Hierarchical order and local contexts. Romoli, J. & Mandelkern, M. In 2017. Sinn und Bedeutung 21, Edinburgh. ![Hierarchical order and local contexts [pdf]](https://bibbase.org/img/filetypes/pdf.svg "pdf")
Paper abstract bibtex 3 downloads We use antecedent-final conditionals to formulate a challenge to parsing-based theories of local contexts, and associated theories of presupposition projection and triviality, like the one given in Schlenker 2009. We show that a theory like Schlenker's predicts that the local context for the antecedent of an antecedent-final conditional will entail the negation of the conditional's consequent. It thus predicts that presuppositions triggered in the antecedent of antecedent-final conditionals will be filtered if the negation of the consequent entails the presupposition. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he regrets being in France intuitively presupposes that John is in France, contrary to this prediction. Likewise, parsing-based approaches to triviality predict that material entailed by the negation of the consequent will be felt to be redundant in the antecedent of the conditional. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he's in France and Mary is with him is intuitively felicitous, contrary to this prediction. Importantly, given that the material in question appears in sentence-final position in antecedent-final conditionals, both incremental (left-to-right) and symmetric versions of parsing-based theories of local contexts make the same problematic predictions here. In Mandelkern and Romoli 2017, we discuss one solution to this problem, given within a broadly parsing-based pragmatic approach. In this paper, we explore an alternate direction: incorporating attention to hierarchical structure into the calculation of local contexts. We sketch several possible implementations and point to some of the possibilities and challenges for a hierarchical approach to local contexts.
@inproceedings{Romoli-Mandelkern:2017,
abstract = {We use antecedent-final conditionals to formulate a challenge to parsing-based theories of local contexts, and associated theories of presupposition projection and triviality, like
the one given in Schlenker 2009. We show that a theory like Schlenker's predicts that the local context for the antecedent of an antecedent-final conditional will entail the negation of the
conditional's consequent. It thus predicts that presuppositions triggered in the antecedent of
antecedent-final conditionals will be filtered if the negation of the consequent entails the presupposition. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he regrets being in France intuitively presupposes that John is in France, contrary to this prediction. Likewise, parsing-based approaches
to triviality predict that material entailed by the negation of the consequent will be felt to be
redundant in the antecedent of the conditional. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he's in
France and Mary is with him is intuitively felicitous, contrary to this prediction. Importantly,
given that the material in question appears in sentence-final position in antecedent-final conditionals, both incremental (left-to-right) and symmetric versions of parsing-based theories of
local contexts make the same problematic predictions here. In Mandelkern and Romoli 2017,
we discuss one solution to this problem, given within a broadly parsing-based pragmatic approach. In this paper, we explore an alternate direction: incorporating attention to hierarchical
structure into the calculation of local contexts. We sketch several possible implementations and
point to some of the possibilities and challenges for a hierarchical approach to local contexts.},
author = {Romoli, Jacopo and Mandelkern, Matthew},
date-added = {2020-06-30 23:53:08 +0100},
date-modified = {2020-07-25 13:25:46 +0200},
editor = {Sinn und Bedeutung 21, Edinburgh},
publisher = {Sinn und Bedeutung 21, Edinburgh},
title = {Hierarchical order and local contexts},
url = {https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/DRjNjViN/RomoliMandelkern.pdf},
year = {2017},
bdsk-url-1 = {https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/DRjNjViN/RomoliMandelkern.pdf}}
Downloads: 3
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We show that a theory like Schlenker's predicts that the local context for the antecedent of an antecedent-final conditional will entail the negation of the conditional's consequent. It thus predicts that presuppositions triggered in the antecedent of antecedent-final conditionals will be filtered if the negation of the consequent entails the presupposition. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he regrets being in France intuitively presupposes that John is in France, contrary to this prediction. Likewise, parsing-based approaches to triviality predict that material entailed by the negation of the consequent will be felt to be redundant in the antecedent of the conditional. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he's in France and Mary is with him is intuitively felicitous, contrary to this prediction. Importantly, given that the material in question appears in sentence-final position in antecedent-final conditionals, both incremental (left-to-right) and symmetric versions of parsing-based theories of local contexts make the same problematic predictions here. In Mandelkern and Romoli 2017, we discuss one solution to this problem, given within a broadly parsing-based pragmatic approach. In this paper, we explore an alternate direction: incorporating attention to hierarchical structure into the calculation of local contexts. 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We show that a theory like Schlenker's predicts that the local context for the antecedent of an antecedent-final conditional will entail the negation of the\nconditional's consequent. It thus predicts that presuppositions triggered in the antecedent of\nantecedent-final conditionals will be filtered if the negation of the consequent entails the presupposition. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he regrets being in France intuitively presupposes that John is in France, contrary to this prediction. Likewise, parsing-based approaches\nto triviality predict that material entailed by the negation of the consequent will be felt to be\nredundant in the antecedent of the conditional. But this is wrong: John isn't in Paris, if he's in\nFrance and Mary is with him is intuitively felicitous, contrary to this prediction. 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