Processing doubly quantified sentences: Evidence from eye movements. Filik, R., Paterson, K. B, & Liversedge, S. P Psychon Bull Rev, 11(5):953-9, 2004. abstract bibtex We investigated the processing of doubly quantified sentences, such as KeUy showed a photo to every critic, that are ambiguous as to whether the indefinite (a photo) specifies single or multiple referents. Ambiguity resolution requires the computation of relative quantifier scope: Whether a or every takes wide scope, thereby determining how many entities or events are to be represented. In an eye-tracking experiment, we manipulated quantifier order and whether continuations were singular or plural, for constructions with the direct or the indirect object occurring first. We obtained effects consistent with the on-line processing of relative scope at the doubly quantified phrase and considered two possible explanations for a preference for singular continuations to the quantified sentence. We conclude that relative quantifier scope is computed on line during reading but may not be a prerequisite for the resolution of definite anaphors, unless required by secondary tasks.
@Article{Filik2004,
author = {Ruth Filik and Kevin B Paterson and Simon P Liversedge},
journal = {Psychon Bull Rev},
title = {Processing doubly quantified sentences: {E}vidence from eye movements.},
year = {2004},
number = {5},
pages = {953-9},
volume = {11},
abstract = {We investigated the processing of doubly quantified sentences, such
as KeUy showed a photo to every critic, that are ambiguous as to
whether the indefinite (a photo) specifies single or multiple referents.
Ambiguity resolution requires the computation of relative quantifier
scope: Whether a or every takes wide scope, thereby determining how
many entities or events are to be represented. In an eye-tracking
experiment, we manipulated quantifier order and whether continuations
were singular or plural, for constructions with the direct or the
indirect object occurring first. We obtained effects consistent with
the on-line processing of relative scope at the doubly quantified
phrase and considered two possible explanations for a preference
for singular continuations to the quantified sentence. We conclude
that relative quantifier scope is computed on line during reading
but may not be a prerequisite for the resolution of definite anaphors,
unless required by secondary tasks.},
keywords = {Eye Movements, Head, Humans, Linguistics, Mental Processes, Movement, Non-U.S. Gov't, Reading, Research Support, 15732709},
}
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