oceans and public health.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	author = {Wurster, Charles F.},
	year = {2015},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: BrC6BwAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Medical / Environmental Health, Medical / Health Care Delivery, Nature / Ecology, Nature / Environmental Conservation \& Protection, Science / Chemistry / General, Science / Environmental Science, Science / Life Sciences / Ecology, Technology \& Engineering / Agriculture / General, Technology \& Engineering / Environmental / General},
}

DDT Wars is the untold inside story of the decade-long scientific, legal and strategic campaign that culminated in the national ban of the insecticide DDT in 1972. The widespread misinformation, disinformation and mythology of the DDT issue are corrected in this book. DDT contamination had become worldwide, concentrating up food chains and causing birds to lay thin-shelled eggs that broke in the nests. Populations of many species of predatory and fish-eating birds collapsed, including the American Bald Eagle, Osprey, Peregrine Falcon and Brown Pelican. Their numbers recovered spectacularly in the decades following the ban. During the campaign DDT and five other insecticides were found to cause cancer in laboratory tests, which led to bans of these six pesticides by international treaty in 2001. This campaign produced lasting changes in American pesticide policies. The legal precedents broke down the court "standing" barrier, forming the basis for the development of environmental law as we know it today. This case history represents one of the greatest environmental victories of recent decades. DDT is still "controversial" because it has been deceptively interjected into the "climate wars." This campaign was led by the Environmental Defense Fund (EDF), founded in 1967 by ten citizens, most of them scientists, volunteers without special political connections or financial resources. Their strategy was to take environmental problems to court. There were many setbacks along the way in this exciting and entertaining story. The group was often kicked out of court, but a few determined citizens made a large difference for environmental protection and public health. Author Charles Wurster was one of the leaders of the campaign. The first six years of EDF history are described as it struggled to survive. Now EDF is one of the world's great environmental advocacy organizations defending our climate, ecosystems, oceans and public health.

@article{saxton_strawberry_2015,
	title = {Strawberry {Fields} as {Extreme} {Environments}: {The} {Ecobiopolitics} of {Farmworker} {Health}},
	volume = {34},
	issn = {0145-9740},
	shorttitle = {Strawberry {Fields} as {Extreme} {Environments}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/01459740.2014.959167},
	doi = {10.1080/01459740.2014.959167},
	abstract = {Based on nearly two years of ethnographic research with farmworkers in California’s Pájaro Valley, in this article I build on Olson’s idea of “extreme environments.” By merging theories of biopolitics and political ecology, or ecobiopolitics, I explore the naturalization of chemically intensive systems of agricultural production and the health consequences they produce for farmworkers. State and industry regimes of agricultural knowledge and practice are designed to control workers and the environment in strawberry fields. They also produce devastating syndemics and chronicities of disease in farmworker bodies and communities. The relationships between health disparities and farmworkers’ lifetimes of exposure to toxic pesticides remain underexplored and poorly understood, perpetuating toxic ignorance about the relationships between pesticides and farmworker health. This enables equating worker well-being with industry well-being. Synergies between ethnographic and environmental health research are needed to challenge toxic ignorance, toxic layering, and the invisible harms they produce in agricultural communities.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2023-01-20},
	journal = {Medical Anthropology},
	author = {Saxton, Dvera I.},
	month = mar,
	year = {2015},
	pmid = {25310687},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/01459740.2014.959167},
	keywords = {ecobiopolitics, extreme environments, farmworkers, pesticides, syndemics and chronicities},
	pages = {166--183},
}

Based on nearly two years of ethnographic research with farmworkers in California’s Pájaro Valley, in this article I build on Olson’s idea of “extreme environments.” By merging theories of biopolitics and political ecology, or ecobiopolitics, I explore the naturalization of chemically intensive systems of agricultural production and the health consequences they produce for farmworkers. State and industry regimes of agricultural knowledge and practice are designed to control workers and the environment in strawberry fields. They also produce devastating syndemics and chronicities of disease in farmworker bodies and communities. The relationships between health disparities and farmworkers’ lifetimes of exposure to toxic pesticides remain underexplored and poorly understood, perpetuating toxic ignorance about the relationships between pesticides and farmworker health. This enables equating worker well-being with industry well-being. Synergies between ethnographic and environmental health research are needed to challenge toxic ignorance, toxic layering, and the invisible harms they produce in agricultural communities.

@article{howard_intellectual_2015,
	title = {Intellectual {Property} and {Consolidation} in the {Seed} {Industry}},
	volume = {55},
	issn = {1435-0653},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.2135/cropsci2014.09.0669},
	doi = {10.2135/cropsci2014.09.0669},
	abstract = {Intellectual property protections on seeds have increased dramatically in recent decades, from the granting of patent-like protections on certain types of seeds in 1970 to the enforcement of contract provisions for seeds beyond the first sale in 2013. During this same period, the seed industry has experienced rapid consolidation. Although as recently as the 1970s, it was characterized by thousands of small, mostly family-owned business, by 2011, just three agrochemical firms controlled more than half of the global proprietary seed market. These trends have resulted in rapidly increasing prices for commodity seeds and reduced farmers' ability to save seeds. Given these important negative impacts, why do these trends continue? Expanding intellectual property protections and reducing the number of competitors are strategies that the largest firms understandably employ to increase their power but government support has also been essential to their success. Policy changes have reduced the enforcement of antitrust laws and increased the enforcement of alleged intellectual property infringements. In addition, synergies between stronger intellectual property protections and consolidation have further reinforced the dominance of top firms at the expense of a freely competitive industry. A better understanding of these trends is unlikely to reverse them in the near term but may increase the effectiveness of creating alternatives to a seed oligopoly.},
	language = {en},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Crop Science},
	author = {Howard, Philip H.},
	year = {2015},
	note = {\_eprint: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.2135/cropsci2014.09.0669},
	pages = {2489--2495},
}

Intellectual property protections on seeds have increased dramatically in recent decades, from the granting of patent-like protections on certain types of seeds in 1970 to the enforcement of contract provisions for seeds beyond the first sale in 2013. During this same period, the seed industry has experienced rapid consolidation. Although as recently as the 1970s, it was characterized by thousands of small, mostly family-owned business, by 2011, just three agrochemical firms controlled more than half of the global proprietary seed market. These trends have resulted in rapidly increasing prices for commodity seeds and reduced farmers' ability to save seeds. Given these important negative impacts, why do these trends continue? Expanding intellectual property protections and reducing the number of competitors are strategies that the largest firms understandably employ to increase their power but government support has also been essential to their success. Policy changes have reduced the enforcement of antitrust laws and increased the enforcement of alleged intellectual property infringements. In addition, synergies between stronger intellectual property protections and consolidation have further reinforced the dominance of top firms at the expense of a freely competitive industry. A better understanding of these trends is unlikely to reverse them in the near term but may increase the effectiveness of creating alternatives to a seed oligopoly.

@article{saxton_ethnographic_2015,
	title = {Ethnographic movement methods: anthropology takes on the pesticide industry},
	volume = {22},
	issn = {10730451 (ISSN)},
	url = {https://www.scopus.com/inward/record.uri?eid=2-s2.0-85011980788&doi=10.2458%2fv22i1.21114&partnerID=40&md5=0e554cd7107e28d56ad377e67daf4ea3},
	doi = {10.2458/v22i1.21114},
	abstract = {In this article, I describe how the methods of anthropology proved productive and fruitful for research and environmental justice (EJ) activism against methyl iodide, a highly toxic soil fumigant pesticide used to sterilize soil before food crops like strawberries are transplanted. I continue a thread of discussion around what roles anthropology, and especially, public and applied anthropology, should play in addressing the serious problems traditionally encountered, documented, analyzed, and theorized through ethnographic research. Anthropological engagement and action on methyl iodide and other soil fumigants produced unique research opportunities and networks up and down the agricultural hierarchy, as well as spaces to contribute ethnographic labor and critical analysis and reflection to the EJ movement. While this activist approach—what I refer to as ‘ethnographic movement methods’—presented some challenges, the victorious end-result of having methyl iodide's manufacturer pull their product from the U.S. market in 2012 also demonstrated how anthropologists, in cooperation with communities confronted by environmental suffering, can work cooperatively towards alternative agricultural and ecological futures. © 2015. All Rights Reserved.},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Journal of Political Ecology},
	author = {Saxton, D.I.},
	year = {2015},
	note = {Number: 1
Place: California State University, Fresno, United States
Publisher: University of Arizona Libraries},
	keywords = {Movement, Pesticides, activism, applied anthropology, environmental justice, ethnographic movement methods, farmworkers, pesticides},
	pages = {369--388},
}

In this article, I describe how the methods of anthropology proved productive and fruitful for research and environmental justice (EJ) activism against methyl iodide, a highly toxic soil fumigant pesticide used to sterilize soil before food crops like strawberries are transplanted. I continue a thread of discussion around what roles anthropology, and especially, public and applied anthropology, should play in addressing the serious problems traditionally encountered, documented, analyzed, and theorized through ethnographic research. Anthropological engagement and action on methyl iodide and other soil fumigants produced unique research opportunities and networks up and down the agricultural hierarchy, as well as spaces to contribute ethnographic labor and critical analysis and reflection to the EJ movement. While this activist approach—what I refer to as ‘ethnographic movement methods’—presented some challenges, the victorious end-result of having methyl iodide's manufacturer pull their product from the U.S. market in 2012 also demonstrated how anthropologists, in cooperation with communities confronted by environmental suffering, can work cooperatively towards alternative agricultural and ecological futures. © 2015. All Rights Reserved.

@article{dedieu_comment_2015,
	title = {Comment ignorer ce que l'on sait ? {La} domestication des savoirs inconfortables sur les intoxications des agriculteurs par les pesticides},
	volume = {56},
	issn = {0035-2969},
	shorttitle = {Comment ignorer ce que l'on sait ?},
	url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/24382331},
	abstract = {Les recherches actuelles sur la construction sociale de l'ignorance soutiennent que cette dernière est soit le fruit de stratégies conscientes, soit l'effet involontaire d'un mode d'organisation de la production de connaissances. Cet article propose de dépasser cette opposition en introduisant la question de la réflexivité des acteurs des systèmes organisés qui produisent de l'ignorance : que se passe-t-il lorsque ces acteurs prennent conscience des limites des routines qui structurent leur propre action? Quelles dynamiques de changement résultent de cette prise de conscience? Le cas étudié ici est celui du dispositif de prévention des intoxications professionnelles induites par les pesticides en France. En prenant appui sur l'interdiction de l'arsenite de soude (2001), nous montrons comment ce dispositif parvient à s'accommoder des savoirs « inconfortables » susceptibles de remettre en cause ses arrangements institutionnels ordinaires. Nous mettons en évidence les mécanismes par lesquels les organisations qui produisent ces savoirs offrent à leurs membres de « bonnes raisons » de les ignorer, en désamorçant leur sens critique et en évitant d'œuvrer aux changements institutionnels qui devraient découler de leur prise en considération. Current research into the social construction of ignorance holds either that it is produced by conscious strategies or that it is an unintended effect of knowledge production organization. The present article moves beyond that opposition by bringing in the reflexivity of actors implicated in the organized systems that produce ignorance. What happens when those actors become aware of limitations in the routines that structure their action? What change dynamics are triggered by this new awareness? The case analysed here is the French public policy devoted to prevent farmers from pesticides poisoning. By studying the ban of the sodium arsenite in France in 2001, we show how this policy can manage "uncomfortable" knowledges that challenge its ordinary institutional arrangements. We bring to light the mechanisms by which the organizations that produce these uncomfortable knowledges also provide their members with "good reasons" to ignore it, defusing or neutralizing their critical faculties and avoiding undertaking the institutional changes that clearly should be made in response to that knowledge. Die heutigen Untersuchungen zur sozialen Konstruktion der Unkenntnis behaupten, daß diese entweder das Ergebnis von bewußten Strategien ist oder die unbeabsichtigte Wirkung einer Organisationsart der Wissensproduktion. Dieser Aufsatz schlägt vor, diesen Gegensatz zu überwinden und dazu die Frage der Reflexivität der Aktoren der organisierten Systeme einzubringen, die die Unkenntnis produzieren: was geschieht wenn den Aktoren die Routinegrenzen bewußt werden, die ihre eigene Aktion strukturieren? Welche Wechseldynamiken entstehen aus diesem Bewußtsein? Bei dem hier behandelten Fall geht es um die Maßnahmen zur Vorbeugung der beruflichen Vergiftungen durch Pestizide in Frankreich. Gestützt auf das Verbot des Natriumarsenits (2001) zeigen wir, wie es dieser Maßnahme gelingt, sich mit „unbequemem“ Wissen abzufinden, das ihre üblichen institutionellen Arrangements in Frage stellen könnte. Wir unterstreichen die Mechanismen mit denen die Organisationen, die dieses Wissen produzieren ihren Mitgliedern „gute Gründe“ liefern, es zu ignorieren, indem ihr Urteilsvermögen geschwächt wird. Somit wird ihre Arbeit für den institutionelle Wechsel vermieden, der aus der Berücksichtigung dieses Wissens ausgelöst werden sollte. Las actuales investigaciones sobre la construcción social de la ignorancia sostienen que esta última es el resultado de estrategias conscientes o el efecto involuntario de un modo de organización de la producción de conocimientos. Este artículo propone superar esta oposición introduciendo la problemática de la reflexibilidad de los actores de los sistemas organizados que producen ignorancia: ¿Qué pasa cuando estos actores toman conciencia de los límites de las rutinas que estructuran su propia acción? ¿Qué dinámicas de cambio resultan de esta toma de conciencia? El caso estudiado aquí es el del dispositivo de prevención de las intoxicaciones profesionales inducidas por los pesticidas en Francia. Apoyándonos en la prohibición del arsenito de sosa (2001), mostraremos cómo este dispositivo consigue adaptarse a los saberes "incómodos" susceptibles de cuestionar de nuevo los arreglos institucionales habituales. Se subrayará los mecanismos mediante los cuales las organizaciones que producen estos saberes ofrecen a sus miembros "buenas razones" de ignorarlas, desactivando su sentido crítico y evitando trabajar en los cambios institucionales que deberían resultar de su toma en consideración.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-25},
	journal = {Revue française de sociologie},
	author = {Dedieu, François and Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	year = {2015},
	note = {Publisher: [Sciences Po University Press, Association Revue Française de Sociologie]},
	pages = {105--133},
}

Les recherches actuelles sur la construction sociale de l'ignorance soutiennent que cette dernière est soit le fruit de stratégies conscientes, soit l'effet involontaire d'un mode d'organisation de la production de connaissances. Cet article propose de dépasser cette opposition en introduisant la question de la réflexivité des acteurs des systèmes organisés qui produisent de l'ignorance : que se passe-t-il lorsque ces acteurs prennent conscience des limites des routines qui structurent leur propre action? Quelles dynamiques de changement résultent de cette prise de conscience? Le cas étudié ici est celui du dispositif de prévention des intoxications professionnelles induites par les pesticides en France. En prenant appui sur l'interdiction de l'arsenite de soude (2001), nous montrons comment ce dispositif parvient à s'accommoder des savoirs « inconfortables » susceptibles de remettre en cause ses arrangements institutionnels ordinaires. Nous mettons en évidence les mécanismes par lesquels les organisations qui produisent ces savoirs offrent à leurs membres de « bonnes raisons » de les ignorer, en désamorçant leur sens critique et en évitant d'œuvrer aux changements institutionnels qui devraient découler de leur prise en considération. Current research into the social construction of ignorance holds either that it is produced by conscious strategies or that it is an unintended effect of knowledge production organization. The present article moves beyond that opposition by bringing in the reflexivity of actors implicated in the organized systems that produce ignorance. What happens when those actors become aware of limitations in the routines that structure their action? What change dynamics are triggered by this new awareness? The case analysed here is the French public policy devoted to prevent farmers from pesticides poisoning. By studying the ban of the sodium arsenite in France in 2001, we show how this policy can manage "uncomfortable" knowledges that challenge its ordinary institutional arrangements. We bring to light the mechanisms by which the organizations that produce these uncomfortable knowledges also provide their members with "good reasons" to ignore it, defusing or neutralizing their critical faculties and avoiding undertaking the institutional changes that clearly should be made in response to that knowledge. Die heutigen Untersuchungen zur sozialen Konstruktion der Unkenntnis behaupten, daß diese entweder das Ergebnis von bewußten Strategien ist oder die unbeabsichtigte Wirkung einer Organisationsart der Wissensproduktion. Dieser Aufsatz schlägt vor, diesen Gegensatz zu überwinden und dazu die Frage der Reflexivität der Aktoren der organisierten Systeme einzubringen, die die Unkenntnis produzieren: was geschieht wenn den Aktoren die Routinegrenzen bewußt werden, die ihre eigene Aktion strukturieren? Welche Wechseldynamiken entstehen aus diesem Bewußtsein? Bei dem hier behandelten Fall geht es um die Maßnahmen zur Vorbeugung der beruflichen Vergiftungen durch Pestizide in Frankreich. Gestützt auf das Verbot des Natriumarsenits (2001) zeigen wir, wie es dieser Maßnahme gelingt, sich mit „unbequemem“ Wissen abzufinden, das ihre üblichen institutionellen Arrangements in Frage stellen könnte. Wir unterstreichen die Mechanismen mit denen die Organisationen, die dieses Wissen produzieren ihren Mitgliedern „gute Gründe“ liefern, es zu ignorieren, indem ihr Urteilsvermögen geschwächt wird. Somit wird ihre Arbeit für den institutionelle Wechsel vermieden, der aus der Berücksichtigung dieses Wissens ausgelöst werden sollte. Las actuales investigaciones sobre la construcción social de la ignorancia sostienen que esta última es el resultado de estrategias conscientes o el efecto involuntario de un modo de organización de la producción de conocimientos. Este artículo propone superar esta oposición introduciendo la problemática de la reflexibilidad de los actores de los sistemas organizados que producen ignorancia: ¿Qué pasa cuando estos actores toman conciencia de los límites de las rutinas que estructuran su propia acción? ¿Qué dinámicas de cambio resultan de esta toma de conciencia? El caso estudiado aquí es el del dispositivo de prevención de las intoxicaciones profesionales inducidas por los pesticidas en Francia. Apoyándonos en la prohibición del arsenito de sosa (2001), mostraremos cómo este dispositivo consigue adaptarse a los saberes "incómodos" susceptibles de cuestionar de nuevo los arreglos institucionales habituales. Se subrayará los mecanismos mediante los cuales las organizaciones que producen estos saberes ofrecen a sus miembros "buenas razones" de ignorarlas, desactivando su sentido crítico y evitando trabajar en los cambios institucionales que deberían resultar de su toma en consideración.

@incollection{dedieu_governing_2015,
	title = {Governing by ignoring: {The} production and the function of the under-reporting of farm-workers’ pesticide poisoning in {French} and {Californian} regulations},
	shorttitle = {Governing by ignoring},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781315867762-36/governing-ignoring-fran%C3%A7ois-dedieu-jean-no%C3%ABl-jouzel-giovanni-prete},
	urldate = {2024-11-14},
	booktitle = {Routledge international handbook of ignorance studies},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Dedieu, François and Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2015},
	pages = {297--307},
}

@article{jouzel_mettre_2015,
	title = {Mettre en mouvement les agriculteurs victimes des pesticides. Émergence et évolution d’une coalition improbable},
	volume = {111},
	issn = {0295-2319},
	shorttitle = {Mettre en mouvement les agriculteurs victimes des pesticides},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-politix-2015-3-page-175.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/pox.111.0175},
	abstract = {À partir du cas d’une association d’agriculteurs victimes des pesticides en France, nous proposons de rendre compte du rôle que jouent les coalitions politiques dans l’émergence et la pérennisation des mobilisations de victimes. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle tenu par une organisation proche de l’écologie politique dans la conversion de cas épars d’agriculteurs malades en une cause collective et dans la création d’une coalition autour de cette cause. Cette coalition a rapidement subi une série d’épreuves liées à la distance politique séparant ses membres. Nous identifions les facteurs qui lui permettent d’y résister et montrons que c’est au cours de ces épreuves que l’identité des victimes est négociée. Plus largement, cet article illustre l’intérêt d’analyser le travail de coalition dans la durée pour comprendre l’évolution des mobilisations victimaires.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {3},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {Politix},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël and Prete, Giovanni},
	year = {2015},
	note = {Place: Louvain-la-Neuve
Publisher: De Boeck Supérieur},
	pages = {175--196},
}

À partir du cas d’une association d’agriculteurs victimes des pesticides en France, nous proposons de rendre compte du rôle que jouent les coalitions politiques dans l’émergence et la pérennisation des mobilisations de victimes. Nous mettons en évidence le rôle tenu par une organisation proche de l’écologie politique dans la conversion de cas épars d’agriculteurs malades en une cause collective et dans la création d’une coalition autour de cette cause. Cette coalition a rapidement subi une série d’épreuves liées à la distance politique séparant ses membres. Nous identifions les facteurs qui lui permettent d’y résister et montrons que c’est au cours de ces épreuves que l’identité des victimes est négociée. Plus largement, cet article illustre l’intérêt d’analyser le travail de coalition dans la durée pour comprendre l’évolution des mobilisations victimaires.

@article{suryanarayanan_beekeepers_2014,
	title = {Beekeepers’ {Collective} {Resistance} and the {Politics} of {Pesticide} {Regulation} in {France} and the {United} {States}},
	volume = {27},
	issn = {978-1-78350-668-2},
	doi = {10.1108/S0198-871920140000027011},
	abstract = {This paper utilizes controversies over the role of a set of insecticides in mass honey bee die-offs in two different national contexts--France and the United States--in order to understand the science-state nexus in a comparative manner. On the one hand, the French government in 1999 and 2004 suspended the commercial use of the insecticidal products that beekeepers suspected of causing the honey bee declines. On the other hand, the US government has to date refused to heed beekeepers’ calls to limit the usage of the very same set of insecticides. We examine why the governments of France and the United States came to contrasting conclusions regarding broadly similar techno-scientific issues. The divergent outcomes, we argue, are not simply the result of pre-determined differences in the two states’ regulatory paradigms (with France being ‘precautionary,’ and the US adhering to a ‘sound science’ approach), but are underpinned by divergent forms of beekeepers’ resistance. The paper further sheds light on non-state actors’ use of science and state to contest state (in)action by analyzing how historically influenced differences in state structures, the relational dynamics of beekeepers’ and farmers’ organizations, and the epistemic cultures of honey bee knowledge production, shaped different forms of resistance and influence in France and the US.},
	journal = {Political Power and Social Theory},
	author = {Suryanarayanan, Sainath and Kleinman, Daniel},
	month = aug,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {89--122},
}

This paper utilizes controversies over the role of a set of insecticides in mass honey bee die-offs in two different national contexts–France and the United States–in order to understand the science-state nexus in a comparative manner. On the one hand, the French government in 1999 and 2004 suspended the commercial use of the insecticidal products that beekeepers suspected of causing the honey bee declines. On the other hand, the US government has to date refused to heed beekeepers’ calls to limit the usage of the very same set of insecticides. We examine why the governments of France and the United States came to contrasting conclusions regarding broadly similar techno-scientific issues. The divergent outcomes, we argue, are not simply the result of pre-determined differences in the two states’ regulatory paradigms (with France being ‘precautionary,’ and the US adhering to a ‘sound science’ approach), but are underpinned by divergent forms of beekeepers’ resistance. The paper further sheds light on non-state actors’ use of science and state to contest state (in)action by analyzing how historically influenced differences in state structures, the relational dynamics of beekeepers’ and farmers’ organizations, and the epistemic cultures of honey bee knowledge production, shaped different forms of resistance and influence in France and the US.

@book{davis_banned_2014,
	title = {Banned: {A} {History} of {Pesticides} and the {Science} of {Toxicology}},
	isbn = {978-0-300-21037-8},
	shorttitle = {Banned},
	abstract = {Rachel Carson’s eloquent book Silent Spring stands as one of the most important books of the twentieth century and inspired important and long-lasting changes in environmental science and government policy. Frederick Rowe Davis thoughtfully sets Carson’s study in the context of the twentieth century, reconsiders her achievement, and analyzes its legacy in light of toxic chemical use and regulation today.   Davis examines the history of pesticide development alongside the evolution of the science of toxicology and tracks legislation governing exposure to chemicals across the twentieth century. He affirms the brilliance of Carson’s careful scientific interpretations drawing on data from university and government toxicologists. Although Silent Spring instigated legislation that successfully terminated DDT use, other warnings were ignored. Ironically, we replaced one poison with even more toxic ones. Davis concludes that we urgently need new thinking about how we evaluate and regulate pesticides in accounting for their ecological and human toll.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Yale University Press},
	author = {Davis, Frederick Rowe},
	month = nov,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: kuIdBQAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Nature / Ecology, Science / Chemistry / Toxicology, Science / Environmental Science},
}

Rachel Carson’s eloquent book Silent Spring stands as one of the most important books of the twentieth century and inspired important and long-lasting changes in environmental science and government policy. Frederick Rowe Davis thoughtfully sets Carson’s study in the context of the twentieth century, reconsiders her achievement, and analyzes its legacy in light of toxic chemical use and regulation today.   Davis examines the history of pesticide development alongside the evolution of the science of toxicology and tracks legislation governing exposure to chemicals across the twentieth century. He affirms the brilliance of Carson’s careful scientific interpretations drawing on data from university and government toxicologists. Although Silent Spring instigated legislation that successfully terminated DDT use, other warnings were ignored. Ironically, we replaced one poison with even more toxic ones. Davis concludes that we urgently need new thinking about how we evaluate and regulate pesticides in accounting for their ecological and human toll.

@article{jouzel_maladies_2014,
	title = {Maladies professionnelles et pesticides : les causes d’une méconnaissance},
	volume = {13},
	issn = {1635-0421},
	shorttitle = {Maladies professionnelles et pesticides},
	url = {http://www.jle.com/fr/revues/ers/e-docs/maladies_professionnelles_et_pesticides_les_causes_dune_meconnaissance_302203/article.phtml?tab=texte},
	doi = {10.1684/ers.2014.0712},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-01-15},
	journal = {Environnement, Risques \& Santé},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noël},
	month = jul,
	year = {2014},
	pages = {331--335},
}

@phdthesis{belliveau-thompson_political_2014,
	type = {Thesis},
	title = {Political {Responses} to {Environmental} {Activism} {Tactics}: {A} matrix analysis approach using case studies from the anti-pesticide movement in eastern {Canada} between 1960-2000},
	shorttitle = {Political {Responses} to {Environmental} {Activism} {Tactics}},
	url = {https://DalSpace.library.dal.ca//handle/10222/50388},
	abstract = {Despite scientific and social support, campaigns of the environmental movement often struggle to gain political traction. This research explores political responses to environmental activism using a matrix analysis approach that compares various activism tactics with six designations of potential political response in order to better understand the relationship between activism tactics and the polity, and to consider the relevance of Antonio Gramsci’s Counter-Hegemonic theory within the environmental movement. Case studies are drawn from five campaigns within eastern Canada’s anti-pesticide spraying movement between 1960-2000, largely collected from the archives of the Ecology Action Centre. Discussion of the case study results suggest that Gramsci’s indicators of successful counter-hegemony do not appear to affect the overall likelihood of receiving a political response, but that some individual tactics or trends in tactical approach consistently appear more advantageous. A critical analysis of the method also reflects on the matrices’ ability to synthesize information about complex and interconnected events, so that they can be displayed, understood, and compared visually, while also maintaining their complexity and narrative depth. This research provides an interdisciplinary analysis approach, applies activism theory to tactics and events as the intersection between polity and activism, and also adds to the understanding of environmental activism within the Canadian context.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-01-26},
	author = {Belliveau-Thompson, Emilia},
	month = apr,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Accepted: 2014-04-29T11:01:22Z},
}

Despite scientific and social support, campaigns of the environmental movement often struggle to gain political traction. This research explores political responses to environmental activism using a matrix analysis approach that compares various activism tactics with six designations of potential political response in order to better understand the relationship between activism tactics and the polity, and to consider the relevance of Antonio Gramsci’s Counter-Hegemonic theory within the environmental movement. Case studies are drawn from five campaigns within eastern Canada’s anti-pesticide spraying movement between 1960-2000, largely collected from the archives of the Ecology Action Centre. Discussion of the case study results suggest that Gramsci’s indicators of successful counter-hegemony do not appear to affect the overall likelihood of receiving a political response, but that some individual tactics or trends in tactical approach consistently appear more advantageous. A critical analysis of the method also reflects on the matrices’ ability to synthesize information about complex and interconnected events, so that they can be displayed, understood, and compared visually, while also maintaining their complexity and narrative depth. This research provides an interdisciplinary analysis approach, applies activism theory to tactics and events as the intersection between polity and activism, and also adds to the understanding of environmental activism within the Canadian context.

@article{salaris_agriculteurs_2014,
	title = {Agriculteurs victimes des pesticides : une nouvelle mobilisation collective en santé au travail},
	copyright = {https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/},
	issn = {2495-7593},
	shorttitle = {Agriculteurs victimes des pesticides},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/nrt/1480},
	doi = {10.4000/nrt.1480},
	abstract = {L’organisation récente d’un certain nombre d’agriculteurs en association de victimes des pesticides témoigne de l’engagement nouveau de ces professionnels, classiquement absents du champ des mobilisations dans le domaine de la santé au travail. Alors même qu’elle peut apparaître contradictoire avec leurs pratiques antérieures, la mobilisation de ces agriculteurs permet pourtant de mettre en avant des enjeux de domination spécifiques à ce secteur. Ces enjeux de domination sont à l’origine de résistances à la publicisation réelle du problème « pesticides ». Ils éludent par ailleurs la problématisation de cette question comme véritable enjeu de santé au travail. Mais grâce à un travail de collectivisation de la peine et des expériences, ce regroupement victimaire semble être parvenu à mettre en place une réelle stratégie collective de dénonciation de ce problème. Les agriculteurs phytovictimes semblent ainsi s’imposer comme des acteurs majeurs du processus de prise de conscience autour de la question des pesticides et comme des acteurs inédits de ce nouvel enjeu de santé au travail.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {La nouvelle revue du travail},
	author = {Salaris, Coline},
	month = may,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {agriculteurs, mobilisations, politisation, produits phytosanitaires, victimisation},
}

L’organisation récente d’un certain nombre d’agriculteurs en association de victimes des pesticides témoigne de l’engagement nouveau de ces professionnels, classiquement absents du champ des mobilisations dans le domaine de la santé au travail. Alors même qu’elle peut apparaître contradictoire avec leurs pratiques antérieures, la mobilisation de ces agriculteurs permet pourtant de mettre en avant des enjeux de domination spécifiques à ce secteur. Ces enjeux de domination sont à l’origine de résistances à la publicisation réelle du problème « pesticides ». Ils éludent par ailleurs la problématisation de cette question comme véritable enjeu de santé au travail. Mais grâce à un travail de collectivisation de la peine et des expériences, ce regroupement victimaire semble être parvenu à mettre en place une réelle stratégie collective de dénonciation de ce problème. Les agriculteurs phytovictimes semblent ainsi s’imposer comme des acteurs majeurs du processus de prise de conscience autour de la question des pesticides et comme des acteurs inédits de ce nouvel enjeu de santé au travail.

@article{kleinman_dying_2013,
	title = {Dying {Bees} and the {Social} {Production} of {Ignorance}},
	volume = {38},
	issn = {0162-2439},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/0162243912442575},
	doi = {10.1177/0162243912442575},
	abstract = {This article utilizes the ongoing debates over the role of certain agricultural insecticides in causing Colony Collapse Disorder (CCD)—the phenomenon of accelerated bee die-offs in the United States and elsewhere—as an opportunity to contribute to the emerging literature on the social production of ignorance. In our effort to understand the social contexts that shape knowledge/nonknowledge production in this case, we develop the concept of epistemic form. Epistemic form is the suite of concepts, methods, measures, and interpretations that shapes the ways in which actors produce knowledge and ignorance in their professional/intellectual fields of practice. In the CCD controversy, we examine how the (historically influenced) privileging of certain epistemic forms intersects with the social dynamics of academic, regulatory, and corporate organizations to lead to the institutionalization of three interrelated and overlapping types of ignorance. We consider the effects of these types of ignorance on US regulatory policy and on the lives of different stakeholders.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-03-31},
	journal = {Science, Technology, \& Human Values},
	author = {Kleinman, Daniel Lee and Suryanarayanan, Sainath},
	month = jul,
	year = {2013},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc},
	pages = {492--517},
}

This article utilizes the ongoing debates over the role of certain agricultural insecticides in causing Colony Collapse Disorder (CCD)—the phenomenon of accelerated bee die-offs in the United States and elsewhere—as an opportunity to contribute to the emerging literature on the social production of ignorance. In our effort to understand the social contexts that shape knowledge/nonknowledge production in this case, we develop the concept of epistemic form. Epistemic form is the suite of concepts, methods, measures, and interpretations that shapes the ways in which actors produce knowledge and ignorance in their professional/intellectual fields of practice. In the CCD controversy, we examine how the (historically influenced) privileging of certain epistemic forms intersects with the social dynamics of academic, regulatory, and corporate organizations to lead to the institutionalization of three interrelated and overlapping types of ignorance. We consider the effects of these types of ignorance on US regulatory policy and on the lives of different stakeholders.

@book{holmes_fresh_2013,
	title = {Fresh {Fruit}, {Broken} {Bodies}: {Migrant} {Farmworkers} in the {United} {States}},
	isbn = {978-0-520-27514-0},
	shorttitle = {Fresh {Fruit}, {Broken} {Bodies}},
	abstract = {This book is an ethnographic witness to the everyday lives and suffering of Mexican migrants. Based on five years of research in the field (including berry-picking and traveling with migrants back and forth from Oaxaca up the West Coast), Holmes, an anthropologist and MD in the mold of Paul Farmer and Didier Fassin, uncovers how market forces, anti-immigrant sentiment, and racism undermine health and health care. Holmes' material is visceral and powerful?for instance, he trekked with his informants illegally through the desert border into Arizona, where they were apprehended and jailed by the Border Patrol. After he was released from jail (and his companions were deported back to Mexico), Holmes interviewed Border Patrol agents, local residents, and armed vigilantes in the borderlands. He lived with indigenous Mexican families in the mountains of Oaxaca and in farm labor camps in the United States, planted and harvested corn, picked strawberries, accompanied sick workers to clinics and hospitals, participated in healing rituals, and mourned at funerals for friends. The result is a "thick description" that conveys the full measure of struggle, suffering, and resilience of these farmworkers.  Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies weds the theoretical analysis of the anthropologist with the intimacy of the journalist to provide a compelling examination of structural and symbolic violence, medicalization, and the clinical gaze as they affect the experiences and perceptions of a vertical slice of indigenous Mexican migrant farmworkers, farm owners, doctors, and nurses. This reflexive, embodied anthropology deepens our theoretical understanding of the ways in which socially structured suffering comes to be perceived as normal and natural in society and in health care, especially through imputations of ethnic body difference. In the vehement debates on immigration reform and health reform, this book provides the necessary stories of real people and insights into our food system and health care system for us to move forward to fair policies and solutions.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Univ of California Press},
	author = {Holmes, Seth},
	month = may,
	year = {2013},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: wbMwDwAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Social Science / Anthropology / Cultural \& Social},
}

This book is an ethnographic witness to the everyday lives and suffering of Mexican migrants. Based on five years of research in the field (including berry-picking and traveling with migrants back and forth from Oaxaca up the West Coast), Holmes, an anthropologist and MD in the mold of Paul Farmer and Didier Fassin, uncovers how market forces, anti-immigrant sentiment, and racism undermine health and health care. Holmes' material is visceral and powerful?for instance, he trekked with his informants illegally through the desert border into Arizona, where they were apprehended and jailed by the Border Patrol. After he was released from jail (and his companions were deported back to Mexico), Holmes interviewed Border Patrol agents, local residents, and armed vigilantes in the borderlands. He lived with indigenous Mexican families in the mountains of Oaxaca and in farm labor camps in the United States, planted and harvested corn, picked strawberries, accompanied sick workers to clinics and hospitals, participated in healing rituals, and mourned at funerals for friends. The result is a "thick description" that conveys the full measure of struggle, suffering, and resilience of these farmworkers. Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies weds the theoretical analysis of the anthropologist with the intimacy of the journalist to provide a compelling examination of structural and symbolic violence, medicalization, and the clinical gaze as they affect the experiences and perceptions of a vertical slice of indigenous Mexican migrant farmworkers, farm owners, doctors, and nurses. This reflexive, embodied anthropology deepens our theoretical understanding of the ways in which socially structured suffering comes to be perceived as normal and natural in society and in health care, especially through imputations of ethnic body difference. In the vehement debates on immigration reform and health reform, this book provides the necessary stories of real people and insights into our food system and health care system for us to move forward to fair policies and solutions.

@article{barraza_social_2013,
	title = {Social movements and risk perception: {Unions}, churches, pesticides and bananas in {Costa} {Rica}},
	volume = {19},
	shorttitle = {Social movements and risk perception},
	doi = {10.1179/2049396712Y.0000000018},
	abstract = {Between 1992 and 2010 in the Costa Rican Caribbean, a social movement coalition called Foro Emaús sought to change people's view on problems of high pesticide use in banana production.
To understand the formation and membership of Foro Emaús, its success period, and its decline.
Semi-structured interviews of 28 key actors; a questionnaire survey among school personnel (n = 475) in Siquirres, Matina, and Talamanca counties; and secondary data from newspapers, leaflets, and movement documents were used.
Foro Emaús developed activism around pesticide issues and put pressure on governmental agencies and banana companies and shaped people's perception of pesticide risks. The success of the Foro Emaús movement led to the reinforcement of a counteracting social movement (Solidarismo) by conservative sectors of the Catholic Church and the banana companies. We found that the participation of unions in Foro Emaús is an early example of social movement unionism.
Scientific pesticide risk analysis is not the only force that shapes emerging societal perceptions of pesticide risk. Social movements influence the priority given to particular risks and can be crucial in putting health and environmental risk issues on the political and research agenda.},
	journal = {International journal of occupational and environmental health},
	author = {Barraza, Douglas and Jansen, Kees and Joode, Berna and Wesseling, Catharina},
	month = mar,
	year = {2013},
	pages = {11--21},
}

Between 1992 and 2010 in the Costa Rican Caribbean, a social movement coalition called Foro Emaús sought to change people's view on problems of high pesticide use in banana production. To understand the formation and membership of Foro Emaús, its success period, and its decline. Semi-structured interviews of 28 key actors; a questionnaire survey among school personnel (n = 475) in Siquirres, Matina, and Talamanca counties; and secondary data from newspapers, leaflets, and movement documents were used. Foro Emaús developed activism around pesticide issues and put pressure on governmental agencies and banana companies and shaped people's perception of pesticide risks. The success of the Foro Emaús movement led to the reinforcement of a counteracting social movement (Solidarismo) by conservative sectors of the Catholic Church and the banana companies. We found that the participation of unions in Foro Emaús is an early example of social movement unionism. Scientific pesticide risk analysis is not the only force that shapes emerging societal perceptions of pesticide risk. Social movements influence the priority given to particular risks and can be crucial in putting health and environmental risk issues on the political and research agenda.

@article{pelaez_regulation_2013,
	title = {Regulation of pesticides: {A} comparative analysis*},
	volume = {40},
	issn = {0302-3427},
	shorttitle = {Regulation of pesticides},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1093/scipol/sct020},
	doi = {10.1093/scipol/sct020},
	abstract = {This paper compares three internationally representative regulatory frameworks for pesticides. We look first at the USA, which shifted regulatory powers from the US Department of Agriculture to the Environmental Protection Agency in the early 1970s, during a historical transition from a predominantly economic to a predominantly social regulatory model. The second country is Brazil, currently the world’s largest consumer of pesticides, followed by the USA in second place. In the early 1990s, Brazil’s new regulatory model adopted a troika of decision-making ministries (agriculture, health and environment), with the prevalence of economic over social-environmental interests. The third case is the regulatory framework adopted in 2011 by the EU, where shifts in risk-assessment criteria and corporate financial liability reveal a prevalence of concerns involving social-environmental regulation.},
	number = {5},
	urldate = {2024-11-11},
	journal = {Science and Public Policy},
	author = {Pelaez, Victor and da Silva, Letícia Rodrigues and Araújo, Eduardo Borges},
	month = oct,
	year = {2013},
	pages = {644--656},
}

This paper compares three internationally representative regulatory frameworks for pesticides. We look first at the USA, which shifted regulatory powers from the US Department of Agriculture to the Environmental Protection Agency in the early 1970s, during a historical transition from a predominantly economic to a predominantly social regulatory model. The second country is Brazil, currently the world’s largest consumer of pesticides, followed by the USA in second place. In the early 1990s, Brazil’s new regulatory model adopted a troika of decision-making ministries (agriculture, health and environment), with the prevalence of economic over social-environmental interests. The third case is the regulatory framework adopted in 2011 by the EU, where shifts in risk-assessment criteria and corporate financial liability reveal a prevalence of concerns involving social-environmental regulation.

@article{nicourt_viticulteurs_2013,
	title = {Viticulteurs et techniciens viticoles face à leur exposition aux pesticides},
	volume = {333},
	issn = {0013-0559},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-economie-rurale-2013-1-page-11.htm},
	doi = {10.4000/economierurale.3789},
	abstract = {RésuméPourquoi des techniciens viticoles, moins exposés professionnellement aux pesticides que les viticulteurs, mettent-ils en place des stratégies collectives de protection, tandis que ces derniers, à première vue, ne semblent pas en avoir ? Nous soutiendrons l’hypothèse que tous cherchent à limiter une exposition sanitaire qu’ils ne peuvent exclure. L’objet de ce texte vise à comprendre, comparer et décrire leurs stratégies prudentielles.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-04-01},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Nicourt, Christian and Girault, Jean-Max},
	year = {2013},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Société française d’économie rurale},
	keywords = {métier, pesticides, travail, viticulture},
	pages = {11--25},
}

RésuméPourquoi des techniciens viticoles, moins exposés professionnellement aux pesticides que les viticulteurs, mettent-ils en place des stratégies collectives de protection, tandis que ces derniers, à première vue, ne semblent pas en avoir ? Nous soutiendrons l’hypothèse que tous cherchent à limiter une exposition sanitaire qu’ils ne peuvent exclure. L’objet de ce texte vise à comprendre, comparer et décrire leurs stratégies prudentielles.

@book{parascandola_king_2012,
	title = {King of {Poisons}: {A} {History} of {Arsenic}},
	isbn = {978-1-59797-703-6},
	shorttitle = {King of {Poisons}},
	abstract = {For centuries, arsenic's image as a poison has been inextricably tied to images of foul play. In King of Poisons, John Parascandola examines the surprising history of this deadly element. From Gustave Flaubert to Dorothy Sayers, arsenic has long held a place in the literary realm as an instrument of murder and suicide. It was delightfully used as a source of comedy in the famous play Arsenic and Old Lace. But as Parascandola shows, arsenic has had a number of surprising real-world applications. It was frequently found in such common items as wallpaper, paint, cosmetics, and even candy, and its use in medical treatments was widespread. American ambassador Clare Boothe Luce suffered from exposure to arsenical paint in her study, and Napoleon's death has long been speculated to be the result of accidental or intentional poisoning. But arsenic poisoning is still a public menace. In the neighborhood surrounding American University in Washington, D.C., the army has undertaken a massive cleanup of artillery shells and bottles containing chemical warfare agents such as arsenical lewisite after a number of workmen and residents became ill. Arsenic contamination of the water supply in Bangladesh and in West Bengal, India, is a major public health problem today as well. From murder to crime fiction, from industrial toxin to chemical warfare, arsenic remains a powerful force in modern life.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Potomac Books, Inc.},
	author = {Parascandola, John},
	month = oct,
	year = {2012},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: L6Ahq0FuVK8C},
	keywords = {History / General, Medical / History, Medical / Toxicology, Social Science / Criminology},
}

For centuries, arsenic's image as a poison has been inextricably tied to images of foul play. In King of Poisons, John Parascandola examines the surprising history of this deadly element. From Gustave Flaubert to Dorothy Sayers, arsenic has long held a place in the literary realm as an instrument of murder and suicide. It was delightfully used as a source of comedy in the famous play Arsenic and Old Lace. But as Parascandola shows, arsenic has had a number of surprising real-world applications. It was frequently found in such common items as wallpaper, paint, cosmetics, and even candy, and its use in medical treatments was widespread. American ambassador Clare Boothe Luce suffered from exposure to arsenical paint in her study, and Napoleon's death has long been speculated to be the result of accidental or intentional poisoning. But arsenic poisoning is still a public menace. In the neighborhood surrounding American University in Washington, D.C., the army has undertaken a massive cleanup of artillery shells and bottles containing chemical warfare agents such as arsenical lewisite after a number of workmen and residents became ill. Arsenic contamination of the water supply in Bangladesh and in West Bengal, India, is a major public health problem today as well. From murder to crime fiction, from industrial toxin to chemical warfare, arsenic remains a powerful force in modern life.

@article{schreinemachers_agricultural_2012,
	title = {Agricultural pesticides and land use intensification in high, middle and low income countries},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {0306-9192},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S030691921200070X},
	doi = {10.1016/j.foodpol.2012.06.003},
	abstract = {We study levels and trends in agricultural pesticide use for a large cross-section of countries using FAO data for the period 1990–2009. Our analysis shows that a 1\% increase in crop output per hectare is associated with a 1.8\% increase in pesticide use per hectare but that the growth in intensity of pesticide use levels off as countries reach a higher level of economic development. However, very few high income countries have managed to significantly reduce the level of intensity of their pesticide use, because decreases in insecticide use at higher income levels are largely offset by increases in herbicide and fungicide use. The results also show very rapid growth in the intensity of pesticide use for several middle income countries such as Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Cameroon, Malaysia and Thailand. Complementing our analysis with data from the Rotterdam Convention on Prior Informed Consent (PIC), we show that hazardous pesticides covered in the PIC procedure are more weakly regulated in lower than in higher income countries. We discuss the policy challenges facing developing countries with a rapid growth in pesticide use and recommend a four-pronged strategy, including an environmental tax on pesticides with revenues allocated to long-term investments in awareness building, the development of integrated crop management methods and the setting of food safety standards. The interactions between these measures should help contribute to the effectiveness of the overall strategy package.},
	language = {en},
	number = {6},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Food Policy},
	author = {Schreinemachers, Pepijn and Tipraqsa, Prasnee},
	month = dec,
	year = {2012},
	keywords = {Agricultural development, Crop protection policy, Cross-country comparison, Environmental Kuznets curve, Pesticide regulation},
	pages = {616--626},
}

We study levels and trends in agricultural pesticide use for a large cross-section of countries using FAO data for the period 1990–2009. Our analysis shows that a 1% increase in crop output per hectare is associated with a 1.8% increase in pesticide use per hectare but that the growth in intensity of pesticide use levels off as countries reach a higher level of economic development. However, very few high income countries have managed to significantly reduce the level of intensity of their pesticide use, because decreases in insecticide use at higher income levels are largely offset by increases in herbicide and fungicide use. The results also show very rapid growth in the intensity of pesticide use for several middle income countries such as Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, Cameroon, Malaysia and Thailand. Complementing our analysis with data from the Rotterdam Convention on Prior Informed Consent (PIC), we show that hazardous pesticides covered in the PIC procedure are more weakly regulated in lower than in higher income countries. We discuss the policy challenges facing developing countries with a rapid growth in pesticide use and recommend a four-pronged strategy, including an environmental tax on pesticides with revenues allocated to long-term investments in awareness building, the development of integrated crop management methods and the setting of food safety standards. The interactions between these measures should help contribute to the effectiveness of the overall strategy package.

@article{fouilleux_firmes_2012,
	title = {Firmes et developpement durable : le nouvel esprit du productivisme},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1777-537X},
	shorttitle = {Firmes et developpement durable},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/9708},
	doi = {10.4000/etudesrurales.9708},
	abstract = {RésuméCet article revient sur l’activisme des multinationales de l’agrofourniture et de l’agroalimentaire dans la gouvernance du secteur agricole. Pour ce faire nous nous appuyons sur deux cas de figure qui ont trait à la conception et à la diffusion d’innovations à l’échelle internationale : la technique du semis direct, et la mise en place de systèmes de certification « durable » des principales matières premières agricoles. Dans les deux cas, l’influence majeure de ces firmes se fonde sur des alliances spécifiques avec des acteurs de la sphère politique et économique, de la société civile et des mondes agricoles. Nous montrons en particulier comment les promoteurs de ces dispositifs mobilisent et instrumentalisent les débats sur la pluralité des formes d’exercice de l’activité agricole, sur leur durabilité environnementale et sociale, s’inscrivant dans un « nouvel esprit du productivisme », qui incorpore la critique des systèmes agricoles industriels sans pour autant les remettre en cause.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {190},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Études rurales},
	author = {Fouilleux, Ève and Goulet, Frédéric},
	month = jan,
	year = {2012},
	note = {Number: 190
Publisher: EHESS},
	keywords = {certification, firmes multinationales, innovation, normes volontaires, participation, semis direct, sociologie de la critique},
	pages = {131--146},
}

RésuméCet article revient sur l’activisme des multinationales de l’agrofourniture et de l’agroalimentaire dans la gouvernance du secteur agricole. Pour ce faire nous nous appuyons sur deux cas de figure qui ont trait à la conception et à la diffusion d’innovations à l’échelle internationale : la technique du semis direct, et la mise en place de systèmes de certification « durable » des principales matières premières agricoles. Dans les deux cas, l’influence majeure de ces firmes se fonde sur des alliances spécifiques avec des acteurs de la sphère politique et économique, de la société civile et des mondes agricoles. Nous montrons en particulier comment les promoteurs de ces dispositifs mobilisent et instrumentalisent les débats sur la pluralité des formes d’exercice de l’activité agricole, sur leur durabilité environnementale et sociale, s’inscrivant dans un « nouvel esprit du productivisme », qui incorpore la critique des systèmes agricoles industriels sans pour autant les remettre en cause.

@article{boix_secrecy_2012,
	title = {Secrecy and justice in the ongoing saga of {DBCP} litigation},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {1077-3525},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1179/1077352512Z.00000000010},
	doi = {10.1179/1077352512Z.00000000010},
	abstract = {Since the 1980s, banana workers from Central America and elsewhere have filed cases in the United States for sterility damages caused by exposure to the nematicide dibromochloropropane (DBCP) used during the1960s and 1970s. These plaintiffs’ efforts at holding fruit and chemical corporations accountable have been met with numerous obstacles. Many cases have been dismissed on the grounds that they would “more conveniently” be tried elsewhere, despite the fact that significant barriers exist to bringing such cases in many of these workers’ home countries. Using this strategy, defendants including Dole Food, Chiquita, Dow and Shell Chemical have been mostly successful in avoiding any penalty for their part in exposing banana workers to DBCP without adequate protection or information. In fact, although a few cases have settled, the first DBCP case did not reach the trial stage until 2007. In that case, the damages awarded to the six Nicaraguan banana workers were \$5 million, an amount later reduced to \$2·3 million. In 2010, Dole successfully sought to dismiss not only that case, but other cases brought by Nicaraguan plaintiffs. The company claimed that there was evidence of widespread fraud among Nicaraguan plaintiffs, attorneys, and judges, as well as lawyers based in the US. However, many of those accused of fraud did not have a chance to respond to those allegations or cross-examine their accusers. In addition, allegations of fraudulent behavior on the part defendants suggest that the story is more complicated. Instead of dismissing these cases — a defacto victory for the defendant — US courts should move forward with deciding these cases on their own merits; leaving juries to determine the veracity of plaintiffs and defendants’ claims.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {International Journal of Occupational and Environmental Health},
	author = {Boix, Vicent and Bohme, Susanna R},
	month = jun,
	year = {2012},
	pmid = {22762496},
	note = {Publisher: Taylor \& Francis
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1179/1077352512Z.00000000010},
	keywords = {Dibromochloropropane, Nicaragua, Occupational health, Transnational litigation, United States of America},
	pages = {154--161},
}

Since the 1980s, banana workers from Central America and elsewhere have filed cases in the United States for sterility damages caused by exposure to the nematicide dibromochloropropane (DBCP) used during the1960s and 1970s. These plaintiffs’ efforts at holding fruit and chemical corporations accountable have been met with numerous obstacles. Many cases have been dismissed on the grounds that they would “more conveniently” be tried elsewhere, despite the fact that significant barriers exist to bringing such cases in many of these workers’ home countries. Using this strategy, defendants including Dole Food, Chiquita, Dow and Shell Chemical have been mostly successful in avoiding any penalty for their part in exposing banana workers to DBCP without adequate protection or information. In fact, although a few cases have settled, the first DBCP case did not reach the trial stage until 2007. In that case, the damages awarded to the six Nicaraguan banana workers were $5 million, an amount later reduced to $2·3 million. In 2010, Dole successfully sought to dismiss not only that case, but other cases brought by Nicaraguan plaintiffs. The company claimed that there was evidence of widespread fraud among Nicaraguan plaintiffs, attorneys, and judges, as well as lawyers based in the US. However, many of those accused of fraud did not have a chance to respond to those allegations or cross-examine their accusers. In addition, allegations of fraudulent behavior on the part defendants suggest that the story is more complicated. Instead of dismissing these cases — a defacto victory for the defendant — US courts should move forward with deciding these cases on their own merits; leaving juries to determine the veracity of plaintiffs and defendants’ claims.

@article{flocks_environmental_2012,
	title = {The {Environmental} and {Social} {Injustice} of {Farmworker} {Pesticide} {Exposure}},
	volume = {19},
	url = {https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/geojpovlp19&id=259&div=&collection=},
	journal = {Georgetown Journal on Poverty Law \& Policy},
	author = {Flocks, Joan D.},
	year = {2012},
	pages = {255},
}

@phdthesis{barrault_pratiques_2012,
	type = {phdthesis},
	title = {Les pratiques de jardinage face aux risques sanitaires et environnementaux des pesticides : les approches différenciées de la {France} et du {Québec}},
	shorttitle = {Les pratiques de jardinage face aux risques sanitaires et environnementaux des pesticides},
	url = {https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00859540/document},
	abstract = {La thèse met en évidence, dans le cas de la France, une forme de régulation composite des risques sanitaires et environnementaux liés aux usages des pesticides par les jardiniers amateurs, qui comporte trois principales dimensions. (1) Intimement articulée aux mécanismes de marché, cette forme de régulation impute l’essentiel de la responsabilité à l’utilisateur considéré en tant que consommateur à responsabiliser, alors que les autorités publiques considèrent les firmes de pesticides comme des opérateurs économiques dont les avantages compétitifs sont à valoriser, veillant donc à respecter la dynamique de l’offre et de la demande tout en se chargeant d’encadrer ce marché par l’homologation des produits. (2) Elle épouse les principes de la société singulariste où l’individu serait la référence centrale de la dynamique des sociétés contemporaines et le régulateur des problèmes collectifs par ses choix de consommation et ses prises de positions individuelles. (3) Elle s’opère dans un contexte où l’État a per¬du sa centralité sous la double influence de l’européanisation et de la décentralisation et où les modes de régulations politiques sont caractérisés par des formes moins dirigistes de gouvernement pouvant être définies comme des « politiques sans politique ». La régulation composite des pesticides domestiques est porteuse d’un postulat implicite qui impute la responsabilité des risques aux usagers et qui, si elle laisse ouverte la voie à une po¬ten-tielle réduction de l’usage des produits, tend à limiter leur exclusion et réduit les possibilités d’une transition vers un jardinage sans pesticides.},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2019-01-18},
	school = {Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II},
	author = {Barrault, Julia},
	month = sep,
	year = {2012},
}

La thèse met en évidence, dans le cas de la France, une forme de régulation composite des risques sanitaires et environnementaux liés aux usages des pesticides par les jardiniers amateurs, qui comporte trois principales dimensions. (1) Intimement articulée aux mécanismes de marché, cette forme de régulation impute l’essentiel de la responsabilité à l’utilisateur considéré en tant que consommateur à responsabiliser, alors que les autorités publiques considèrent les firmes de pesticides comme des opérateurs économiques dont les avantages compétitifs sont à valoriser, veillant donc à respecter la dynamique de l’offre et de la demande tout en se chargeant d’encadrer ce marché par l’homologation des produits. (2) Elle épouse les principes de la société singulariste où l’individu serait la référence centrale de la dynamique des sociétés contemporaines et le régulateur des problèmes collectifs par ses choix de consommation et ses prises de positions individuelles. (3) Elle s’opère dans un contexte où l’État a per¬du sa centralité sous la double influence de l’européanisation et de la décentralisation et où les modes de régulations politiques sont caractérisés par des formes moins dirigistes de gouvernement pouvant être définies comme des « politiques sans politique ». La régulation composite des pesticides domestiques est porteuse d’un postulat implicite qui impute la responsabilité des risques aux usagers et qui, si elle laisse ouverte la voie à une po¬ten-tielle réduction de l’usage des produits, tend à limiter leur exclusion et réduit les possibilités d’une transition vers un jardinage sans pesticides.

@article{mclaughlin_green_2011,
	title = {Green {Shoots}:: {Aerial} {Insecticide} {Spraying} and the {Growth} of {Environmental} {Consciousness} in {New} {Brunswick}, 1952-1973},
	volume = {40},
	issn = {0044-5851, 1712-7432},
	shorttitle = {Green {Shoots}},
	url = {https://www.erudit.org/en/journals/acadiensis/2011-v40-n1-acad_40_1/acad40_1art01/},
	abstract = {Modern environmentalism in New Brunswick was triggered primarily by the growth of opposition to New Brunswick’s controversial spruce budworm spraying program in the 1950s and 1960s. While this "Battle of the Budworm" initially arose from concern within sportsmen’s organizations over the effects of the DDT spray on Atlantic salmon, research by the province’s scientific and technical community fostered greater opposition to the spraying – opposition that challenged the provincial government’s traditional stance on resource management. Forest industry and provincial government officials countered assertions of massive ecological damage by arguing that the spraying program was necessary to save the province’s forests and forest industries.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-01-26},
	journal = {Acadiensis},
	author = {McLaughlin, Mark},
	year = {2011},
	note = {Publisher: The Department of History at the University of New Brunswick},
	pages = {3--23},
}

Modern environmentalism in New Brunswick was triggered primarily by the growth of opposition to New Brunswick’s controversial spruce budworm spraying program in the 1950s and 1960s. While this "Battle of the Budworm" initially arose from concern within sportsmen’s organizations over the effects of the DDT spray on Atlantic salmon, research by the province’s scientific and technical community fostered greater opposition to the spraying – opposition that challenged the provincial government’s traditional stance on resource management. Forest industry and provincial government officials countered assertions of massive ecological damage by arguing that the spraying program was necessary to save the province’s forests and forest industries.

@book{harrison_pesticide_2011,
	title = {Pesticide {Drift} and the {Pursuit} of {Environmental} {Justice}},
	isbn = {978-0-262-29788-2},
	abstract = {An examination of political conflicts over pesticide drift and the differing conceptions of justice held by industry, regulators, and activists.The widespread but virtually invisible problem of pesticide drift—the airborne movement of agricultural pesticides into residential areas—has fueled grassroots activism from Maine to Hawaii. Pesticide drift accidents have terrified and sickened many living in the country's most marginalized and vulnerable communities. In this book, Jill Lindsey Harrison considers political conflicts over pesticide drift in California, using them to illuminate the broader problem and its potential solutions. The fact that pesticide pollution and illnesses associated with it disproportionately affect the poor and the powerless raises questions of environmental justice (and political injustice). Despite California's impressive record of environmental protection, massive pesticide regulatory apparatus, and booming organic farming industry, pesticide-related accidents and illnesses continue unabated. To unpack this conundrum, Harrison examines the conceptions of justice that increasingly shape environmental politics and finds that California's agricultural industry, regulators, and pesticide drift activists hold different, and conflicting, notions of what justice looks like. Drawing on her own extensive ethnographic research as well as in-depth interviews with regulators, activists, scientists, and public health practitioners, Harrison examines the ways industry, regulatory agencies, and different kinds of activists address pesticide drift, connecting their efforts to communitarian and libertarian conceptions of justice. The approach taken by pesticide drift activists, she finds, not only critiques theories of justice undergirding mainstream sustainable-agriculture activism, but also offers an entirely new notion of what justice means. To solve seemingly intractable environmental problems such as pesticide drift, Harrison argues, we need a different kind of environmental justice. She proposes the precautionary principle as a framework for effectively and justly addressing environmental inequities in the everyday work of environmental regulatory institutions.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {MIT Press},
	author = {Harrison, Jill Lindsey},
	month = jul,
	year = {2011},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: 8u\_uCwAAQBAJ},
	keywords = {Science / Environmental Science, Technology \& Engineering / Environmental / General},
}

An examination of political conflicts over pesticide drift and the differing conceptions of justice held by industry, regulators, and activists.The widespread but virtually invisible problem of pesticide drift—the airborne movement of agricultural pesticides into residential areas—has fueled grassroots activism from Maine to Hawaii. Pesticide drift accidents have terrified and sickened many living in the country's most marginalized and vulnerable communities. In this book, Jill Lindsey Harrison considers political conflicts over pesticide drift in California, using them to illuminate the broader problem and its potential solutions. The fact that pesticide pollution and illnesses associated with it disproportionately affect the poor and the powerless raises questions of environmental justice (and political injustice). Despite California's impressive record of environmental protection, massive pesticide regulatory apparatus, and booming organic farming industry, pesticide-related accidents and illnesses continue unabated. To unpack this conundrum, Harrison examines the conceptions of justice that increasingly shape environmental politics and finds that California's agricultural industry, regulators, and pesticide drift activists hold different, and conflicting, notions of what justice looks like. Drawing on her own extensive ethnographic research as well as in-depth interviews with regulators, activists, scientists, and public health practitioners, Harrison examines the ways industry, regulatory agencies, and different kinds of activists address pesticide drift, connecting their efforts to communitarian and libertarian conceptions of justice. The approach taken by pesticide drift activists, she finds, not only critiques theories of justice undergirding mainstream sustainable-agriculture activism, but also offers an entirely new notion of what justice means. To solve seemingly intractable environmental problems such as pesticide drift, Harrison argues, we need a different kind of environmental justice. She proposes the precautionary principle as a framework for effectively and justly addressing environmental inequities in the everyday work of environmental regulatory institutions.

@article{nicourt_normalisation_2011,
	title = {La normalisation du travail viticole à l’épreuve de la réduction de l’usage des pesticides},
	issn = {0013-0559, 2105-2581},
	url = {http://economierurale.revues.org/2940},
	doi = {10.4000/economierurale.2940},
	language = {fr},
	number = {321},
	urldate = {2016-12-28},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Nicourt, Christian and Girault, Jean-Max},
	month = jan,
	year = {2011},
	note = {Number: 321},
	pages = {29--41},
}

@article{castonguay_creating_2010,
	title = {Creating an {Agricultural} {World} {Order}: {Regional} {Plant} {Protection} {Problems} and {International} {Phytopathology}, 1878–1939},
	volume = {84},
	issn = {0002-1482},
	shorttitle = {Creating an {Agricultural} {World} {Order}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1215/00021482-84.1.46},
	doi = {10.1215/00021482-84.1.46},
	abstract = {Beginning in 1878 with the International Phylloxera Convention of Berne, international conventions have sought to relieve national agricultural industries from two specific burdens. First, by defining phytosanitary practices to be enforced by national plant protection services, these conventions attempted to prevent the introduction of plant diseases and pests into national territories from which they were previously absent. Second, by standardizing these practices—especially through the design of a unique certificate of inspection—the conventions attempted to eliminate barriers such as quarantines affecting international agricultural trade. The succession of phytopathological conventions seemed to epitomize the coalescence of an international community against agricultural pests. What actually coalesced was bio-geopolitics wherein plant pathologists and economic entomologists from North America and the British Empire questioned the so-called internationality of the environmental and economic specificities of continental European agriculture, embodied in "international" conventions. Although an international phenomenon, the dissemination of agricultural pests provided opportunities for cooperation on a strictly regional albeit transnational basis that pitted bio-geopolitical spaces against each other. This article retraces the formation of these spaces by analyzing the deliberations of committees and congresses that gathered to define an international agricultural order based on the means to prevent the spread of plant disease and pests.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-03-18},
	journal = {Agricultural History},
	author = {Castonguay, Stéphane},
	month = jan,
	year = {2010},
	pages = {46--73},
}

Beginning in 1878 with the International Phylloxera Convention of Berne, international conventions have sought to relieve national agricultural industries from two specific burdens. First, by defining phytosanitary practices to be enforced by national plant protection services, these conventions attempted to prevent the introduction of plant diseases and pests into national territories from which they were previously absent. Second, by standardizing these practices—especially through the design of a unique certificate of inspection—the conventions attempted to eliminate barriers such as quarantines affecting international agricultural trade. The succession of phytopathological conventions seemed to epitomize the coalescence of an international community against agricultural pests. What actually coalesced was bio-geopolitics wherein plant pathologists and economic entomologists from North America and the British Empire questioned the so-called internationality of the environmental and economic specificities of continental European agriculture, embodied in "international" conventions. Although an international phenomenon, the dissemination of agricultural pests provided opportunities for cooperation on a strictly regional albeit transnational basis that pitted bio-geopolitical spaces against each other. This article retraces the formation of these spaces by analyzing the deliberations of committees and congresses that gathered to define an international agricultural order based on the means to prevent the spread of plant disease and pests.

@article{glover_corporate_2010,
	title = {The corporate shaping of {GM} crops as a technology for the poor},
	volume = {37},
	issn = {0306-6150},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150903498754},
	doi = {10.1080/03066150903498754},
	abstract = {Genetically modified (GM, transgenic) crops are often invoked in debates about poverty, hunger, and agricultural development. The framing of GM crops as a ‘pro-poor’ and environmentally sustainable technology was partly a creation of the biotechnology industry, but cannot be explained as merely a cynical exercise in public relations. Storylines about poverty alleviation and sustainable development actually helped to drive and shape the technical and commercial strategies of the leading transnational agribusiness company, Monsanto, during the 1970s, 80s and 90s. However, while those storylines emerged alongside the GM crop technologies that were being developed in the company's laboratories and greenhouses, they failed to influence their design or technological content. Nevertheless, the pro-poor and sustainability rhetoric contributed directly to a transformation of Monsanto's sectoral and geographical scope, to include a new focus on markets in developing countries. In principle, serving farmers in these markets could lead the company to develop new products and technologies that are designed to address the needs of resource-poor smallholders, but the evidence of such a change occurring is scant.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {The Journal of Peasant Studies},
	author = {Glover, Dominic},
	month = jan,
	year = {2010},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge
\_eprint: https://doi.org/10.1080/03066150903498754},
	keywords = {GM crops, Monsanto, agriculture, biotechnology, narrative},
	pages = {67--90},
}

Genetically modified (GM, transgenic) crops are often invoked in debates about poverty, hunger, and agricultural development. The framing of GM crops as a ‘pro-poor’ and environmentally sustainable technology was partly a creation of the biotechnology industry, but cannot be explained as merely a cynical exercise in public relations. Storylines about poverty alleviation and sustainable development actually helped to drive and shape the technical and commercial strategies of the leading transnational agribusiness company, Monsanto, during the 1970s, 80s and 90s. However, while those storylines emerged alongside the GM crop technologies that were being developed in the company's laboratories and greenhouses, they failed to influence their design or technological content. Nevertheless, the pro-poor and sustainability rhetoric contributed directly to a transformation of Monsanto's sectoral and geographical scope, to include a new focus on markets in developing countries. In principle, serving farmers in these markets could lead the company to develop new products and technologies that are designed to address the needs of resource-poor smallholders, but the evidence of such a change occurring is scant.

@article{jas_pesticides_2010,
	title = {Pesticides et santé des travailleurs agricoles en {France}. {Questions} anciennes, nouveaux enjeux},
	volume = {59},
	url = {https://hal.science/hal-01196933},
	abstract = {Depuis 2002, la question des effets des pesticides sur la santé des agriculteurs semble acquérir une certaine visibilité dans l’espace public sous l’impulsion de deux dynamiques. D’une part, une série de procès ont été engagés par des agriculteurs pour que l’exposition professionnelle à un ou des pesticides soit reconnue comme étant à l’origine d’atteintes graves à leur santé. D’autre part, des résultats d’enquêtes épidémiologiques montrent que ce type d’exposition induirait des risques accrus pour certaines pathologies. La médiatisation de ces actions en justice et de ces enquêtes, qui ne concernent encore que certains groupes professionnels et certaines pathologies, est récente. Cela pourrait laisser penser que les effets des pesticides sur la santé des travailleurs agricoles constitueraient des problèmes nouveaux.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {59},
	urldate = {2023-01-20},
	journal = {Le Courrier de l'environnement de l'INRA},
	author = {Jas, Nathalie},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {47},
}

Depuis 2002, la question des effets des pesticides sur la santé des agriculteurs semble acquérir une certaine visibilité dans l’espace public sous l’impulsion de deux dynamiques. D’une part, une série de procès ont été engagés par des agriculteurs pour que l’exposition professionnelle à un ou des pesticides soit reconnue comme étant à l’origine d’atteintes graves à leur santé. D’autre part, des résultats d’enquêtes épidémiologiques montrent que ce type d’exposition induirait des risques accrus pour certaines pathologies. La médiatisation de ces actions en justice et de ces enquêtes, qui ne concernent encore que certains groupes professionnels et certaines pathologies, est récente. Cela pourrait laisser penser que les effets des pesticides sur la santé des travailleurs agricoles constitueraient des problèmes nouveaux.

@book{baumgartner_agendas_2009,
	address = {Chicago, IL},
	series = {Chicago {Studies} in {American} {Politics}},
	title = {Agendas and {Instability} in {American} {Politics}, {Second} {Edition}},
	isbn = {978-0-226-03949-7},
	url = {https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/A/bo6763995.html},
	abstract = {When Agendas and Instability in American Politics appeared fifteen years ago, offering a profoundly original account of how policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda, the Journal of Politics predicted that it would “become a landmark study of public policy making and American politics.” That prediction proved true and, in this long-awaited second edition, Bryan Jones and Frank Baumgartner refine their influential argument and expand it to illuminate the workings of democracies beyond the United States.The authors retain all the substance of their contention that short-term, single-issue analyses cast public policy too narrowly as the result of cozy and dependable arrangements among politicians, interest groups, and the media. Jones and Baumgartner provide a different interpretation by taking the long view of several issues—including nuclear energy, urban affairs, smoking, and auto safety—to demonstrate that bursts of rapid, unpredictable policy change punctuate the patterns of stability more frequently associated with government. Featuring a new introduction and two additional chapters, this updated edition ensures that their findings will remain a touchstone of policy studies for many years to come.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-01-29},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	author = {Baumgartner, Frank R. and Jones, Bryan D.},
	month = may,
	year = {2009},
	keywords = {american politics, auto safety, congress, democracy, democratic process, elections, governing, governmental studies, graduate level, interest groups, landmark study, lawmakers, mass media, national agenda, nuclear energy, policy issues, policy-making, political science, politicians, public opinion, rapid change, single-issue analyses, smoking, social topics, sociology, textbooks, united states government, updated edition, urban affairs, us history},
}

When Agendas and Instability in American Politics appeared fifteen years ago, offering a profoundly original account of how policy issues rise and fall on the national agenda, the Journal of Politics predicted that it would “become a landmark study of public policy making and American politics.” That prediction proved true and, in this long-awaited second edition, Bryan Jones and Frank Baumgartner refine their influential argument and expand it to illuminate the workings of democracies beyond the United States.The authors retain all the substance of their contention that short-term, single-issue analyses cast public policy too narrowly as the result of cozy and dependable arrangements among politicians, interest groups, and the media. Jones and Baumgartner provide a different interpretation by taking the long view of several issues—including nuclear energy, urban affairs, smoking, and auto safety—to demonstrate that bursts of rapid, unpredictable policy change punctuate the patterns of stability more frequently associated with government. Featuring a new introduction and two additional chapters, this updated edition ensures that their findings will remain a touchstone of policy studies for many years to come.

@book{clapp_corporate_2009,
	address = {Cambridge, MA, USA},
	series = {Food, {Health}, and the {Environment}},
	title = {Corporate {Power} in {Global} {Agrifood} {Governance}},
	isbn = {978-0-262-01275-1},
	abstract = {Experts examine the ways transnational corporations exercise power over governance of the global food system and the implications this has for sustainability},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {MIT Press},
	editor = {Clapp, Jennifer and Fuchs, Doris and Gottlieb, Robert and Cohen, Nevin},
	month = may,
	year = {2009},
}

Experts examine the ways transnational corporations exercise power over governance of the global food system and the implications this has for sustainability

@phdthesis{buffin_uk_2009,
	type = {doctoral},
	title = {{UK} pesticides policy - a policy paradigm in transition?},
	url = {https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/19607/},
	abstract = {This research has established that a dominant 'pesticide policy paradigm' emerged in the UK in the mid 20th century which is now challenged and under pressure. The research proposes that another 'ecological pest management paradigm' appears to be emerging, but its development is held back by under-investment and powerful commitments to the current pesticide policy paradigm.

In the main, pesticides are researched and studied within the confines of natural science. The cross disciplinary nature of the present research has involved a wider analysis of pesticide policy from a scientific, social and political perspective. Pesticide policy and practice has been analysed using existing research data, grey literature and semi-structured interviews with 47 senior pesticide policy stakeholders from across the food and agrichemical sectors. The interviews were conducted to test the theoretical framework proposed.

After the Second World War significant crop yield increases were achieved, partly through the intensive use of synthetic pesticides, as an established part of conventional agriculture. Although successful at controlling pests, synthetic pesticides have also had unintended side effects on human health and the environment, which are reviewed. In response to rising evidence of harm, critical stakeholders have asserted the primacy of protecting human health and the environment.

The research identified 'productive stakeholders' who are locked into the technology, and 'critical stakeholders' with fundamental concerns about the need for pesticides, who champion a more precautionary approach. The interviews suggest 'societal failure' for pesticides, which is not dispelled by government and productive stakeholder assurances.

Biologically based alternatives are emerging as one response to the unintentional side effects of synthetic pesticides. However these bio-pesticide products are considered under the same regulatory requirements as synthetic pesticides. Thus, the high cost of regulatory development is impeding their development, and though widely considered safer than synthetic pesticides, this is currently difficult to prove. Bio-pesticides are thus subsumed in the same paradigm as synthetic pesticides; where as they could be seen as part of a more sustainable and holistic ecological pest management paradigm.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2024-04-03},
	school = {City University London},
	author = {Buffin, D. G.},
	year = {2009},
}

This research has established that a dominant 'pesticide policy paradigm' emerged in the UK in the mid 20th century which is now challenged and under pressure. The research proposes that another 'ecological pest management paradigm' appears to be emerging, but its development is held back by under-investment and powerful commitments to the current pesticide policy paradigm. In the main, pesticides are researched and studied within the confines of natural science. The cross disciplinary nature of the present research has involved a wider analysis of pesticide policy from a scientific, social and political perspective. Pesticide policy and practice has been analysed using existing research data, grey literature and semi-structured interviews with 47 senior pesticide policy stakeholders from across the food and agrichemical sectors. The interviews were conducted to test the theoretical framework proposed. After the Second World War significant crop yield increases were achieved, partly through the intensive use of synthetic pesticides, as an established part of conventional agriculture. Although successful at controlling pests, synthetic pesticides have also had unintended side effects on human health and the environment, which are reviewed. In response to rising evidence of harm, critical stakeholders have asserted the primacy of protecting human health and the environment. The research identified 'productive stakeholders' who are locked into the technology, and 'critical stakeholders' with fundamental concerns about the need for pesticides, who champion a more precautionary approach. The interviews suggest 'societal failure' for pesticides, which is not dispelled by government and productive stakeholder assurances. Biologically based alternatives are emerging as one response to the unintentional side effects of synthetic pesticides. However these bio-pesticide products are considered under the same regulatory requirements as synthetic pesticides. Thus, the high cost of regulatory development is impeding their development, and though widely considered safer than synthetic pesticides, this is currently difficult to prove. Bio-pesticides are thus subsumed in the same paradigm as synthetic pesticides; where as they could be seen as part of a more sustainable and holistic ecological pest management paradigm.

@incollection{vallejos_condition_2009,
	address = {Safety and Justice},
	title = {The {Condition} of {Farmworker} {Housing} in the {Eastern} {United} {States}},
	language = {en},
	booktitle = {: {Arcury} {T}., {Quandt}., {S}., {Latino} {Farmworkers} in the {Eastern} {United} {States}: {Health}},
	publisher = {Springer},
	author = {Vallejos, Q. and Quandt, S. and Arcury, T.},
	year = {2009},
}

@article{galt_beyond_2008,
	series = {Local evidence on vulnerabilities and adaptations to global environmental change},
	title = {Beyond the circle of poison: {Significant} shifts in the global pesticide complex, 1976–2008},
	volume = {18},
	issn = {0959-3780},
	shorttitle = {Beyond the circle of poison},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0959378008000605},
	doi = {10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2008.07.003},
	abstract = {Almost 30 years after its introduction, the “circle of poison” remains a common conceptualization of the global pesticide complex among scholars and especially in popular understanding. The circle of poison describes a situation in which, pesticides banned in industrialized countries continue to be manufactured there and exported to developing countries, are then used in developing countries almost entirely on export crops, and return to industrialized countries as pesticide residues on food. Using secondary data and a case study of pesticide use in Costa Rica, I review the applicability of the circle of poison conceptualization to the current global pesticide complex. I argue that (1) the circle of poison is no longer accurate due to important global changes in pesticide regulation, production, trade, sales, and use driven by a number of dynamic economic, social, and ecological processes; (2) using industrialized countries’ pesticide regulations as proxies for safety should be replaced by multi-characteristic risk assessments; and (3) revisions of the circle of poison conceptualization should be updated because of export farmers’ adoption of newer classes of pesticides. The paper concludes by offering a new characterization of the global pesticide complex vis-à-vis pesticide use in developing countries: pesticide divergence by market orientation.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Global Environmental Change},
	author = {Galt, Ryan E.},
	month = oct,
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {Circle of poison, Costa Rica, Developing countries, Global pesticide complex, Industrialized countries, Pesticides},
	pages = {786--799},
}

Almost 30 years after its introduction, the “circle of poison” remains a common conceptualization of the global pesticide complex among scholars and especially in popular understanding. The circle of poison describes a situation in which, pesticides banned in industrialized countries continue to be manufactured there and exported to developing countries, are then used in developing countries almost entirely on export crops, and return to industrialized countries as pesticide residues on food. Using secondary data and a case study of pesticide use in Costa Rica, I review the applicability of the circle of poison conceptualization to the current global pesticide complex. I argue that (1) the circle of poison is no longer accurate due to important global changes in pesticide regulation, production, trade, sales, and use driven by a number of dynamic economic, social, and ecological processes; (2) using industrialized countries’ pesticide regulations as proxies for safety should be replaced by multi-characteristic risk assessments; and (3) revisions of the circle of poison conceptualization should be updated because of export farmers’ adoption of newer classes of pesticides. The paper concludes by offering a new characterization of the global pesticide complex vis-à-vis pesticide use in developing countries: pesticide divergence by market orientation.

@article{jansen_unspeakable_2008,
	title = {The {Unspeakable} {Ban}: {The} {Translation} of {Global} {Pesticide} {Governance} into {Honduran} {National} {Regulation}},
	volume = {36},
	issn = {0305-750X},
	shorttitle = {The {Unspeakable} {Ban}},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X07002306},
	doi = {10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.04.017},
	abstract = {This study examines the transfer of regulatory models from the international to the national level, drawing on a case study of Honduras and its adoption of the International Code of Conduct on the Distribution and Use of Pesticides. A key question concerns why the banning of hazardous pesticides disappears from the national policy agenda in the transfer process. The paper argues that development interventions reinforce a way of framing pesticide risks which prioritizes the scientific assessment of pesticides as a product rather than examining the everyday context in which they are used.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {World Development},
	author = {Jansen, Kees},
	month = apr,
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {Honduras, Latin America, frame, global governance, pesticides, regulation},
	pages = {575--589},
}

This study examines the transfer of regulatory models from the international to the national level, drawing on a case study of Honduras and its adoption of the International Code of Conduct on the Distribution and Use of Pesticides. A key question concerns why the banning of hazardous pesticides disappears from the national policy agenda in the transfer process. The paper argues that development interventions reinforce a way of framing pesticide risks which prioritizes the scientific assessment of pesticides as a product rather than examining the everyday context in which they are used.

@article{decosse_sante_2008,
	title = {La santé des travailleurs agricoles migrants : un objet politique ?},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1777-537X},
	shorttitle = {La santé des travailleurs agricoles migrants},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/etudesrurales/8806},
	doi = {10.4000/etudesrurales.8806},
	abstract = {S’appuyant sur plusieurs années d’une enquête menée dans le sud de la France, en Andalousie et dans le pré-Rif marocain, cet article s’intéresse à la santé de la main-d’œuvre temporaire étrangère que l’agriculture intensive méditerranéenne mobilise. Alors que ces saisonniers sont victimes d’un nombre élevé d’accidents et de maladies, les risques auxquels ils sont exposés et, plus encore, les pathologies dont ils sont atteints sont rendus invisibles, sont sous-déclarés et ne sont pas pris en charge. Ne suscitant qu’une faible mobilisation de la part des acteurs du champ, cette question n’émerge donc pas comme un problème de santé publique, ce qui permet une externalisation des coûts, à la fois économiques et humains, vers les pays d’origine, où ces salariés sont tenus de retourner à la fin de chaque saison. Ainsi s’institue une nouvelle division internationale des risques du travail agricole.},
	language = {fr},
	number = {182},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {Études rurales},
	author = {Décosse, Frédéric},
	month = jul,
	year = {2008},
	keywords = {Bassin méditerranéen, agriculture intensive, invisibilisation des risques et pathologies, saisonniers agricoles étrangers, santé au travail},
	pages = {103--120},
}

S’appuyant sur plusieurs années d’une enquête menée dans le sud de la France, en Andalousie et dans le pré-Rif marocain, cet article s’intéresse à la santé de la main-d’œuvre temporaire étrangère que l’agriculture intensive méditerranéenne mobilise. Alors que ces saisonniers sont victimes d’un nombre élevé d’accidents et de maladies, les risques auxquels ils sont exposés et, plus encore, les pathologies dont ils sont atteints sont rendus invisibles, sont sous-déclarés et ne sont pas pris en charge. Ne suscitant qu’une faible mobilisation de la part des acteurs du champ, cette question n’émerge donc pas comme un problème de santé publique, ce qui permet une externalisation des coûts, à la fois économiques et humains, vers les pays d’origine, où ces salariés sont tenus de retourner à la fin de chaque saison. Ainsi s’institue une nouvelle division internationale des risques du travail agricole.

@book{lytle_gentle_2007,
	address = {Oxford},
	title = {The {Gentle} {Subversive}: {Rachel} {Carson}, {Silent} {Spring}, and the {Rise} of the {Environmental} {Movement}},
	isbn = {978-0-19-803853-5},
	shorttitle = {The {Gentle} {Subversive}},
	abstract = {Rachel Carson's Silent Spring antagonized some of the most powerful interests in the nation--including the farm block and the agricultural chemical industry--and helped launch the modern environmental movement. In The Gentle Subversive, Mark Hamilton Lytle offers a compact biography of Carson, illuminating the road that led to this vastly influential book. Lytle explores the evolution of Carson's ideas about nature, her love for the sea, her career as a biologist, and above all her emergence as a writer of extraordinary moral and ecological vision. We follow Carson from her childhood on a farm outside Pittsburgh, where she first developed her love of nature (and where, at age eleven, she published her first piece in a children's magazine), to her graduate work at Johns Hopkins and her career with the Fish and Wildlife Service. Lytle describes the genesis of her first book, Under the Sea-Wind, the incredible success of The Sea Around Us (a New York Times bestseller for over a year), and her determination to risk her fame in order to write her "poison book": Silent Spring. The author contends that despite Carson's demure, lady-like demeanor, she was subversive in her thinking and aggressive in her campaign against pesticides. Carson became the spokeswoman for a network of conservationists, scientists, women, and other concerned citizens who had come to fear the mounting dangers of the human assault on nature. What makes this story particularly compelling is that Carson took up this cause at the very moment when she herself faced a losing battle with cancer. Succinct and engaging, The Gentle Subversive is a story of success, celebrity, controversy, and vindication. It will inspire anyone interested in protecting the natural world or in women's struggle to find a voice in society.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Oxford University Press},
	author = {Lytle, Mark Hamilton},
	month = jul,
	year = {2007},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: SOSD4PFchmsC},
	keywords = {Biography \& Autobiography / Science \& Technology, Nature / Environmental Conservation \& Protection, Science / Philosophy \& Social Aspects},
}

Rachel Carson's Silent Spring antagonized some of the most powerful interests in the nation–including the farm block and the agricultural chemical industry–and helped launch the modern environmental movement. In The Gentle Subversive, Mark Hamilton Lytle offers a compact biography of Carson, illuminating the road that led to this vastly influential book. Lytle explores the evolution of Carson's ideas about nature, her love for the sea, her career as a biologist, and above all her emergence as a writer of extraordinary moral and ecological vision. We follow Carson from her childhood on a farm outside Pittsburgh, where she first developed her love of nature (and where, at age eleven, she published her first piece in a children's magazine), to her graduate work at Johns Hopkins and her career with the Fish and Wildlife Service. Lytle describes the genesis of her first book, Under the Sea-Wind, the incredible success of The Sea Around Us (a New York Times bestseller for over a year), and her determination to risk her fame in order to write her "poison book": Silent Spring. The author contends that despite Carson's demure, lady-like demeanor, she was subversive in her thinking and aggressive in her campaign against pesticides. Carson became the spokeswoman for a network of conservationists, scientists, women, and other concerned citizens who had come to fear the mounting dangers of the human assault on nature. What makes this story particularly compelling is that Carson took up this cause at the very moment when she herself faced a losing battle with cancer. Succinct and engaging, The Gentle Subversive is a story of success, celebrity, controversy, and vindication. It will inspire anyone interested in protecting the natural world or in women's struggle to find a voice in society.

@article{jas_public_2007,
	title = {Public {Health} and {Pesticide} {Regulation} in {France} {Before} and {After} {Silent} {Spring}},
	volume = {23},
	issn = {0734-1512},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1080/07341510701527435},
	doi = {10.1080/07341510701527435},
	abstract = {By analysing aspects of the development and functioning of the French pesticide registration system up to 1972, this paper highlights four long‐term trends that significantly influenced how that system took charge of public health, while exposing a series of problems with pesticide‐related health management practices. It argues that the function of these practices was not so much to protect populations from the detrimental effects of pesticides but to enable the development of intensive agriculture and the pesticide industry. Ultimately, it stresses the need to introduce long‐term perspectives into risk studies and to place economic interests at the core their analyses.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	journal = {History and Technology},
	author = {Jas, Nathalie},
	month = dec,
	year = {2007},
	keywords = {France, Pesticides, Public Health, Regulation, Twentieth Century},
	pages = {369--388},
}

By analysing aspects of the development and functioning of the French pesticide registration system up to 1972, this paper highlights four long‐term trends that significantly influenced how that system took charge of public health, while exposing a series of problems with pesticide‐related health management practices. It argues that the function of these practices was not so much to protect populations from the detrimental effects of pesticides but to enable the development of intensive agriculture and the pesticide industry. Ultimately, it stresses the need to introduce long‐term perspectives into risk studies and to place economic interests at the core their analyses.

@techreport{bertrand_processus_2007,
	address = {Paris},
	title = {Processus d’alerte et dispositifs d’expertise dans les dossiers sanitaires et environnementaux {Expérimentation} d’un observatoire informatisé de veille sociologique à partir du cas des pesticides.},
	url = {http://gspr.ehess.free.fr/contrats/Pesticides-AFSSET-RapportFinal.pdf},
	institution = {GSPR(Ehess)/Afsset},
	author = {Bertrand, Anne and Chateauraynaud, Francis and Torny, Didier},
	year = {2007},
	pages = {139},
}

@book{nicolino_pesticides_2007,
	title = {Pesticides: {Révélations} sur un scandale français},
	isbn = {978-2-213-64488-2},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides},
	abstract = {C'est un sujet qui peut nous paraître lointain, et pourtant il nous concerne tous. Car les pesticides sont partout, jusque dans la rosée du matin. Et dans la pluie des villes, bien sûr, de toutes les villes de France.Pour cette raison et quelques autres que vous apprendrez, les conséquences sanitaires de l'exposition aux pesticides sont d'ores et déjà massives. Des centaines d'études, à l'échelle internationale, montrent que ces produits de la chimie de synthèse agissent, même à des doses infinitésimales, sur notre équilibre le plus intime. Le cordon ombilical du fœtus, le système endocrinien, la fabrication du sperme sont atteints. Les cancers et les maladies neurologiques se multiplient.Ce n'est pas drôle ? Non. Mais les auteurs de ce livre ont pris un parti : celui de raconter des histoires avec de vraies gens. Vivantes, parfois extravagantes. Depuis 1945, l'industrie des pesticides a pris le pouvoir en France, sans que personne s'en doute. Cet ouvrage donne des noms, livre des dates, fouille les archives. Oui, on a truqué des congrès prétendument scientifiques. Oui, les industriels ont infiltré, et continuent de le faire, les commissions officielles chargées du contrôle des pesticides. Oui, l'« agriculture raisonnée », que les pouvoirs publics français présentent comme la solution de l'avenir, est une farce, une incroyable manipulation.En lisant ce récit passionnant, vous découvrirez le rôle scandaleux de la haute administration de notre pays dans la mort de milliards d'abeilles. Vous découvrirez comment on dissimule l'existence de milliers de malades. Vous découvrirez une vérité que personne ne pouvait soupçonner.},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Fayard},
	author = {Nicolino, Fabrice and Veillerette, François},
	month = feb,
	year = {2007},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: PncQ4s3a\_LAC},
	keywords = {Political Science / General, Social Science / Essays},
}

C'est un sujet qui peut nous paraître lointain, et pourtant il nous concerne tous. Car les pesticides sont partout, jusque dans la rosée du matin. Et dans la pluie des villes, bien sûr, de toutes les villes de France.Pour cette raison et quelques autres que vous apprendrez, les conséquences sanitaires de l'exposition aux pesticides sont d'ores et déjà massives. Des centaines d'études, à l'échelle internationale, montrent que ces produits de la chimie de synthèse agissent, même à des doses infinitésimales, sur notre équilibre le plus intime. Le cordon ombilical du fœtus, le système endocrinien, la fabrication du sperme sont atteints. Les cancers et les maladies neurologiques se multiplient.Ce n'est pas drôle ? Non. Mais les auteurs de ce livre ont pris un parti : celui de raconter des histoires avec de vraies gens. Vivantes, parfois extravagantes. Depuis 1945, l'industrie des pesticides a pris le pouvoir en France, sans que personne s'en doute. Cet ouvrage donne des noms, livre des dates, fouille les archives. Oui, on a truqué des congrès prétendument scientifiques. Oui, les industriels ont infiltré, et continuent de le faire, les commissions officielles chargées du contrôle des pesticides. Oui, l'« agriculture raisonnée », que les pouvoirs publics français présentent comme la solution de l'avenir, est une farce, une incroyable manipulation.En lisant ce récit passionnant, vous découvrirez le rôle scandaleux de la haute administration de notre pays dans la mort de milliards d'abeilles. Vous découvrirez comment on dissimule l'existence de milliers de malades. Vous découvrirez une vérité que personne ne pouvait soupçonner.

@book{nash_inescapable_2006,
	address = {Berkeley},
	title = {Inescapable {Ecologies}: {A} {History} of {Environment}, {Disease}, and {Knowledge}},
	isbn = {978-0-520-24887-8},
	shorttitle = {Inescapable {Ecologies}},
	abstract = {Among the most far-reaching effects of the modern environmental movement was the widespread acknowledgment that human beings were inescapably part of a larger ecosystem. With this book, Linda Nash gives us a wholly original and much longer history of “ecological” ideas of the body as that history unfolded in California’s Central Valley. Taking us from nineteenth-century fears of miasmas and faith in wilderness cures to the recent era of chemical pollution and cancer clusters, Nash charts how Americans have connected their diseases to race and place as well as dirt and germs. In this account, the rise of germ theory and the pushing aside of an earlier environmental approach to illness constituted not a clear triumph of modern biomedicine but rather a brief period of modern amnesia. As Nash shows us, place-based accounts of illness re-emerged in the postwar decades, galvanizing environmental protest against smog and toxic chemicals. Carefully researched and richly conceptual, Inescapable Ecologies brings critically important insights to the histories of environment, culture, and public health, while offering a provocative commentary on the human relationship to the larger world.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {University of California Press},
	author = {Nash, Linda},
	year = {2006},
	keywords = {History / Modern / 20th Century / General, History / United States / State \& Local / West (AK, CA, CO, HI, ID, MT, NV, UT, WY), Science / History},
}

Among the most far-reaching effects of the modern environmental movement was the widespread acknowledgment that human beings were inescapably part of a larger ecosystem. With this book, Linda Nash gives us a wholly original and much longer history of “ecological” ideas of the body as that history unfolded in California’s Central Valley. Taking us from nineteenth-century fears of miasmas and faith in wilderness cures to the recent era of chemical pollution and cancer clusters, Nash charts how Americans have connected their diseases to race and place as well as dirt and germs. In this account, the rise of germ theory and the pushing aside of an earlier environmental approach to illness constituted not a clear triumph of modern biomedicine but rather a brief period of modern amnesia. As Nash shows us, place-based accounts of illness re-emerged in the postwar decades, galvanizing environmental protest against smog and toxic chemicals. Carefully researched and richly conceptual, Inescapable Ecologies brings critically important insights to the histories of environment, culture, and public health, while offering a provocative commentary on the human relationship to the larger world.

@article{musselli_moretti_tracking_2006,
	title = {Tracking the trend towards market concentration :},
	shorttitle = {Tracking the trend towards market concentration},
	url = {https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/574354},
	abstract = {Musselli Moretti, Irene},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	author = {Musselli Moretti, Irene and Secretariat, Unctad},
	month = apr,
	year = {2006},
	note = {Publisher: [UN],},
}

Musselli Moretti, Irene

@article{aqiel_dalvie_disposal_2006,
	title = {Disposal of unwanted pesticides in {Stellenbosch}, {South} {Africa}},
	volume = {361},
	issn = {0048-9697},
	doi = {10.1016/j.scitotenv.2005.09.049},
	abstract = {BACKGROUND: Unwanted pesticides in developing countries are major environmental health threats. This study followed-up a previous audit of unwanted and obsolete pesticides on farms in a rural district of South Africa six years after a National Retrieval Project (NPR) was undertaken.
METHODS: A descriptive survey of 37 farms that had been in possession of unwanted pesticides in a 1995 survey and a purposive sample of 34 neighbouring farms, was carried out. The survey data included farm details; details of unwanted pesticide stocks, volumes of empty containers and safety and hygiene of pesticide stores. In addition, management was asked if they had been informed about and participated in the 1997 NPR and similarly whether they were aware of the retrieval planned by the African Stockpiles Programme (ASP).
RESULTS: Forty (56\%) farms were in possession of obsolete pesticides of which 24 (59\%) were farms that had unwanted stocks in the previous survey. There were more than 9 tonnes of these pesticides, 50\% more than in the previous survey, including 20 chemicals banned, withdrawn or restricted in South Africa or classified as WHO Class I toxicity. Over 2,800 kg of pesticides (30\%) were not identifiable. None of the farms participated in the NPR, although 47 knew of the initiative. Only six farmers (9\%) knew of the ASP initiative. Fifty-nine farms (83\%) had empty containers on the premises. Most pesticide stores (67\%) had floors contaminated with chemicals.
CONCLUSION: The survey found that despite the NPR, the problem of unwanted pesticides in the study area and probably throughout South Africa has deteriorated. National and international policies should control the problem at source and encourage more sustainable agriculture.},
	language = {eng},
	number = {1-3},
	journal = {The Science of the Total Environment},
	author = {Aqiel Dalvie, Mohamed and Africa, Algernon and London, Leslie},
	month = may,
	year = {2006},
	pmid = {16337993},
	keywords = {Agriculture, Data Collection, Humans, Pesticides, Public Health, Refuse Disposal, South Africa},
	pages = {8--17},
}

BACKGROUND: Unwanted pesticides in developing countries are major environmental health threats. This study followed-up a previous audit of unwanted and obsolete pesticides on farms in a rural district of South Africa six years after a National Retrieval Project (NPR) was undertaken. METHODS: A descriptive survey of 37 farms that had been in possession of unwanted pesticides in a 1995 survey and a purposive sample of 34 neighbouring farms, was carried out. The survey data included farm details; details of unwanted pesticide stocks, volumes of empty containers and safety and hygiene of pesticide stores. In addition, management was asked if they had been informed about and participated in the 1997 NPR and similarly whether they were aware of the retrieval planned by the African Stockpiles Programme (ASP). RESULTS: Forty (56%) farms were in possession of obsolete pesticides of which 24 (59%) were farms that had unwanted stocks in the previous survey. There were more than 9 tonnes of these pesticides, 50% more than in the previous survey, including 20 chemicals banned, withdrawn or restricted in South Africa or classified as WHO Class I toxicity. Over 2,800 kg of pesticides (30%) were not identifiable. None of the farms participated in the NPR, although 47 knew of the initiative. Only six farmers (9%) knew of the ASP initiative. Fifty-nine farms (83%) had empty containers on the premises. Most pesticide stores (67%) had floors contaminated with chemicals. CONCLUSION: The survey found that despite the NPR, the problem of unwanted pesticides in the study area and probably throughout South Africa has deteriorated. National and international policies should control the problem at source and encourage more sustainable agriculture.

@article{pralle_mouse_2006,
	title = {The “{Mouse} {That} {Roared}”: {Agenda} {Setting} in {Canadian} {Pesticides} {Politics}},
	volume = {34},
	issn = {1541-0072},
	shorttitle = {The “{Mouse} {That} {Roared}”},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00165.x},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00165.x},
	abstract = {Issue redefinition and venue shopping have been identified as key strategies for enacting agenda and policy change, but much work remains to be done in elaborating these processes. I argue that an important aspect of issue redefinition involves shifting not only the image of an issue but also the bases for considering those issues—what I call policy principles. Policy principles are the core values, beliefs, or guidelines attached to policies that help direct decision making. The emergence and acceptance of new principles by the public and policymakers can be a vital source of policy change, at times having far greater consequences for policy than redefining an issue. Venue shopping is also a multifaceted undertaking involving efforts by policy entrepreneurs and advocacy groups to keep issues out of venues they would rather not participate in as well as move decision making to new arenas. Moreover, while the literature suggests that shifting venues is usually a sensible strategy, sometimes venue shopping can backfire. A case study of the municipal movement to restrict the nonessential use of lawn and garden pesticides in Canada illustrates these theoretical points and shows the applicability of agenda setting models to contexts outside the United States.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-01-23},
	journal = {Policy Studies Journal},
	author = {Pralle, Sarah},
	year = {2006},
	note = {\_eprint: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2006.00165.x},
	keywords = {agenda setting, environmental policy, pesticides, policy change},
	pages = {171--194},
}

Issue redefinition and venue shopping have been identified as key strategies for enacting agenda and policy change, but much work remains to be done in elaborating these processes. I argue that an important aspect of issue redefinition involves shifting not only the image of an issue but also the bases for considering those issues—what I call policy principles. Policy principles are the core values, beliefs, or guidelines attached to policies that help direct decision making. The emergence and acceptance of new principles by the public and policymakers can be a vital source of policy change, at times having far greater consequences for policy than redefining an issue. Venue shopping is also a multifaceted undertaking involving efforts by policy entrepreneurs and advocacy groups to keep issues out of venues they would rather not participate in as well as move decision making to new arenas. Moreover, while the literature suggests that shifting venues is usually a sensible strategy, sometimes venue shopping can backfire. A case study of the municipal movement to restrict the nonessential use of lawn and garden pesticides in Canada illustrates these theoretical points and shows the applicability of agenda setting models to contexts outside the United States.

@book{eckerman_bhopal_2005,
	address = {Hyderabad},
	title = {The {Bhopal} {Saga}: {Causes} and {Consequences} of {Worlds} {Largest} {Industrial} {Disaster}},
	isbn = {978-81-7371-515-0},
	shorttitle = {The {Bhopal} {Saga}},
	language = {Anglais},
	publisher = {Universities Press,India},
	author = {Eckerman, Ingrid},
	month = feb,
	year = {2005},
}

@book{daniel_toxic_2005,
	title = {Toxic {Drift}: {Pesticides} and {Health} in the {Post}-{World} {War} {II} {South}},
	isbn = {9780807132456},
	shorttitle = {Toxic {Drift}},
	abstract = {Following World War II, chemical companies and agricultural experts promoted the use of synthetic chemicals as pesticides on weeds and insects. It was, Pete Daniel points out, a convenient way for companies to apply their wartime research to the domestic market. In Toxic Drift, Daniel documents the particularly disastrous effects this campaign had on the South's public health and environment, exposing the careless mentality that allowed pesticide application to swerve out of control. The quest to destroy pests, Daniel contends, unfortunately outran research on insect resistance, ignored environmental damage, and downplayed the dangers of residue accumulation and threats to fish, wildlife, domestic animals, and humans. Using legal sources, archival records, newspapers, and congressional hearings, Daniel constructs a moving, fact-filled account of the use, abuse, and regulation of pesticides from World War II until 1970.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Louisiana State University Press},
	author = {Daniel, Pete},
	year = {2005},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: m\_3s\_QWVve0C},
	keywords = {History / United States / General, Science / Environmental Science},
}

Following World War II, chemical companies and agricultural experts promoted the use of synthetic chemicals as pesticides on weeds and insects. It was, Pete Daniel points out, a convenient way for companies to apply their wartime research to the domestic market. In Toxic Drift, Daniel documents the particularly disastrous effects this campaign had on the South's public health and environment, exposing the careless mentality that allowed pesticide application to swerve out of control. The quest to destroy pests, Daniel contends, unfortunately outran research on insect resistance, ignored environmental damage, and downplayed the dangers of residue accumulation and threats to fish, wildlife, domestic animals, and humans. Using legal sources, archival records, newspapers, and congressional hearings, Daniel constructs a moving, fact-filled account of the use, abuse, and regulation of pesticides from World War II until 1970.

@phdthesis{fourche_contribution_2004,
	address = {Lyon, France},
	type = {Thèse de doctorat},
	title = {Contribution à l'histoire de la protection phytosanitaire dans l'agriculture française (1880-1970)},
	abstract = {Ce travail présente différents aspects de l'évolution de la protection des végétaux entre la crise phylloxérique et l'interdiction du DDT. L'analyse des causes, comme le commerce de végétaux et l'intensification agricole, de la multiplication des déprédateurs permet de comprendre la nécessité de traiter. Les traitements chimiques ou biologiques apparaissent à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Seul le triomphe de la chimie de synthèse après 1945 éclipse un temps les méthodes biologiques. Mais les effets secondaires des pesticides chimiques, surtout lorsqu'ils condamnent certaines productions agricoles (ruchers, multiplication des acariens phytophages, inversions de flores), permettent un nouvel essor des méthodes biologiques. Une troisième voie, nommée lutte intégrée fait alors appel aux possibilités offertes par la chimie et la biologie. Elle est mise en place dans les vergers de la vallée du Rhône. Le comportement phytosanitaire des agriculteurs étant l'une des préoccupations de cette étude, la Ligue nationale de défense des cultures, devenue par la suite FNGPC, constitue l'une des structures dont l'analyse est très précise. Fondée en 1926 par des ingénieurs agronomes, cette organisation se charge de coordonner l'action des fédérations départementales et des groupements locaux de défense. Elle est à l'origine de multiples initiatives scientifiques, techniques ou légales. Les fédérations, bien qu'investies de missions nombreuses par le législateur, ne bénéficient pas d'un soutien financier exceptionnel. Elles se doivent, durant la période étudiée, de diffuser les avertissements agricoles, véritables conseils de traitements préventifs.},
	language = {français},
	school = {Université Lumière},
	author = {Fourche, Rémi},
	collaborator = {Mayaud, Jean-Luc},
	year = {2004},
	note = {Number Of Volumes: 2},
	keywords = {Ennemis des cultures -- Lutte biologique contre -- France -- Histoire, Ennemis des cultures -- Lutte intégrée contre -- France -- Histoire, Plantes -- Effets des pesticides, Plantes -- Protection -- France -- Histoire, Résistance aux pesticides -- Histoire},
}

Ce travail présente différents aspects de l'évolution de la protection des végétaux entre la crise phylloxérique et l'interdiction du DDT. L'analyse des causes, comme le commerce de végétaux et l'intensification agricole, de la multiplication des déprédateurs permet de comprendre la nécessité de traiter. Les traitements chimiques ou biologiques apparaissent à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Seul le triomphe de la chimie de synthèse après 1945 éclipse un temps les méthodes biologiques. Mais les effets secondaires des pesticides chimiques, surtout lorsqu'ils condamnent certaines productions agricoles (ruchers, multiplication des acariens phytophages, inversions de flores), permettent un nouvel essor des méthodes biologiques. Une troisième voie, nommée lutte intégrée fait alors appel aux possibilités offertes par la chimie et la biologie. Elle est mise en place dans les vergers de la vallée du Rhône. Le comportement phytosanitaire des agriculteurs étant l'une des préoccupations de cette étude, la Ligue nationale de défense des cultures, devenue par la suite FNGPC, constitue l'une des structures dont l'analyse est très précise. Fondée en 1926 par des ingénieurs agronomes, cette organisation se charge de coordonner l'action des fédérations départementales et des groupements locaux de défense. Elle est à l'origine de multiples initiatives scientifiques, techniques ou légales. Les fédérations, bien qu'investies de missions nombreuses par le législateur, ne bénéficient pas d'un soutien financier exceptionnel. Elles se doivent, durant la période étudiée, de diffuser les avertissements agricoles, véritables conseils de traitements préventifs.

@article{quezada_nouvelles_2004,
	title = {Nouvelles firmes, nouvelles stratégies ?},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {0048-8046},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/ress/486#authors},
	doi = {10.4000/ress.486},
	abstract = {Introduction Ainsi que le rappellent J. Bijman et P.-B. Joly (2001), les industries des semences et des produits phytosanitaires européennes ont subi des transformations profondes pendant la dernière décennie du XXe siècle. En effet, les biotechnologies des plantes ont contribué à un processus de restructuration et de concentration sans précédent dans ces secteurs. Cette tendance fait partie d’un phénomène plus large de concentration qui touche encore d’autres secteurs, tels que la pharmacie,...},
	language = {fr},
	number = {XLII-130},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {Revue européenne des sciences sociales. European Journal of Social Sciences},
	author = {Quezada, Maria-Alicia},
	month = nov,
	year = {2004},
	note = {ISBN: 9782600009805
Number: XLII-130
Publisher: Librairie Droz},
	pages = {259--292},
}

Introduction Ainsi que le rappellent J. Bijman et P.-B. Joly (2001), les industries des semences et des produits phytosanitaires européennes ont subi des transformations profondes pendant la dernière décennie du XXe siècle. En effet, les biotechnologies des plantes ont contribué à un processus de restructuration et de concentration sans précédent dans ces secteurs. Cette tendance fait partie d’un phénomène plus large de concentration qui touche encore d’autres secteurs, tels que la pharmacie,...

@book{castonguay_protection_2004,
	title = {Protection des cultures, construction de la nature: agriculture, foresterie et entomologie au {Canada}, 1884-1959},
	isbn = {978-2-89448-377-0},
	shorttitle = {Protection des cultures, construction de la nature},
	language = {fr},
	publisher = {Les éditions du Septentrion},
	author = {Castonguay, Stéphane},
	year = {2004},
}

@article{champion__2004,
	title = {Le « développement durable » selon {Monsanto}},
	volume = {29},
	issn = {1166-3030},
	url = {https://www.cairn.info/revue-ecologie-et-politique-sciences-cultures-societes-2004-2-page-121.htm},
	doi = {10.3917/ecopo.029.0121},
	language = {fr},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Écologie \& politique},
	author = {Champion, Emmanuelle and Gendron, Corinne},
	year = {2004},
	note = {Place: Paris
Publisher: Presses de Sciences Po},
	pages = {121--133},
}

@article{nash_fruits_2004,
	title = {The {Fruits} of {Ill}-{Health}: {Pesticides} and {Workers}' {Bodies} in {Post}-{World} {War} {II} {California}},
	volume = {19},
	issn = {0369-7827},
	shorttitle = {The {Fruits} of {Ill}-{Health}},
	url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/649402},
	doi = {10.1086/649402},
	abstract = {In the postwar period, modernist frameworks of the human body, which described the body as both cosmopolitan and separated from its environment, competed with ecological frameworks that constructed the body as inherently porous and tightly linked to the surrounding world. The history of pesticide-related illness among farmworkers, and the gradual recognition that pesticides posed a new kind of public health problem, illustrates how these competing understandings were adopted, mobilized, and applied by different groups, as well as how politics shaped the emergence of new medical facts. New forms of illness generated new knowledge about the modern landscape and made visible material links between bodies and their environments.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-10-31},
	journal = {Osiris},
	author = {Nash, Linda},
	month = jan,
	year = {2004},
	pages = {203--219},
}

In the postwar period, modernist frameworks of the human body, which described the body as both cosmopolitan and separated from its environment, competed with ecological frameworks that constructed the body as inherently porous and tightly linked to the surrounding world. The history of pesticide-related illness among farmworkers, and the gradual recognition that pesticides posed a new kind of public health problem, illustrates how these competing understandings were adopted, mobilized, and applied by different groups, as well as how politics shaped the emergence of new medical facts. New forms of illness generated new knowledge about the modern landscape and made visible material links between bodies and their environments.

@phdthesis{fourche_contribution_2004,
	title = {Contribution à l’histoire de la protection phytosanitaire dans l’agriculture française, 1880-1970},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://journals.openedition.org/ruralia/1049},
	abstract = {Depuis la fin du 19e siècle, les productions végétales sont marquées par une augmentation du nombre d’espèces cultivées et un accroissement des rendements. Parmi les sources d’évolution des quantités produites, sont traditionnellement citées la sélection variétale, la généralisation de l’usage des engrais et la mécanisation. La protection des végétaux est l’une des causes d’augmentation des rendements les moins étudiées. Cependant, scientifiques et politiques s’accordent à reconnaître l’impor...},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	school = {Université Lumière-Lyon 2},
	author = {Fourche, Rémi},
	month = jul,
	year = {2004},
}

Depuis la fin du 19e siècle, les productions végétales sont marquées par une augmentation du nombre d’espèces cultivées et un accroissement des rendements. Parmi les sources d’évolution des quantités produites, sont traditionnellement citées la sélection variétale, la généralisation de l’usage des engrais et la mécanisation. La protection des végétaux est l’une des causes d’augmentation des rendements les moins étudiées. Cependant, scientifiques et politiques s’accordent à reconnaître l’impor...

@article{cunningham-parmeter_poisoned_2003,
	title = {A {Poisoned} {Field}: {Farmworkers}, {Pesticide} {Exposure}, and {Tort} {Recovery} in an {Era} of {Regulatory} {Failure}},
	volume = {28},
	shorttitle = {A {Poisoned} {Field}},
	url = {https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/nyuls28&id=439&div=&collection=},
	journal = {New York University Review of Law \& Social Change},
	author = {Cunningham-Parmeter, Keith},
	year = {2003},
	pages = {431},
}

@article{lemarie_evolution_2003,
	title = {Évolution des structures industrielles et de la concurrence dans les secteurs des semences et des pesticides},
	volume = {277},
	copyright = {free},
	url = {https://www.persee.fr/doc/ecoru_0013-0559_2003_num_277_1_5445},
	doi = {10.3406/ecoru.2003.5445},
	abstract = {Les secteurs des semences et des pesticides ont connu d'importantes restructurations depuis le début des années 1990. Cet article montre que le développement des biotechnologies a eu une influence majeure sur cette évolution et peut soulever des questions de concurrence nouvelles pour ces industries. Ainsi, aux problèmes classiques de concentration excessive sur certains segments de marché, viennent s'ajouter des problèmes liés à l'exploitation de la propriété intellectuelle et à l'évolution des pratiques commerciales.},
	language = {fre},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Lemarié, Stéphane},
	year = {2003},
	note = {Publisher: Persée - Portail des revues scientifiques en SHS},
	pages = {167--182},
}

Les secteurs des semences et des pesticides ont connu d'importantes restructurations depuis le début des années 1990. Cet article montre que le développement des biotechnologies a eu une influence majeure sur cette évolution et peut soulever des questions de concurrence nouvelles pour ces industries. Ainsi, aux problèmes classiques de concentration excessive sur certains segments de marché, viennent s'ajouter des problèmes liés à l'exploitation de la propriété intellectuelle et à l'évolution des pratiques commerciales.

@article{bijman_innovation_2003,
	title = {Innovation challenges for the {European} agbiotech industry.},
	volume = {4},
	issn = {1522-936X},
	url = {https://research.wur.nl/en/publications/innovation-challenges-for-the-european-agbiotech-industry},
	language = {English},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {AgBioForum},
	author = {Bijman, J. and Joly, P. B.},
	year = {2003},
	note = {Publisher: University of Missouri},
	pages = {4--13},
}

@article{kroma_greening_2003,
	title = {Greening pesticides: {A} historical analysis of the social construction of farm chemical advertisements},
	volume = {20},
	issn = {1572-8366},
	shorttitle = {Greening pesticides},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1022408506244},
	doi = {10.1023/A:1022408506244},
	abstract = {Ideology is maintained anddriven by powerful symbols. Agricultural mediasuch as farm magazines achieve this byappropriating societal values of currency andincorporating them in imagery that accompanyadvertisements of agricultural products,including pesticides. Critical questionsrelating to environmental sustainability andsocial risks associated with the use of suchproducts are often masked as a result. Contentanalyses of two mid-western farm magazines fromthe 1940s to 1990s trace the socialconstruction of pesticide advertisements overtime, illuminating changing images ofpesticides in farm magazine advertisements inresponse to changes in the socio-culturalsetting. Changing images reflect how theagricultural industry strategically repositionsitself to sustain market and corporate profitby co-opting dominant cultural themes atspecific historical moments in mediaadvertising. Sustainability implications in thebroad context of agriculture and society areexamined.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-07},
	journal = {Agriculture and Human Values},
	author = {Kroma, Margaret M. and Butler Flora, Cornelia},
	month = mar,
	year = {2003},
	keywords = {Agricultural media, Environmental sustainability, Ideology, Pesticide advertisements, Social risk},
	pages = {21--35},
}

Ideology is maintained anddriven by powerful symbols. Agricultural mediasuch as farm magazines achieve this byappropriating societal values of currency andincorporating them in imagery that accompanyadvertisements of agricultural products,including pesticides. Critical questionsrelating to environmental sustainability andsocial risks associated with the use of suchproducts are often masked as a result. Contentanalyses of two mid-western farm magazines fromthe 1940s to 1990s trace the socialconstruction of pesticide advertisements overtime, illuminating changing images ofpesticides in farm magazine advertisements inresponse to changes in the socio-culturalsetting. Changing images reflect how theagricultural industry strategically repositionsitself to sustain market and corporate profitby co-opting dominant cultural themes atspecific historical moments in mediaadvertising. Sustainability implications in thebroad context of agriculture and society areexamined.

@book{veillerette_pesticides_2002,
	title = {Pesticides. {Le} piège se referme},
	isbn = {978-2-904082-96-2},
	abstract = {Les pesticides sont partout. On sait qu'ils sont présents dans les aliments, dans l'eau, dans l'air, dans les sols. On sait moins qu'ils sont aussi présents dans notre sang, dans nos réserves adipeuses, dans le lait maternel. Pire, il est maintenant prouvé que le fœtus est déjà contaminé par les pesticides que la mère absorbe chaque jour. Les effets à long terme de cette pollution insidieuse commencent seulement à se manifester : baisse de la fertilité masculine, malformations à la naissance, augmentation de certains cancers, perturbation de l'équilibre hormonal et du développement du système nerveux, modifications du comportement, diminution des défenses immunitaires. Et si, dans les pays riches, le pire est sans doute à venir, dans les pays pauvres le désastre est quotidien. Les empoisonnements, souvent mortels, sont le lot commun des petits paysans des pays du Sud qui manipulent, souvent sans précautions, des produits dont ils ignorent la toxicité. Puisant ses informations aux meilleures sources et s'appuyant sur plus de trois cents références scientifiques, ce livre montre à quel point une remise en cause de l'utilisation des pesticides est urgente. Elle s'impose d'autant plus que les alternatives existent et qu'il ne manque, le plus souvent, que la volonté des citoyens et des politiques de les mettre en œuvre.},
	language = {Français},
	publisher = {Terre Vivante Editions},
	author = {Veillerette, François},
	month = may,
	year = {2002},
}

Les pesticides sont partout. On sait qu'ils sont présents dans les aliments, dans l'eau, dans l'air, dans les sols. On sait moins qu'ils sont aussi présents dans notre sang, dans nos réserves adipeuses, dans le lait maternel. Pire, il est maintenant prouvé que le fœtus est déjà contaminé par les pesticides que la mère absorbe chaque jour. Les effets à long terme de cette pollution insidieuse commencent seulement à se manifester : baisse de la fertilité masculine, malformations à la naissance, augmentation de certains cancers, perturbation de l'équilibre hormonal et du développement du système nerveux, modifications du comportement, diminution des défenses immunitaires. Et si, dans les pays riches, le pire est sans doute à venir, dans les pays pauvres le désastre est quotidien. Les empoisonnements, souvent mortels, sont le lot commun des petits paysans des pays du Sud qui manipulent, souvent sans précautions, des produits dont ils ignorent la toxicité. Puisant ses informations aux meilleures sources et s'appuyant sur plus de trois cents références scientifiques, ce livre montre à quel point une remise en cause de l'utilisation des pesticides est urgente. Elle s'impose d'autant plus que les alternatives existent et qu'il ne manque, le plus souvent, que la volonté des citoyens et des politiques de les mettre en œuvre.

@book{russell_war_2001,
	title = {War and {Nature}: {Fighting} {Humans} and {Insects} with {Chemicals} from {World} {War} {I} to {Silent} {Spring}},
	isbn = {978-0-521-79937-9},
	shorttitle = {War and {Nature}},
	abstract = {While cultural and scholarly traditions have led us to believe that war and control of nature are separate, there are many more similarities than most people might suspect. Tracing the history of chemical warfare and pest control, Edmund Russell shows how war and control of nature coevolved. Ideologically, institutionally, and technologically, the paths of chemical warfare and pest control intersected repeatedly in the twentieth century. War and Nature helps us to understand the impact of war on nature and vice versa, as well as the development of total war, and the rise of the modern environmental movement. Edmund Russell is an assistant professor in the Division of Technology, Culture, and Communication in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at the University of Virginia. This is his first book.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
	author = {Russell, Edmund and Russell, Hall Distinguished Professor of Us History Edmund},
	month = feb,
	year = {2001},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: pDW4YNkmvZYC},
	keywords = {History / Americas (North, Central, South, West Indies), History / Military / Biological \& Chemical Warfare, History / Modern / 20th Century / General, History / United States / 20th Century, Juvenile Nonfiction / Science \& Nature / Biology, Juvenile Nonfiction / Science \& Nature / General, Technology \& Engineering / Environmental / General},
}

While cultural and scholarly traditions have led us to believe that war and control of nature are separate, there are many more similarities than most people might suspect. Tracing the history of chemical warfare and pest control, Edmund Russell shows how war and control of nature coevolved. Ideologically, institutionally, and technologically, the paths of chemical warfare and pest control intersected repeatedly in the twentieth century. War and Nature helps us to understand the impact of war on nature and vice versa, as well as the development of total war, and the rise of the modern environmental movement. Edmund Russell is an assistant professor in the Division of Technology, Culture, and Communication in the School of Engineering and Applied Science at the University of Virginia. This is his first book.

@article{rasmussen_plant_2001,
	title = {Plant {Hormones} in {War} and {Peace}: {Science}, {Industry}, and {Government} in the {Development} of {Herbicides} in 1940s {America}},
	volume = {92},
	issn = {0021-1753},
	shorttitle = {Plant {Hormones} in {War} and {Peace}},
	url = {https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/385183},
	doi = {10.1086/385183},
	abstract = {This essay describes the emergence of "hormone" herbicides from academic plant physiology research in America in the late 1930s and 1940s, attending especially to the role of interactions between university scientists, industrial concerns, and government (particularly agricultural) agencies. The importance of an intellectual shift among the physiologists to viewing hormones as plant toxins rather than growth stimulators, spurred by wartime events, is discussed. The essay concludes by exploring the postwar marketing of these hormones as agrichemicals and as lawn treatments for suburban consumers, placing these in the economic and ecological context of other contemporary developments in farming technique.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Isis},
	author = {Rasmussen, Nicolas},
	month = jun,
	year = {2001},
	note = {Publisher: The University of Chicago Press},
	pages = {291--316},
}

This essay describes the emergence of "hormone" herbicides from academic plant physiology research in America in the late 1930s and 1940s, attending especially to the role of interactions between university scientists, industrial concerns, and government (particularly agricultural) agencies. The importance of an intellectual shift among the physiologists to viewing hormones as plant toxins rather than growth stimulators, spurred by wartime events, is discussed. The essay concludes by exploring the postwar marketing of these hormones as agrichemicals and as lawn treatments for suburban consumers, placing these in the economic and ecological context of other contemporary developments in farming technique.

@book{fortun_advocacy_2001,
	address = {Chicago, IL},
	title = {Advocacy after {Bhopal}: {Environmentalism}, {Disaster}, {New} {Global} {Orders}},
	isbn = {978-0-226-25720-4},
	shorttitle = {Advocacy after {Bhopal}},
	url = {https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/A/bo3641096.html},
	abstract = {The 1984 explosion of the Union Carbide chemical plant in Bhopal, India was undisputedly one of the world’s worst industrial disasters. Some have argued that the resulting litigation provided an "innovative model" for dealing with the global distribution of technological risk; others consider the disaster a turning point in environmental legislation; still others argue that Bhopal is what globalization looks like on the ground.Kim Fortun explores these claims by focusing on the dynamics and paradoxes of advocacy in competing power domains. She moves from hospitals in India to meetings with lawyers, corporate executives, and environmental justice activists in the United States to show how the disaster and its effects remain with us. Spiraling outward from the victims’ stories, the innovative narrative sheds light on the way advocacy works within a complex global system, calling into question conventional notions of responsibility and ethical conduct. Revealing the hopes and frustrations of advocacy, this moving work also counters the tendency to think of Bhopal as an isolated incident that "can’t happen here."},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	publisher = {University of Chicago Press},
	author = {Fortun, Kim},
	month = jul,
	year = {2001},
	keywords = {activism, activist, advocate, asia, community, culture, dangerous, disaster, environment, environmentalism, environmentalist, ethnography, global, globalization, historical, history, india, justice, legal, litigation, plaintive, power, problem, risk, science, scientific, southeast, technological, technology, union, victim, womens movement},
}

The 1984 explosion of the Union Carbide chemical plant in Bhopal, India was undisputedly one of the world’s worst industrial disasters. Some have argued that the resulting litigation provided an "innovative model" for dealing with the global distribution of technological risk; others consider the disaster a turning point in environmental legislation; still others argue that Bhopal is what globalization looks like on the ground.Kim Fortun explores these claims by focusing on the dynamics and paradoxes of advocacy in competing power domains. She moves from hospitals in India to meetings with lawyers, corporate executives, and environmental justice activists in the United States to show how the disaster and its effects remain with us. Spiraling outward from the victims’ stories, the innovative narrative sheds light on the way advocacy works within a complex global system, calling into question conventional notions of responsibility and ethical conduct. Revealing the hopes and frustrations of advocacy, this moving work also counters the tendency to think of Bhopal as an isolated incident that "can’t happen here."

@article{murray_claim_2000,
	title = {Claim {No} {Easy} {Victories}: {Evaluating} the {Pesticide} {Industry}’s {Global} {Safe} {Use} {Campaign}},
	volume = {28},
	issn = {0305-750X},
	shorttitle = {Claim {No} {Easy} {Victories}},
	url = {https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305750X00000590},
	doi = {10.1016/S0305-750X(00)00059-0},
	abstract = {The pesticide industry’s Global Safe Use campaign has reportedly produced a dramatic decline in pesticide-related health and environmental problems in Guatemala. This paper challenges this claim, reanalyzing existing data and further evaluating claims of the campaign’s efficacy. The paper argues that the campaign’s strategy inadequately links knowledge with structural constraints on behavior. It also suffers from the industry’s contradictory definitions of the pesticide problem both as public perception and as a serious health and environmental threat. The paper suggests an approach common to the field of Industrial Hygiene be applied to reducing pesticide hazards. The paper concludes by locating the Safe Use campaign within larger struggles to re-regulate globalizing economic spaces.},
	language = {en},
	number = {10},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {World Development},
	author = {Murray, Douglas L and Taylor, Peter Leigh},
	month = oct,
	year = {2000},
	keywords = {Guatemala, Safe Use, chemical industry, pesticides, regulation},
	pages = {1735--1749},
}

The pesticide industry’s Global Safe Use campaign has reportedly produced a dramatic decline in pesticide-related health and environmental problems in Guatemala. This paper challenges this claim, reanalyzing existing data and further evaluating claims of the campaign’s efficacy. The paper argues that the campaign’s strategy inadequately links knowledge with structural constraints on behavior. It also suffers from the industry’s contradictory definitions of the pesticide problem both as public perception and as a serious health and environmental threat. The paper suggests an approach common to the field of Industrial Hygiene be applied to reducing pesticide hazards. The paper concludes by locating the Safe Use campaign within larger struggles to re-regulate globalizing economic spaces.

@article{rothstein_regulatory_1999,
	title = {Regulatory {Science}, {Europeanization}, and the {Control} of {Agrochemicals}},
	volume = {24},
	issn = {0162-2439},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/016224399902400203},
	doi = {10.1177/016224399902400203},
	abstract = {This article addresses issues of regulatory convergence and Europeanization as they have developed within the agrochemicals sector. Taking the United Kingdom as a case study, the article considers the continuing importance of local and national factors within systems that are ostensibly international and standardized. In particular, the article shows how the embedded social relations of regulatory science in the United Kingdom, including institutional practices, judgments of expertise, and established relationships of trust, result in a “nation centeredness” and divergence of regulatory cultures despite the putative development of a harmonized European framework. It is argued that, as a consequence, the claimed universalism of scientific culture in this area is in tension with the local conditions of its practice and enactment.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-04-03},
	journal = {Science, Technology, \& Human Values},
	author = {Rothstein, Henry and Irwin, Alan and Yearley, Steven and McCarthy, Elaine},
	month = apr,
	year = {1999},
	note = {Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc},
	pages = {241--264},
}

This article addresses issues of regulatory convergence and Europeanization as they have developed within the agrochemicals sector. Taking the United Kingdom as a case study, the article considers the continuing importance of local and national factors within systems that are ostensibly international and standardized. In particular, the article shows how the embedded social relations of regulatory science in the United Kingdom, including institutional practices, judgments of expertise, and established relationships of trust, result in a “nation centeredness” and divergence of regulatory cultures despite the putative development of a harmonized European framework. It is argued that, as a consequence, the claimed universalism of scientific culture in this area is in tension with the local conditions of its practice and enactment.

@article{gordon_poisons_1999,
	title = {Poisons in the {Fields}: {The} {United} {Farm} {Workers}, {Pesticides}, and {Environmental} {Politics}},
	volume = {68},
	issn = {0030-8684},
	shorttitle = {Poisons in the {Fields}},
	url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/3641869},
	doi = {10.2307/3641869},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2023-01-20},
	journal = {Pacific Historical Review},
	author = {Gordon, Robert},
	year = {1999},
	note = {Publisher: University of California Press},
	pages = {51--77},
}

@article{gunter_noisy_1998,
	title = {Noisy {Winter}: {The} {DDT} {Controversy} in the {Years} before {Silent} {Spring}},
	volume = {63},
	issn = {1549-0831},
	shorttitle = {Noisy {Winter}},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1998.tb00670.x},
	doi = {10.1111/j.1549-0831.1998.tb00670.x},
	abstract = {In this paper, we examine three unanticipated findings from a social constructionist analysis of popular media coverage of the pesticide DDT from the years 1944 to 1961. The first unanticipated finding was the early (1945) appearance of negative or cautionary claims in the media source examined, the New York Times. Second, while negative or cautionary claims about the pesticide did constitute a minority voice during this time period, it was nonetheless a persistent voice. The third unanticipated finding was the predominance of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and the State Agricultural Experiment Stations among those claimsmakers initially cautioning potential users about unintended and potentially deleterious impacts. The concept of 'routine monitoring mechanisms' is introduced to explain this third finding. We conclude by considering the potential impact of this coverage on the subsequent development of the controversy.},
	language = {en},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2024-03-28},
	journal = {Rural Sociology},
	author = {Gunter, Valerie J. and Harris, Craig K.},
	year = {1998},
	note = {\_eprint: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1998.tb00670.x},
	pages = {179--198},
}

In this paper, we examine three unanticipated findings from a social constructionist analysis of popular media coverage of the pesticide DDT from the years 1944 to 1961. The first unanticipated finding was the early (1945) appearance of negative or cautionary claims in the media source examined, the New York Times. Second, while negative or cautionary claims about the pesticide did constitute a minority voice during this time period, it was nonetheless a persistent voice. The third unanticipated finding was the predominance of the U.S. Department of Agriculture, and the State Agricultural Experiment Stations among those claimsmakers initially cautioning potential users about unintended and potentially deleterious impacts. The concept of 'routine monitoring mechanisms' is introduced to explain this third finding. We conclude by considering the potential impact of this coverage on the subsequent development of the controversy.

@article{hayenga_structural_1998,
	title = {Structural {Change} in the {Biotech} {Seed} and {Chemical} {Industrial} {Complex}},
	copyright = {OpenAccess.},
	issn = {1522-936X},
	url = {https://mospace.umsystem.edu/xmlui/handle/10355/1375},
	abstract = {In this paper, the restructuring of the seed and chemical industries is discussed. Impacts on the herbicide and insecticide markets are detailed, along with the contractual relationships between biotechnology seed suppliers and farmers. Antitrust issues raised by the recent wave
 of merger and acquisition activity and intellectual property rights issues are briefly discussed.},
	language = {eng},
	urldate = {2022-07-05},
	journal = {http://www.agbioforum.missouri.edu/v1n2/v1n2a02-hayenga.htm},
	author = {Hayenga, Marvin L.},
	year = {1998},
	note = {Accepted: 2009-05-20T13:50:39Z
Publisher: AgBioForum},
}

In this paper, the restructuring of the seed and chemical industries is discussed. Impacts on the herbicide and insecticide markets are detailed, along with the contractual relationships between biotechnology seed suppliers and farmers. Antitrust issues raised by the recent wave of merger and acquisition activity and intellectual property rights issues are briefly discussed.

@book{palladino_entomology_1996,
	title = {Entomology, {Ecology} and {Agriculture} : {The} {Making} of {Scientific} {Careers} in {North} {America}, 1885–1985},
	isbn = {978-0-203-78329-0},
	shorttitle = {Entomology, {Ecology} and {Agriculture}},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/mono/10.4324/9780203783290/entomology-ecology-agriculture-paolo-palladino},
	abstract = {This study is facilitated by following economic entomologists' and ecologists' changing ideas about different pest control strategies, chiefly 'chemical', 'biological', and 'integrated' control. The author then follows the efforts of one specific group of entomologists, at the University of California, over three generations from their advocacy of 'biological' controls in the 1930s and 40s, through their shifting attention to the development of an 'integrated pest management' in the context of 'big biology' during the 1970s.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Palladino, Paolo},
	year = {1996},
	doi = {10.4324/9780203783290},
}

This study is facilitated by following economic entomologists' and ecologists' changing ideas about different pest control strategies, chiefly 'chemical', 'biological', and 'integrated' control. The author then follows the efforts of one specific group of entomologists, at the University of California, over three generations from their advocacy of 'biological' controls in the 1930s and 40s, through their shifting attention to the development of an 'integrated pest management' in the context of 'big biology' during the 1970s.

@book{ward_farming_1994,
	title = {Farming on the treadmill: agricultural change and pesticide pollution},
	shorttitle = {Farming on the treadmill},
	url = {https://search.proquest.com/openview/615f46e7f4ba7e300f0ae9ef9546bf7e/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=2026366&diss=y},
	urldate = {2024-04-03},
	publisher = {University of London, University College London (United Kingdom)},
	author = {Ward, Neil},
	year = {1994},
}

@article{clapp_africa_1994,
	title = {Africa, {NGOs}, and the {International} {Toxic} {Waste} {Trade}},
	volume = {3},
	issn = {1070-4965},
	url = {https://www.jstor.org/stable/44318044},
	abstract = {This article focuses on the involvement of Africa and environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in attempting to halt the international toxic waste trade. It shows that in addition to states, non-state actors have been important players in the international politics of the waste trade. An Africa-NGO alliance that formed in the late 1980s was able to influence the outcome of several international waste trade conventions. Despite regulations designed to Veep waste imports out of Africa, waste traders were able to circumvent existing rules and continue their trade with the continent. In response to this persistence of the waste trade, a growing coalition of environmental NGOs and developing country states has recently been successful in bringing about a global ban on the waste trade between Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries and non-OECD countries. Whether or not this ban will be effective will depend to a great degree on the strength of the coalition of NGOs and states supporting the ban.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {The Journal of Environment \& Development},
	author = {Clapp, Jennifer},
	year = {1994},
	note = {Publisher: Sage Publications, Inc.},
	pages = {17--46},
}

This article focuses on the involvement of Africa and environmental nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in attempting to halt the international toxic waste trade. It shows that in addition to states, non-state actors have been important players in the international politics of the waste trade. An Africa-NGO alliance that formed in the late 1980s was able to influence the outcome of several international waste trade conventions. Despite regulations designed to Veep waste imports out of Africa, waste traders were able to circumvent existing rules and continue their trade with the continent. In response to this persistence of the waste trade, a growing coalition of environmental NGOs and developing country states has recently been successful in bringing about a global ban on the waste trade between Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries and non-OECD countries. Whether or not this ban will be effective will depend to a great degree on the strength of the coalition of NGOs and states supporting the ban.

@article{rhoades_agricultural_1993,
	title = {Agricultural pesticide abuse in {Texas}: {A} case study in the mobilization of law},
	volume = {17},
	copyright = {1993 Springer},
	issn = {1936-1351},
	shorttitle = {Agricultural pesticide abuse in {Texas}},
	url = {https://link-springer-com.acces-distant.sciencespo.fr/article/10.1007/BF02887631},
	doi = {10.1007/BF02887631},
	abstract = {This article focuses on why and how law was mobilized to regulate agricultural pesticide abuse in Texas during the 1980s. Pesticide abuse is defined as a significant, violent corporate crime worthy of additional analysis. The dynamic forces leading to development of reactive and proactive mobilization efforts are examined. Black’s propositions that proactive law becomes the major form of mobilization in regard to generalized social needs, in conflict situations, and in protection of society’s lower strata are confirmed. Restraints and limits on legal mobilization are discussed.},
	language = {en},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2024-03-31},
	journal = {American Journal of Criminal Justice},
	author = {Rhoades, Cecilia C. and Rhoades, Philip W.},
	month = mar,
	year = {1993},
	note = {Company: Springer
Distributor: Springer
Institution: Springer
Label: Springer
Number: 1
Publisher: Springer-Verlag},
	pages = {89--115},
}

This article focuses on why and how law was mobilized to regulate agricultural pesticide abuse in Texas during the 1980s. Pesticide abuse is defined as a significant, violent corporate crime worthy of additional analysis. The dynamic forces leading to development of reactive and proactive mobilization efforts are examined. Black’s propositions that proactive law becomes the major form of mobilization in regard to generalized social needs, in conflict situations, and in protection of society’s lower strata are confirmed. Restraints and limits on legal mobilization are discussed.

@book{bosch_pesticide_1989,
	title = {The {Pesticide} {Conspiracy}},
	copyright = {Available worldwide},
	isbn = {978-0-520-06823-0},
	abstract = {Professor van den Bosch of the University of California was one of the developers of Integrated Pest Management—the use of biological controls, improved pest knowledge and observation, and judicious application of chemicals only when absolutely necessary. His research often suggested that less or no pesticides should be applied, which made him the target of both open and clandestine attack from industry and government figures. In protest, he wrote this passionate account of what Ecology called "the ultimate social disaster of: evolving pesticide-resistant insects, the destruction of their natural predators and parasites, emergent populations of new insect pests, downstream water pollution, atmospheric pollution, the 'accidental' killing of wildlife and people, and the bankruptcies of indigenous and small farmers."As a new Introduction to this edition recounts, some lessening of dangerous overreliance on massive pesticide applications has been achieved since van den Bosch published this book in 1978—partly as a result of its influence. But the structural problems he described remain. The book has thus become a classic, along with Rachel Carson's Silent Spring.},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	author = {Bosch, Robert Van Den},
	month = nov,
	year = {1989},
}

Professor van den Bosch of the University of California was one of the developers of Integrated Pest Management—the use of biological controls, improved pest knowledge and observation, and judicious application of chemicals only when absolutely necessary. His research often suggested that less or no pesticides should be applied, which made him the target of both open and clandestine attack from industry and government figures. In protest, he wrote this passionate account of what Ecology called "the ultimate social disaster of: evolving pesticide-resistant insects, the destruction of their natural predators and parasites, emergent populations of new insect pests, downstream water pollution, atmospheric pollution, the 'accidental' killing of wildlife and people, and the bankruptcies of indigenous and small farmers."As a new Introduction to this edition recounts, some lessening of dangerous overreliance on massive pesticide applications has been achieved since van den Bosch published this book in 1978—partly as a result of its influence. But the structural problems he described remain. The book has thus become a classic, along with Rachel Carson's Silent Spring.

@article{assouline_levolution_1989,
	title = {L'évolution technologique de l'industrie des phytosanitaires : quelles interactions avec l'agriculture ?},
	volume = {192},
	copyright = {free},
	shorttitle = {L'évolution technologique de l'industrie des phytosanitaires},
	url = {https://www.persee.fr/doc/ecoru_0013-0559_1989_num_192_1_3989},
	doi = {10.3406/ecoru.1989.3989},
	abstract = {La compréhension de l'évolution technologique de l'industrie des phytosanitaires s'appuie sur un examen des potentialités et des contraintes du progrès technique mais aussi sur la prise en compte de la réalité économique de l'agriculture notamment. D'un côté, face à un monde agricole en mutation, les chimistes doivent défendre leur "métier" et leurs parts de marché. Les agriculteurs savent compter et arbitrer en fonction du prix et non plus seulement sur la qualité ou sur l'engouement pour la nouveauté ; plus que jamais, les politiques de marketing et de communication sont les outils de la différenciation des produits et des marques. De l'autre, cette industrie agro-chimique, progressivement et puissamment, participe à la mise en place d'un nouveau modèle technique centré sur la plante et les biotechnologies. S'agit-il alors d'une voie d'adaptation à une crise durable ? Ou au contraire, cette orientation est-elle susceptible de relancer l'économie agricole et d'aider les (quels ?) agriculteurs à dépasser leurs problèmes économiques et techniques ?},
	language = {fre},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Assouline, Gérald},
	year = {1989},
	note = {Publisher: Persée - Portail des revues scientifiques en SHS},
	pages = {42--48},
}

La compréhension de l'évolution technologique de l'industrie des phytosanitaires s'appuie sur un examen des potentialités et des contraintes du progrès technique mais aussi sur la prise en compte de la réalité économique de l'agriculture notamment. D'un côté, face à un monde agricole en mutation, les chimistes doivent défendre leur "métier" et leurs parts de marché. Les agriculteurs savent compter et arbitrer en fonction du prix et non plus seulement sur la qualité ou sur l'engouement pour la nouveauté ; plus que jamais, les politiques de marketing et de communication sont les outils de la différenciation des produits et des marques. De l'autre, cette industrie agro-chimique, progressivement et puissamment, participe à la mise en place d'un nouveau modèle technique centré sur la plante et les biotechnologies. S'agit-il alors d'une voie d'adaptation à une crise durable ? Ou au contraire, cette orientation est-elle susceptible de relancer l'économie agricole et d'aider les (quels ?) agriculteurs à dépasser leurs problèmes économiques et techniques ?

@article{assouline_dynamiques_1988,
	title = {Dynamiques agricoles et stratégies de l'industrie phytosanitaire dans les pays en voie de développement. {Le} cas du {Brésil} et de la {Thaïlande}},
	volume = {188},
	copyright = {free},
	url = {https://www.persee.fr/doc/ecoru_0013-0559_1988_num_188_1_3940},
	doi = {10.3406/ecoru.1988.3940},
	abstract = {Au Brésil comme en Thaïlande, les priorités agricoles à l'agro-exportation et l'agro-énergie, ont induit une très forte augmentation de la consommation de phytosanitaires et l'implantation de capacités productives locales de formulation ou de synthèse de la part des grandes entreprises internationales du secteur. Ces agricultures vont être touchées par le retournement des marchés internationaux de produits d'origine agricole, dès la fin des années 1970. Les contradictions économiques engendrées favorisent la croissance d'une industrie locale de phytosanitaires, très agressive, qui oblige l'agro-chimie internationale à modifier sa stratégie de développement dans le tiers monde.},
	language = {fre},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Assouline, Gérald},
	year = {1988},
	note = {Publisher: Persée - Portail des revues scientifiques en SHS},
	pages = {38--44},
}

Au Brésil comme en Thaïlande, les priorités agricoles à l'agro-exportation et l'agro-énergie, ont induit une très forte augmentation de la consommation de phytosanitaires et l'implantation de capacités productives locales de formulation ou de synthèse de la part des grandes entreprises internationales du secteur. Ces agricultures vont être touchées par le retournement des marchés internationaux de produits d'origine agricole, dès la fin des années 1970. Les contradictions économiques engendrées favorisent la croissance d'une industrie locale de phytosanitaires, très agressive, qui oblige l'agro-chimie internationale à modifier sa stratégie de développement dans le tiers monde.

@book{bosso_pesticides_1987,
	title = {Pesticides {And} {Politics}. {The} {Life} {Cycle} of a {Public} {Issue}.},
	isbn = {9780822974437},
	abstract = {Winner of the 1988 Policy Studies Organization Book Award   Among the more dramatic changes brought by World War II was the widespread introduction of new synthetic chemical pesticides - products welcomed as technological answers to a whole host of agricultural problems. The dangers posed by these products were often ignored in the rush to get them onto the market. Federal policy primarily reflected the interests of those promoting the new technologies. The risks associated with pesticides, as yet ill-understood, continued to be played down during the 1950s, despite their sudden emergence as a public problem as a result of health scares and fish and wildlife deaths following massive pest eradication campaigns. These events, together with the publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, spawned the environmental movement of the 1960s.  Dramatic changes came in the early 1970s as environmental values permeated the institutions and dynamics of American politics. Such changes produced new priorities, and - in part - a redirection in federal policy on chemical pesticides. The National Environmental Policy Act, the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency, congressional reforms, and broad popular support opened opportunities for those seeking to alter pesticides policy. But by the mid-1980s, after more than a decade of conflict, that policy is in limbo, caught between powerful environmental, economic, and political forces.  How did this happen?  Pesticides and Politics traces the long battle over control of pesticides through an analytical framework that is at the same time historical, comparative, and theoretical. Christopher J. Bosso’s account analyzes the responses to this complex problem by commercial interests, government, the media, and the public, and shows how the issue evolved over forty years of technological and political change.  Bosso’s research leads to a number of insights about the U.S. structure of governance. It shows how the system itself determines who gains access to decision making and who is excluded, and how conflicts are redefined as the range of interests attached to them grows. Bosso concludes that for fundamental institutional reasons, as well as political ones, federal pesticides policy lies stalled and impotent in the mid-1980s.  Relying heavily on government documents, the sizable literature on environmental politics, and interviews with relevant policy actors, Pesticides and Politics will enlighten students of the public policy process, and also be useful in courses in policy making and policy analysis.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {University of Pittsburgh Press},
	author = {Bosso, Christopher J.},
	month = jun,
	year = {1987},
	note = {Google-Books-ID: 7P5UH1yYVX0C},
	keywords = {Political Science / General, Political Science / Public Policy / Environmental Policy},
}

Winner of the 1988 Policy Studies Organization Book Award Among the more dramatic changes brought by World War II was the widespread introduction of new synthetic chemical pesticides - products welcomed as technological answers to a whole host of agricultural problems. The dangers posed by these products were often ignored in the rush to get them onto the market. Federal policy primarily reflected the interests of those promoting the new technologies. The risks associated with pesticides, as yet ill-understood, continued to be played down during the 1950s, despite their sudden emergence as a public problem as a result of health scares and fish and wildlife deaths following massive pest eradication campaigns. These events, together with the publication of Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring, spawned the environmental movement of the 1960s. Dramatic changes came in the early 1970s as environmental values permeated the institutions and dynamics of American politics. Such changes produced new priorities, and - in part - a redirection in federal policy on chemical pesticides. The National Environmental Policy Act, the creation of the Environmental Protection Agency, congressional reforms, and broad popular support opened opportunities for those seeking to alter pesticides policy. But by the mid-1980s, after more than a decade of conflict, that policy is in limbo, caught between powerful environmental, economic, and political forces. How did this happen? Pesticides and Politics traces the long battle over control of pesticides through an analytical framework that is at the same time historical, comparative, and theoretical. Christopher J. Bosso’s account analyzes the responses to this complex problem by commercial interests, government, the media, and the public, and shows how the issue evolved over forty years of technological and political change. Bosso’s research leads to a number of insights about the U.S. structure of governance. It shows how the system itself determines who gains access to decision making and who is excluded, and how conflicts are redefined as the range of interests attached to them grows. Bosso concludes that for fundamental institutional reasons, as well as political ones, federal pesticides policy lies stalled and impotent in the mid-1980s. Relying heavily on government documents, the sizable literature on environmental politics, and interviews with relevant policy actors, Pesticides and Politics will enlighten students of the public policy process, and also be useful in courses in policy making and policy analysis.

@article{sheail_pesticides_1985,
	title = {Pesticides and nature conservation: the {British} experience, 1950-1975},
	shorttitle = {Pesticides and nature conservation},
	url = {https://cir.nii.ac.jp/crid/1130282272355472256},
	urldate = {2024-04-03},
	journal = {(No Title)},
	author = {Sheail, John},
	year = {1985},
}

@book{perkins_insects_1982,
	address = {New-York},
	title = {Insects, {Experts}, and the {Insecticide} {Crisis}: {The} {Quest} for {New} {Pest} {Management} {Strategies}},
	shorttitle = {Insects, {Experts}, and the {Insecticide} {Crisis}},
	abstract = {Science and technology are cultural phenomena. Expert knowledge is generated amid the conflicts of a society and in turn supplies fuel to fire yet further change and new clashes. This essay on economic entomology is a case study on how cultural events and forces affected the creation of scientific and technical knowledge. The time period emphasized is 1945 to 1980. My initial premises for selecting relevant data for the story were ultimately not of much use. Virtually all debates about insect control since 1945 have been centered around the environmental and health hazards associated with insecticides. My first but inadequate conclusion was that the center of interest lay between those who defended the chemicals and those who advocated the use of nonchemical control methods. With this formulation of the problem, I was drawn to an analysis of how the chemical manufacturers had managed to dominate and even corrupt the work of entomological scientists, farmers, members of Congress, and regulators in the USDA and EPA. My own contribu tions to a policy study at the National Academy of Sciences were based 1 on this premise. More recently, Robert van den Bosch developed the 2 "corruption theme" in considerable detail.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Plenum Press},
	author = {Perkins, John},
	year = {1982},
	keywords = {Social Science / General},
}

Science and technology are cultural phenomena. Expert knowledge is generated amid the conflicts of a society and in turn supplies fuel to fire yet further change and new clashes. This essay on economic entomology is a case study on how cultural events and forces affected the creation of scientific and technical knowledge. The time period emphasized is 1945 to 1980. My initial premises for selecting relevant data for the story were ultimately not of much use. Virtually all debates about insect control since 1945 have been centered around the environmental and health hazards associated with insecticides. My first but inadequate conclusion was that the center of interest lay between those who defended the chemicals and those who advocated the use of nonchemical control methods. With this formulation of the problem, I was drawn to an analysis of how the chemical manufacturers had managed to dominate and even corrupt the work of entomological scientists, farmers, members of Congress, and regulators in the USDA and EPA. My own contribu tions to a policy study at the National Academy of Sciences were based 1 on this premise. More recently, Robert van den Bosch developed the 2 "corruption theme" in considerable detail.

@book{weir_circle_1981,
	address = {San Francisco},
	title = {Circle of {Poison}: {Pesticides} and {People} in a {Hungry} {World}. ,},
	url = {https://journals-sagepub-com.inshs.bib.cnrs.fr/doi/10.1177/016224398100600475},
	urldate = {2024-10-16},
	publisher = {CA: Institute for Food and Development Policy},
	author = {Weir, David and Schapiro, Mark},
	year = {1981},
}

@book{whorton_before_1974,
	address = {Princeton},
	title = {Before {Silent} {Spring}: {Pesticides} and {Public} {Health} in {Pre}-{DDT} {America}},
	shorttitle = {Before {Silent} {Spring}},
	abstract = {Modern consumers are well aware that the food they eat is tainted by pesticidal residues; they are less aware that their great-grandparents faced the same hazard. James C. Whorton's history of this public health menace emphasizes that insecticides have been contaminating produce since the introduction of chemical pesticides in the 1860s.The book examines the period before the publication of Rachel Carson's famous Silent Spring, tracing the origins of the residue problem and exploring the complicated network of interest groups that formed around the issue. The author shows how economic necessities, technological limitations, and pressures on regulatory agencies have brought us to "our present dilemma of seemingly having to poison our food in order to protect it." In Part I, the agricultural and medical literature of the past century is used to analyze the emergence by 1920 of a public health danger of serious proportions. Part II draws heavily on the unpublished records of the Food and Drug Administration to document how the ineffective handling of this danger established precedents for present pesticide abuses.Originally published in 1975.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.},
	language = {en},
	publisher = {Princeton University Press},
	author = {Whorton, James C.},
	year = {1974},
	keywords = {Medical / Public Health, Science / Environmental Science, Science / Life Sciences / Botany, Technology \& Engineering / Agriculture / General},
}

Modern consumers are well aware that the food they eat is tainted by pesticidal residues; they are less aware that their great-grandparents faced the same hazard. James C. Whorton's history of this public health menace emphasizes that insecticides have been contaminating produce since the introduction of chemical pesticides in the 1860s.The book examines the period before the publication of Rachel Carson's famous Silent Spring, tracing the origins of the residue problem and exploring the complicated network of interest groups that formed around the issue. The author shows how economic necessities, technological limitations, and pressures on regulatory agencies have brought us to "our present dilemma of seemingly having to poison our food in order to protect it." In Part I, the agricultural and medical literature of the past century is used to analyze the emergence by 1920 of a public health danger of serious proportions. Part II draws heavily on the unpublished records of the Food and Drug Administration to document how the ineffective handling of this danger established precedents for present pesticide abuses.Originally published in 1975.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

@article{bonastre_chapitre_1969,
	title = {Chapitre 10. {Industries} d'amont et évolution agricole : le cas des productions végétales},
	volume = {79},
	copyright = {free},
	shorttitle = {Chapitre 10. {Industries} d'amont et évolution agricole},
	url = {https://www.persee.fr/doc/ecoru_0013-0559_1969_num_79_1_2043},
	doi = {10.3406/ecoru.1969.2043},
	language = {fre},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
	journal = {Économie rurale},
	author = {Bonastre, J.-B.},
	year = {1969},
	note = {Publisher: Persée - Portail des revues scientifiques en SHS},
	pages = {157--167},
}

@incollection{celerier_exploitants_225,
	address = {Paris},
	title = {Les exploitants agricoles face aux risques des pesticides},
	url = {https://www.eyrolles.com/Entreprise/Livre/le-travail-independant-9782371480254/},
	abstract = {Les quelque 2,6 millions d'indépendants français sont aussi bien artisans, commerçants, exploitants agricoles, médecins qu'auto-entrepreneurs. Mais la frontière entre travail indépendant et travail salarié devient de plus en plus...},
	language = {fr},
	urldate = {2023-01-25},
	booktitle = {Le travail indépendant},
	publisher = {Editions Liaisons},
	author = {Jouzel, Jean-Noel and Prete, Giovanni},
	editor = {Célerier, Sylvie},
	year = {225},
}

Les quelque 2,6 millions d'indépendants français sont aussi bien artisans, commerçants, exploitants agricoles, médecins qu'auto-entrepreneurs. Mais la frontière entre travail indépendant et travail salarié devient de plus en plus...

@book{noauthor_insects_nodate,
	title = {Insects, {Experts}, and the {Insecticide} {Crisis}},
	url = {https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-1-4684-3998-4},
	language = {en},
	urldate = {2022-07-06},
}

@article{grimonprez_pesticides_nodate,
	title = {Pesticides: les enfants empoisonnés, les viticulteurs condamnés},
	language = {fr},
	author = {Grimonprez, Benoît and Terryn, Fabienne},
}