Alternatives to the Iambic-Trochaic Law. Kager, R. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory, 11(3):381–432, 1993.
Paper abstract bibtex This article seeks to develop alternatives to recent theories (Hayes 1985, 1987, 1991; McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990; Prince 1991) that explain quantitative asymmetries between iambic and trochaic systems on the basis of a rhythmic iambic-trochaic law. The theory proposed here derives such asymmetries from two different rhythmic factors: moraic prominence-relations internal to heavy syllables, and avoidance of clash and lapse in sequences of moras. Firstly, it argues for a distinction between parsing feet and surface feet. Parsing feet draw from a symmetric foot inventory, based on two parameters: stressable element (mora vs. syllable), and headedness (iambic vs. trochaic). That is, the basic foot inventory is no longer governed by the iambic-trochaic law. Secondly, parsing feet are mapped into surface feet by rules that impose quantitative changes, or by stray adjunction, induced by strict prosodic layering. Thirdly, a rhythmic sub-theory defines filters that rule out clashes and lapses in sequences of moras or syllables, depending on the type of stressable element. It explains iambic-trochaic asymmetries with respect to lengthening and shortening, and an asymmetry with respect to directionality of iambic parsing. Evidence will be presented from Tübatulabal, ${m̊ Yidin}^{{m̊ y}}$ , Araucanian, Chugach Alutiiq Yupik, Cayuga, Latin, and English.
@Article{Kager1993,
author = {Kager, Ren\'e},
title = {Alternatives to the Iambic-Trochaic Law},
journal = {Natural Language \& Linguistic Theory},
year = {1993},
volume = {11},
number = {3},
pages = {381--432},
abstract = {This article seeks to develop alternatives to recent theories (Hayes
1985, 1987, 1991; McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1990; Prince 1991) that
explain quantitative asymmetries between iambic and trochaic systems
on the basis of a rhythmic iambic-trochaic law. The theory proposed
here derives such asymmetries from two different rhythmic factors:
moraic prominence-relations internal to heavy syllables, and avoidance
of clash and lapse in sequences of moras. Firstly, it argues for
a distinction between parsing feet and surface feet. Parsing feet
draw from a symmetric foot inventory, based on two parameters: stressable
element (mora vs. syllable), and headedness (iambic vs. trochaic).
That is, the basic foot inventory is no longer governed by the iambic-trochaic
law. Secondly, parsing feet are mapped into surface feet by rules
that impose quantitative changes, or by stray adjunction, induced
by strict prosodic layering. Thirdly, a rhythmic sub-theory defines
filters that rule out clashes and lapses in sequences of moras or
syllables, depending on the type of stressable element. It explains
iambic-trochaic asymmetries with respect to lengthening and shortening,
and an asymmetry with respect to directionality of iambic parsing.
Evidence will be presented from T\"ubatulabal, ${\rm Yidin}^{{\rm y}}$
, Araucanian, Chugach Alutiiq Yupik, Cayuga, Latin, and English.},
url = {http://www.jstor.org/stable/4047745},
}
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